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2021.06.26 國際新聞導讀-阿富汗總統加尼訪問美國白宮、土耳其計畫留在阿富汗管理機場、以色列婚姻制度有改變契機
2021.06.26 國際新聞導讀-阿富汗總統加尼訪問美國白宮、土耳其計畫留在阿富汗管理機場、以色列婚姻制度有改變契機
拜登在美軍撤離時會見阿富汗領導人，戰鬥激烈
美國總統喬拜登週五會見了阿富汗總統和他的前政治敵人，討論華盛頓對阿富汗的支持，因為最後一批美軍在 20 年後收緊。
2021 年 6 月 25 日 18:46
美國總統喬拜登週五會見阿富汗總統阿什拉夫加尼和他的前政治敵人阿卜杜拉阿卜杜拉，討論華盛頓對阿富汗的支持，因為在經過 20 年的戰爭和政府軍努力擊退塔利班的進展後，最後一批美軍正在收緊。
橢圓形辦公室會議對加尼的象徵意義可能與美國的任何新幫助一樣有價值，因為它將被視為肯定拜登對這位陷入困境的阿富汗領導人的支持，因為他面對塔利班的得益、爆炸和暗殺以及 COVID-19 案件激增以及喀布爾的政治內訌。
前美國駐喀布爾大使羅納德·諾伊曼說：“在士氣非常低迷、事情正在走下坡路的時候，任何能幫助提振士氣和支持政府的事情都是值得的。” “邀請加尼來到這裡是一個非常強烈的跡象，表明我們支持他。”
然而，拜登的擁抱是在美國官員向加尼施壓，要求加尼根據一項政治協議草案讓位過渡政府之後幾個月才接受拜登的，他們為打破和平談判的僵局而採取了失敗的策略。
白宮副新聞秘書卡琳讓-皮埃爾說，拜登作為總統與加尼和民族和解高級委員會主席阿卜杜拉的首次會晤將側重於“我們對阿富汗人民的持續承諾”和安全部隊。
拜登已要求國會明年批准向阿富汗提供 33 億美元的安全援助，並將向那裡發送 300 萬劑疫苗以幫助其對抗COVID-19。
讓-皮埃爾說，拜登將敦促阿富汗上兩次總統選舉的敵人加尼和阿卜杜拉“團結一致”，他將重申美國支持通過談判達成和平協議。
然而，美國官員已經明確表示，拜登不會阻止美國撤軍——可能會在 7 月底或 8 月初完成——而且他不太可能批准美國對喀布爾的任何軍事支持，以阻止塔利班在建議、情報、和飛機維修。
在前往白宮之前，加尼週五在國會山舉行了第二天的會議，拜登的退出決定遭到了雙方許多成員的反對。
美國眾議院議長南希佩洛西歡迎加尼參加兩黨領導人會議，並表示她期待聽到關於美國人道主義援助可以做些什麼，特別是對婦女和女孩的援助。許多立法者和專家深表擔憂，塔利班——如果重新掌權——將逆轉在婦女和女孩權利方面取得的進展，她們在 1996-2001 年叛亂分子統治期間受到嚴厲鎮壓並被禁止接受教育和工作。
對基地組織的擔憂
加尼-阿卜杜拉的訪問伴隨著和平進程陷入停滯，暴力活動肆虐，因為阿富汗安全部隊正在努力阻止塔利班春季攻勢，該攻勢威脅到幾個省會城市，並引發了民族民兵的動員，以增援政府軍。
美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯週五訪問巴黎時表示，華盛頓“非常認真地”審視塔利班是否“認真對待和平解決衝突”。
這場危機加劇了人們對塔利班可能重新掌權的嚴重擔憂——在美國領導的入侵結束了他們嚴酷的伊斯蘭統治二十年後——讓基地組織重新抬頭。美國和聯合國官員表示，極端分子與塔利班保持密切聯繫。
“五角大樓和情報界表示，基地組織很可能會捲土重來。我們的士兵和軍隊很可能不得不返回阿富汗，”美國前陸軍代表邁克沃爾茲說曾在阿富汗指揮美國特種部隊。
美國官員回應說，美國將能夠發現並挫敗基地組織或其他伊斯蘭主義者的任何新威脅。塔利班堅稱基地組織不再在阿富汗。
熟悉美國情報報告的美國政府消息人士稱，情況十分嚴峻。他們說，加尼已被敦促採取更多措施，在美國領導的聯軍仍然存在的情況下加大對叛亂分子的壓力。
承諾結束美國“永远战爭”的拜登在 4 月宣布，所有美軍將在 2001 年 9 月 11 日基地組織襲擊美國的周年紀念日之前撤出阿富汗。
儘管美國與塔利班在前總統唐納德特朗普的領導下達成的 2020 年協議將 5 月 1 日定為美國撤軍的最後期限，但他還是做出了決定
Biden meets Afghan leaders as US troops leave, fighting rages
US President Joe Biden met with Afghan President and his former political foe on Friday to discuss Washington's support for Afghanistan as the last US troops pack up after 20 years.
By REUTERS
JUNE 25, 2021 18:46
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden speaks inside the Oval Office at the White House, last Tuesday.
(photo credit: TOM BRENNER/REUTERS)
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US President Joe Biden meets Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and his former political foe, Abdullah Abdullah, on Friday to discuss Washington's support for Afghanistan as the last US troops pack up after 20 years of war and government forces struggle to repel Taliban advances.
The Oval Office meeting may be as valuable to Ghani for its symbolism as for any new US help because it will be seen as affirming Biden's support for the beleaguered Afghan leader as he confronts Taliban gains, bombings and assassinations, a surge in COVID-19 cases and political infighting in Kabul.
"At a time when morale is incredibly shaky and things are going downhill, anything one can do to help shore up morale and shore up the government is worth doing," said Ronald Neumann, a former US ambassador to Kabul. "Inviting Ghani here is a pretty strong sign that we’re backing him."
Biden's embrace, however, comes only months after US officials were pressuring Ghani to step aside for a transitional government under a draft political accord that they floated in a failed gambit to break a stalemate in peace talks.
Biden's first meeting as president with Ghani and Abdullah, chairman of the High Council for National Reconciliation, will focus on "our ongoing commitment to the Afghan people" and security forces, said White House deputy press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre.
Biden has asked Congress to approve $3.3 billion in security assistance for Afghanistan next year and is sending 3 million doses of vaccines there to help it battle COVID-19.
Biden will urge Ghani and Abdullah, foes in Afghanistan's two last presidential elections, "to be a united front" and he will reaffirm US support for a negotiated peace deal, Jean-Pierre said.
US officials, however, have been clear that Biden will not halt the American pullout – likely to be completed by late July or early August – and he is unlikely to approve any US military support to Kabul to halt the Taliban's advances beyond advice, intelligence, and aircraft maintenance.
Before heading to the White House, Ghani held a second day of meetings on Friday on Capitol Hill, where Biden's withdrawal decision met objections from many members of both parties.
US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi, welcoming Ghani to a bipartisan leadership meeting, said she looked forward to hearing about what more can be done with US humanitarian aid, especially for women and girls. Many lawmakers and experts have expressed deep concerns that the Taliban - if returned to power - will reverse progress made on the rights of women and girls, who were harshly repressed and barred from education and work during the insurgents' 1996-2001 rule.
WORRIES ABOUT AL QAEDA
The Ghani-Abdullah visit comes with the peace process stalled and violence raging as Afghan security forces fight to stem a Taliban spring offensive that threatens several provincial capitals and has triggered mobilizations of ethnic militias to reinforce government troops.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, speaking during a visit on Friday to Paris, said Washington is "looking very hard" at whether the Taliban are "serious about a peaceful resolution to the conflict."
The crisis has fueled grave concerns that the Taliban could regain power - two decades after the US-led invasion ended their harsh version of Islamist rule – allowing a resurgence of al Qaeda. US and U.N. officials say the extremists maintain close links with the Taliban.
"The Pentagon and the intelligence community are saying it is very likely that al Qaeda will come roaring back. It is very likely that our soldiers and our troops may have to go back into Afghanistan," said US Representative Mike Waltz, a former Army officer who commanded US Special Forces in Afghanistan.
US officials respond that the United States will be able to detect and thwart any new threats by al Qaeda or other Islamists. The Taliban insist al Qaeda is no longer in Afghanistan.
US government sources familiar with US intelligence reporting describe the situation as dire. Ghani, they said, has been urged to do more to step up pressure on the insurgents while US-led coalition forces are still there.
Biden, who pledged to end America's "forever wars," announced in April that all US forces would be out of Afghanistan by the anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks by al Qaeda on the United States.
He made the decision even though a 2020 US-Taliban deal forged under former President Donald Trump set May 1 as the US pullout deadline
土耳其不會派遣更多軍隊管理喀布爾機場：國防部長
每日沙巴
伊斯坦布爾 外交
2021 年 6 月 23 日 晚上 7:42 格林威治標準時間+3
2018 年 5 月 8 日，人們抵達阿富汗喀布爾哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場的國內航站樓。（法新社照片）
土耳其國防部長胡魯西·阿卡爾週四表示，如果必要條件得到滿足，土耳其可能會在阿富汗的喀布爾哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場運行和守衛，並補充說不會向那裡派遣額外人員。
阿卡爾在首都安卡拉舉行的儀式上說，美國代表團於週四早些時候來到該部，討論在以美國為首的北約軍隊撤離後喀布爾機場的未來。
“目前還沒有做出任何決定。除了我們現有的人員外，我們沒有任何人員前往該地區，”他說。
阿卡爾將阿富汗描述為“亞洲的心臟”和至關重要的國家，他說土耳其和阿富汗之間有著根深蒂固的歷史和文化聯繫。
他強調今年是土阿建交 100 週年，他說：“正如 1921 年土阿同盟協議所述，‘兩國的命運和幸福屬於彼此。’” 因此，土耳其為確保我們的阿富汗兄弟和平、安全和穩定地生活做出了巨大努力，我們將繼續這樣做。”
阿卡爾強調，土耳其自 2002 年首次派駐國際安全援助部隊以來，在聯合國決議框架內為國際安全援助部隊做出了貢獻，並自 2015 年以來為北約堅決支持任務做出了貢獻，並表示土耳其在這方面取得的成就受到各方高度讚賞。
“如果必要條件得到滿足，我們將繼續承擔運營哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場的責任，這是我們過去六年一直在做的事情，”阿卡爾補充說：“關於此事的討論仍在繼續。目前還沒有做出任何決定。”
“我們希望為我們國家和阿富汗的利益取得最好的結果。這就是我們正在努力的目標。我們的目標是繼續為我們阿富汗兄弟的安全、和平與福祉而努力。”
2021 年 6 月 24 日，土耳其國防部長葫蘆絲·阿卡爾在土耳其首都安卡拉的 Etimesgut 第三航空維修廠舉行的儀式上發表講話。（AA 照片）
阿卡爾週三還表示，在美國和北約撤出阿富汗後，土耳其不會向阿富汗增派軍隊，作為運行和保護喀布爾機場計劃的一部分。
阿卡爾在議會對記者說，土耳其在阿富汗有軍事存在，在北約堅決支持任務下工作六年，保衛機場六年，並補充說該計劃的細節仍在討論中。
“目前，我們已經在那裡派駐人員，我們現在不可能以任何方式向那裡派遣任何士兵，”阿卡爾說，他指的是大約 500 名土耳其士兵參加北約任務。
“當這些努力在未來一段時間內完成時，將採取必要措施，並將成為一項計劃，”他說，並補充說這個問題將與美國駐安卡拉代表團討論。
在美國總統喬拜登宣布所有美國軍隊將在 9 月 11 日之前從這個飽受戰爭蹂躪的國家撤出後，最近幾週阿富汗局勢變得越來越重要，北約盟國也將效仿。
土耳其在阿富汗的部隊一直由非戰鬥部隊組成，在北約撤軍後，土耳其主動提出看守和運營哈米德卡爾扎伊機場，並一直與美國就該任務的後勤和財政支持進行談判，因為安全問題仍然存在將確保沿主要運輸路線和機場，這是通往首都喀布爾的主要門戶。
土耳其與其北約盟國之間的關係因一系列問題而變得緊張，從安卡拉購買俄羅斯防禦設施到敘利亞、利比亞和東地中海的政策分歧。
在關係緊張的情況下，該任務可能成為安卡拉與其盟友之間潛在合作的領域，因為機場的安全對於撤出阿富汗後外交使團的運作至關重要。安卡拉表示，如果沒有支持，它就無法執行任務。
上週，美國國家安全顧問傑克沙利文表示，拜登和埃爾多安在上周北約峰會的一次會議上同意，在北約退出後，土耳其將在確保喀布爾機場安全方面發揮主導作用。
埃爾多安在會後表示，土耳其正在尋求美國的“外交、後勤和財政援助”來保護和運營機場。他說，土耳其還希望巴基斯坦和匈牙利參與這項任務。
塔利班發言人本月表示，根據 2020 年美軍撤出協議，土耳其應從阿富汗撤軍，但華盛頓和安卡拉表示，這些計劃將繼續推進。
Turkey won't send more troops to run Kabul airport: Defense chief
BY DAILY SABAH
ISTANBUL DIPLOMACY
JUN 23, 2021 7:42 PM GMT+3
People arrive at the domestic terminal of the Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan, May 8, 2018. (AFP Photo)
Turkey will likely run and guard Kabul Hamid Karzai International Airport in Afghanistan if the necessary conditions are met, Defense Minister Hulusi Akar said Thursday, adding that no additional personnel is to be sent there.
Speaking at a ceremony in the capital Ankara, Akar said that a delegation from the United States came to the ministry early Thursday and talks about the future of Kabul airport after the withdrawal of U.S.-led NATO troops have been launched.
"No decision has been taken as of now. Apart from our current personnel, we do not have any personnel going to the region," he said.
Describing Afghanistan as "the heart of Asia" and a country of critical importance, Akar said that there are deep-rooted historical and cultural ties between Turkey and Afghanistan.
Highlighting that it is the 100th anniversary of Turkish-Afghan diplomatic relations, he said: "As stated in the Turkish-Afghan alliance agreement of 1921, 'the fate and happiness of the two countries belong to each other.' Therefore, Turkey has made great efforts to ensure that our Afghan brothers live in peace, security and stability, and we will continue to do so."
Underlining that Turkey has contributed to the International Security Assistance Force since its first assignment in 2002 and to NATO's Resolute Support Mission since 2015 within the framework of U.N. resolutions, Akar said that Turkey's achievements in this regard are highly appreciated by all.
“We will continue to take on the responsibility of operating the Hamid Karzai International Airport, which we have been doing for the past six years, if the necessary conditions are met,” Akar said adding that: “Discussions on this matter are continuing. No decisions have been reached for now.”
“We want to achieve the best result for the interests of our country and for those of Afghanistan. That’s what we are working for. Our aim is to continue working for the security, peace and welfare of our Afghan brothers.”
Defense Minister Hulusi Akar speaks at a ceremony held at the Etimesgut 3rd Air Maintenance Factory in the capital Ankara, Turkey, June 24, 2021. (AA Photo)
Akar on Wednesday also said that Turkey will not send additional troops to Afghanistan as part of the plan to run and secure Kabul's airport following the U.S. and NATO pullout from the country.
Speaking to reporters in Parliament, Akar said Turkey had a military presence in Afghanistan working under NATO's Resolute Support Mission to guard the airport for six years, adding that details of the plan were still being discussed.
"At the moment, we already have a presence there and it is out of the question for us to send any soldiers there in any way now," Akar said, referring to some 500 Turkish troops taking part in the NATO mission.
"When these efforts are concluded in the coming period, the necessary measures will be taken and it will become a plan," he said, adding the issue would be discussed with the U.S. delegation in Ankara.
The situation in Afghanistan has gained importance in recent weeks after U.S. President Joe Biden announced that all American forces will withdraw from the war-torn country by Sept. 11, with NATO allies to follow suit.
Turkey, whose forces in Afghanistan have always been comprised of noncombatant troops, has offered to guard and run Hamid Karzai airport after NATO's withdrawal and has been holding talks with the United States on logistic and financial support for the mission, as questions remain on how security will be assured along major transport routes and at the airport, which is the main gateway to the capital, Kabul.
Ties between Turkey and its NATO allies have been strained over a host of issues, ranging from Ankara's purchase of Russian defenses to policy differences in Syria, Libya and the Eastern Mediterranean.
The mission could be a potential area of cooperation between Ankara and its allies amid strained ties, as the security of the airport is crucial for the operation of diplomatic missions out of Afghanistan after the withdrawal. Ankara has said it cannot carry out the mission without support.
Last week, U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said Biden and Erdoğan agreed in a meeting at last week's NATO summit that Turkey would play a lead role in securing Kabul airport after the NATO withdrawal.
Erdoğan said after the meeting that Turkey was looking for “diplomatic, logistic and financial assistance” from the United States to protect and operate the airport. Turkey also wanted Pakistan and Hungary to be involved in the mission, he said.
A Taliban spokesperson said this month Turkey should withdraw its troops from Afghanistan under the 2020 deal for the pullout of U.S. forces, but Washington and Ankara have said the plans will press on.
出於安全考慮，土耳其對喀布爾機場的收購存疑-報告
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· 2021 年 6 月 25 日 11:25 格林威治標準時間+3
· 最後更新時間： 2021年6 月 25 日 11:27 Gmt+3
據彭博社週五報導，土耳其在喀布爾國際機場承擔安全保障的協議的細節尚未敲定，這使得該提議在美國計劃從阿富汗撤軍之前受到質疑。
隨著美國軍隊準備在 9 月前離開阿富汗，確保哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場的未來成為外國外交官和組織的重要入口。
土耳其軍隊目前在北約領導的堅決支持任務下負責該機場，安卡拉表示，如果得到國際支持，它願意保持這種存在。
本月早些時候，土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安在布魯塞爾舉行的北約峰會期間與美國總統喬·拜登討論了這個問題，之後美國國家安全顧問傑克·沙利文表示已達成協議，但沒有提供更多細節。
然而，彭博社表示，在沒有美國持續空中支援的情況下，土耳其部署的可行性仍然存在疑問。
安卡拉經濟政策研究基金會的戰略家 Nihat Ali Özcan 告訴新聞媒體：“除非塔利班和土耳其達成協議，臨時運營喀布爾機場，否則由於巨大的安全風險，這是不可能完成的任務。”
“問題是誰來阻止塔利班從遠處向跑道發射迫擊砲彈或火箭彈？” 他說。
在 2001 年美國入侵阿富汗之前控制阿富汗的武裝運動塔利班呼籲土耳其軍隊跟隨北約撤出該國。
布隆伯格表示，土耳其官員私下承認存在安全問題，並將在本週會見美國軍方人士，以推動提供具體的支持保證。
土耳其提出留在阿富汗的提議正值它尋求在拜登領導下重組與美國的關係之際。
這兩個北約盟國在一系列問題上仍存在分歧，包括土耳其決定購買俄羅斯製造的 S-400 導彈，導緻美國製裁。
斯德哥爾摩大學土耳其研究所教授珍妮·懷特 (Jenny White) 告訴彭博社：“保護機場是一種在不放棄太多的情況下做好事的方式。”
Turkey’s takeover of Kabul airport in doubt amid security concerns - report
·
· Jun 25 2021 11:25 Gmt+3
· Last Updated On: Jun 25 2021 11:27 Gmt+3
The details of a deal for Turkey to assume security at Kabul’s international airport have yet to be finalised, putting the proposal in doubt ahead of the planned U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, Bloomberg reported on Friday.
Securing the future of Hamid Karzai International airport, a crucial access point for foreign diplomats and organisations, is seen as a key priority as U.S. troops prepare to leave Afghanistan by September.
Turkish forces are currently responsible for the airport under the NATO-led Resolute Support Mission, and Ankara has indicated it would be willing to maintain this presence if given international support.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan discussed the issue with his U.S. counterpart Joe Biden at the sidelines of the NATO summit in Brussels earlier this month, after which U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan said an agreement had been reached without providing further details.
However, Bloomberg said questions remained over the viability of the Turkish deployment without continued U.S. air support.
“Unless there is an agreement between the Taliban and Turkey to temporarily operate the Kabul airport, it is mission impossible due to colossal security risks,” Nihat Ali Özcan, a strategist at the Economic Policy Research Foundation in Ankara, told the news outlet.
“The question is who will prevent the Taliban from firing mortar rounds or rockets at the runway from afar?” he said.
The Taliban, the armed movement which controlled Afghanistan prior to the 2001 U.S. invasion, has called on Turkish troops to follow NATO in withdrawing from the country.
Turkish officials privately acknowledge the security concerns and will meet U.S. military figures this week to push for concrete guarantees of support, Bloomberg said.
Turkey’s offer to remain in Afghanistan comes as it seeks to restructure its relations with the United States under Biden.
The two NATO allies remain at loggerheads over a range of issues, including Turkey’s decision to purchase Russian-made S-400 missiles, resulting in U.S. sanctions.
“Safeguarding the airport is a way of making nice without giving too much up,” Jenny White, professor at Stockholm University’s Institute for Turkish Studies, told Bloomberg.
美國準備好取消對戈蘭主權的承認了嗎？
以色列從一開始就明確表示無意從該領土撤出。
作者：托瓦·拉扎羅夫
2021 年 6 月 25 日 20:29
僅在華盛頓自由燈塔上發表了一篇關於拜登政府取消美國承認戈蘭高地的潛在意圖的推測性報導，以色列媒體就宣布了這一事實。
陸軍電台和第 12 頻道都登上了 Beacon 文章的頭條新聞，該文章的標題是“拜登行政當局收回美國承認戈蘭高地為以色列領土”。
燈塔副標題宣稱，“國務院推遲簽署特朗普行政外交政策決定。”
在文章本身中，燈塔解釋說，當“華盛頓自由燈塔對這個問題施加壓力時，一位國務院官員表示，這片領土不屬於任何人，控制權可能會隨著該地區不斷變化的動態而改變。”
但這句話沒有用引號引起來，而是對與一位不願透露姓名的國務院官員談話的轉述。Beacon 在文章中的任何地方都沒有用支持該斷言的文檔或引用（甚至是匿名引用）來限定其斷言。
如果有的話，這篇文章所依據的國務院引述似乎表明，美國總統喬拜登現階段對取消特朗普政府 2018 年承認以色列對戈蘭高地的主權不感興趣，特別是考慮到長期的內戰在敘利亞。
“國務卿很清楚，作為一個實際問題，戈蘭高地對以色列的安全非常重要，”一位國務院官員告訴自由燈塔。“只要[巴沙爾·阿薩德]在敘利亞掌權，只要伊朗在敘利亞存在，伊朗支持的民兵組織，阿薩德政權本身——所有這些都對以色列構成重大安全威脅，並作為一個實際上，對戈蘭的控制對以色列的安全仍然具有真正的重要性。”
一位外交消息人士說：“戈蘭高地問題在與美國人的對話中根本沒有提到。
“不用說，戈蘭高地將永遠處於以色列的主權之下，”消息人士說。
美國直接拒絕了燈塔報告。
“美國關於戈蘭的政策沒有改變，相反的報導是錯誤的，”國務院週五在其近東事務賬戶下發推文。
那麼，為什麼美國支持以色列在戈蘭高地的安全利益的聲明會如此迅速地成為以色列關於拜登政府計劃如何撤回對以色列在戈蘭主權的支持的故事。
答案分為三個部分。第一個談到山脈對以色列的戰略意義，以色列在 1967 年六日戰爭期間從敘利亞手中奪取了領土，並於 1981 年吞併了它。
以色列從一開始就明確表示無意從該領土撤出，儘管有一些舉措將其與與以色列的和平協議聯繫起來。
如果沒有這樣的協議，而且目前似乎也沒有這樣的協議，戈蘭高地仍然是以色列防禦敘利亞的重要組成部分，在過去十年中，敘利亞發生了危險的內戰。
敘利亞也是以色列與伊朗交戰的重要地區之一，以色列拒絕了伊朗企圖在以色列邊境站穩腳跟的企圖。
在以色列撤軍之後，伊朗在俯瞰以色列的戈蘭高地可能有軍事存在，這對這個猶太國家構成了生存威脅。
其次，國際社會拒絕承認以色列在戈蘭高地的主權，加劇了戈蘭高地的不安全感，許多國家甚至拒絕承認當前的軍事現實對以色列撤軍的任何可能性提出了務實的挑戰。在聯合國，各國每年都會通過多項決議，呼籲以色列從戈蘭撤出。
最後，拜登政府引發了戈蘭的不安全感。從它闡明其外交政策的第一刻起，它就談到支持以色列此時保留戈蘭，但沒有承諾承認主權。
早在二月份，美國國務卿安東尼· 布林肯就 告訴美國有線電視新聞網，“實際上，我認為在這種情況下控制戈蘭對以色列的安全仍然非常重要。”
他繼續說道，“法律問題是另外一回事，隨著時間的推移，如果敘利亞的局勢發生變化，我們會考慮這一點，但我們還遠遠沒有達到這一點。”
4 月，國務院發言人 Ned Price 告訴記者，現有政策沒有變化。
在 拜登政府的無能質押主權識別有關美國國會議員誰相信戈蘭應該是以色列的永久邊界之內。
上個月，眾議員 Mike Gallagher（R-Texas）和參議員 Ted Cruz（R-Texas）推出了以色列主權再保證法案 (ISRA)，旨在讓美國承認戈蘭高地是以色列國的一部分。
加拉格爾當時說：“戈蘭高地為以色列提供了防禦性邊界，是以色列與敘利亞混亂之間的關鍵緩沖地帶。在以色列——我們在中東最重要的盟友——確實受到攻擊的時候，我們應該竭盡全力確保他們能夠自衛。
“確保我們繼續承認他們對戈蘭高地的主權是我們這樣做的最基本方式，”他補充說。
就在上週，眾議院外交事務委員會的成員上週還試圖就此事向美國駐聯合國大使琳達·托馬斯-弗里德曼施壓。
“這是政府仍在努力解決的問題，”托馬斯-格林菲爾德說。然而，她澄清說，“我們沒有改變前任政府的任何決定”，而且這個問題目前不在議程上。
對於那些有長遠眼光的人來說，她的回答很難讓人放心。週五的頭條新聞可能為時過早。
但是對於那些在戈蘭上為以色列主權而戰的人來說，他們在未來的時間裡發出警告，這樣的標題可能確實成為當天的新聞。
Is the US ready to rescind Golan sovereignty recognition?
Israel has been clear from the start that it has no intention of withdrawing from that territory.
By TOVAH LAZAROFF
JUNE 25, 2021 20:29
View of Mount Hermon covered with snow as it seen from the northern Golan Heights, near the border with Syria, January 20, 2021.
(photo credit: MAOR KINSBURSKY/FLASH90)
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It took only one speculative report in the Washington Free Beacon about the potential intention of the Biden administration to rescind US recognition of the Golan Heights for the Israeli media to announced it as a fact.
Both Army Radio and Channel 12 ran headlines on the Beacon article, which was titled "Biden Admin Walks Back U.S. Recognition of Golan Heights as Israeli Territory."
The Beacon subhead declares, "State Department pushes back on signature Trump admin foreign policy decision."
Within the article itself, the Beacon explains that when "pressed on the issue by the Washington Free Beacon, a State Department official said the territory belongs to no one and control could change depending on the region's ever-shifting dynamics."
But the line was not in quotes and was a paraphrase of a conversation with an unnamed State Department official. No where in the article does the Beacon qualify its assertion with a document or a quote, even anonymous one, that supports that assertion.
If anything, State Department quote on which the article is based appears to indicate that US President Joe Biden is not interested at this stage in nullifying a 2018 Trump administration recognition of Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights, particularly in light of the long ranging civil war in Syria.
“The Secretary was clear, that as a practical matter, the Golan is very important to Israel’s security,” a State Department official toll the Free Beacon. “As long as [Bashar al-Assad] is in power in Syria, as long as Iran is present in Syria, militia groups backed by Iran, the Assad regime itself — all of these pose a significant security threat to Israel, and as a practical matter the control of the Golan remains of real importance to Israel’s security.”
A diplomatic source said, "The issue of the Golan Heights has not come up at all in the dialogue with the Americans.
"It goes without saying that the Golan Heights will remain under Israeli sovereignty forever," the source stated.
The US rejected the Beacon report outright.
“U.S. policy regarding the Golan has not changed, and reports to the contrary are false,” the State Department tweeted under its Near Eastern Affairs account on Friday.
So why would a US statement of support for Israel’s security interests in the Golan so quickly become a story in Israel about how the Biden administration plans to withdraw support for Israeli sovereignty there.
The answer falls into three parts. The first speaks to the strategic significance of the mountainous range to Israel, which captured the territory from Syria during the 1967 Six Day War and which annexed it in 1981.
Israel has been clear from the start that it has no intention of withdrawing from that territory, although there have been some initiatives to link it to a peace deal with Israel.
Without such a deal, and no such deal seems within the realm of possibility at this time, the Golan Heights remains an important piece of Israel’s defense against Syria, where a dangerous civil war has ranged for the last decade.
Syria is also the one of significant areas in which the Israeli-Iran battle is fought, with Israel rebuffing Iranian attempting to entrench itself at Israel’s border.
The potential of an Iranian military presence on the Golan Heights overlooking Israel, in the aftermath of an Israeli withdrawal poses an existential threat to the Jewish state.
Secondly, the insecurity over the Golan Heights is heightened by the international community’s refusal to recognize Israeli sovereignty there, many countries refuse to even acknowledge that the current military reality presents pragmatic challenges to any possibility of an Israel withdrawal. At the United Nations countries pass multiple annual resolutions that call for Israel to withdraw from the Golan.
Lastly, the Biden administration triggered insecurity on the Golan. From the first moment it articulated its foreign policy, it spoke of support for Israel’s retention of the Golan at this time but did not promise sovereignty recognition.
Already in February US Secretary of State Antony Blinken told CNN, “As a practical matter, the control of the Golan in that situation I think remains of real importance to Israel’s security.”
He continued, “Legal questions are something else and over time if the situation were to change in Syria, that’s something we look at, but we are nowhere near that.”
In April State Department spokesman Ned Price told reporters there was no change to existing policy.
The Biden administration’s inability to pledge sovereignty recognition concerned US legislators who believe the Golan should be within Israel’s permanent borders.
Last month Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Texas) and Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) introduced the Israeli Sovereignty Reassurance Act (ISRA) designed to enshrine US recognition of the Golan as part of the state of Israel.
At the time Gallagher said, “The Golan Heights provide Israel with defensible borders and serve as a key buffer between Israel and the chaos in Syria. At a time when Israel — our most important ally in the Middle East — is literally under attack, we should do everything in our power to ensure they can defend themselves.
“Ensuring we continue to recognize their sovereignty over the Golan Heights is the most basic way we can do so,” he added.
Just last week members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee also attempted to press US Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Friedman on the matter last week.
“This is an issue the administration is still working on,” Thomas-Greenfield said. She clarified, however, that “we have not changed any of the decisions of the prior administration” and that the issue was not on the agenda at this time.
For those with the long view in mind, her answer was hardly reassuring. Friday's headlines might have been premature.
But for those battling for Israeli sovereignty on the Golan, they bear a warning for a future time when such a headline might indeed be the news of the day.
美國：承認以色列對戈蘭高地主權的政策不變
“美國關於戈蘭的政策沒有改變，相反的報導是錯誤的，”國務院週五在其近東事務賬戶下發推文。
作者：托瓦·拉扎羅夫
2021 年 6 月 25 日 20:19
美國總統喬拜登週二在白宮談論冠狀病毒疫苗接種情況。
（照片來源：喬納森·恩斯特/路透社）
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美國拒絕華盛頓自由燈塔聲稱它“收回”承認以色列對戈蘭高地的主權的說法是“錯誤的” 。
“美國關於戈蘭的政策沒有改變，相反的報導是錯誤的，”國務院週五在其近東事務賬戶下發推文。
在 Beacon 發布其報告後不到 24 小時，它就發表了講話，該報告聲稱美國正在撤銷 2018 年特朗普政府對以色列的戈蘭主權承認。
以色列在 1967 年的六日戰爭期間從敘利亞奪取了戈蘭高地，並於 1981 年吞併了它。國際社會拒絕承認以色列在那裡的主權，並經常在聯合國呼籲以色列將其歸還給敘利亞。迄今為止，美國是唯一支持以色列吞併戈蘭的國家。
敘利亞在俯瞰這個猶太國家的戈蘭山頂上的存在被以色列認為是一種生存威脅。鑑於兩國之間的敵對狀態，以色列沒有計劃將領土歸還給敘利亞。
伊朗試圖在敘利亞軍事上鞏固自己的地位，這只是對以色列強調了守住與兩國接壤的山脈的必要性。
當被問及美國前總統唐納德特朗普對戈蘭主權的承認時，拜登政府堅稱它沒有改變其政策，但它沒有承諾在未來保持這種政策立場。
它的失敗為人們猜測美國總統喬拜登將來會停止承認戈蘭打開了大門。國會中的共和黨人已經在推動立法以阻止拜登這樣做。
美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯談到了戈蘭高地對以色列安全的重要性。然而，美國駐聯合國大使琳達·托馬斯-格林菲爾德上週發表的一份聲明表示，拜登政府將在未來審查該政策。但她沒有為這樣的過程設定日期。
外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德（Yair Lapid）指責燈塔試圖破壞本月早些時候宣誓就職的以總理納夫塔利·貝內特為首的以色列新政府，在此問題上造成以色列和美國之間存在分歧的印象。
“戈蘭高地是以色列主權國家的戰略資產和不可分割的一部分。美國已經承認我們對戈蘭高地的主權及其對以色列安全的戰略重要性。任何散佈有關撤銷這一承認的謠言的人都會損害[以色列的]安全，損害主權宣言，”拉皮德寫道。
他寫道，那些散佈此類謠言的人“願意（不是第一次）對以色列國造成真正的損害，危及以色列與美國的安全和關係，其目的只是為了傷害新政府。” 拉皮德在推特上寫道。
內政部長阿耶萊特·沙克德 (Ayelet Shaked) 是貝內特 (Bennett) 的政黨成員，他在推特上說，現任政府已經承諾增加戈蘭的社區發展，從而增加那裡的以色列人口。沙克德在推特上說，試圖用“假新聞”破壞以色列對戈蘭的控制注定要失敗。
農業部長 Oded Forer 說，他已指示他的辦公室準備一份政府聲明的文本，以支持戈蘭和以色列在那裡的發展。
US: no change to policy recognizing Israeli sovereignty on Golan
“US policy regarding the Golan has not changed, and reports to the contrary are false,” the State Department tweeted under its Near Eastern Affairs account on Friday.
By TOVAH LAZAROFF
JUNE 25, 2021 20:19
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden talks about the status of coronavirus vaccinations at the White House on Tuesday.
(photo credit: JONATHAN ERNST / REUTERS)
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The United States rejected as “false” a claim by the Washington Free Beacon that it had “walked back” its recognition of Israeli sovereignty on the Golan.
“US policy regarding the Golan has not changed, and reports to the contrary are false,” the State Department tweeted under its Near Eastern Affairs account on Friday.
It spoke up less than 24-hours after the Beacon published its report which claimed that the US was rescinding that Golan sovereignty recognition granted Israel in 2018 under the Trump administration.
Israel captured the Golan Heights from Syria during the Six Day-War in 1967 and annexed it in 1981. The international community has refused to recognize Israeli sovereignty there and routinely calls on Israel at the United Nations to return it to Syria. To date the US is the only country to have supported Israel’s Golan annexation.
A Syrian presence on the Golan hilltops overlooking the Jewish state is considered by Israel to be an existential threat. Israel has no plans to return the territory to Syria, given the state of enmity between them.
Iran’s attempt to entrench itself militarily in Syria, has only underscored for Israel the necessity of holding onto the mountain range that borders the two countries.
The Biden administration has insisted when asked about former US President Donald Trump’s Golan sovereignty recognition that it has not changed it policy, but it refrained from promising to maintain that policy stance in the future.
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Its failure to do so has opened the door to speculation that US President Joe Biden would in the future halt recognition of the Golan. Republicans in Congress are already pushing for legislation to prevent Biden from doing so.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has spoken of the
importance the Golan
holds for Israel security. A statement last week by US Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield, however, indicated that the Biden administration would in the future review that policy,. But she set no date for such a process.
Foreign Minister Yair Lapid accused the Beacon of attempting to undermine the new Israeli government headed by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett which was sworn into office earlier this month, by creating the impression of a rift between the Israel and the US on this matter.
“The Golan Heights is a strategic asset and an integral part of the sovereign State of Israel. The US has recognized our sovereignty over the Golan Heights and its strategic importance to Israel's security. Anyone who spreads rumors about the revocation of this recognition harms [Israel’s] security, harms the declaration of sovereignty,” Lapid wrote.
Those who spread such rumors, he wrote, are “willing (not for the first time) to cause real damage to the State of Israel endanger its security and relations with the United States, only with the aim to harm the new government.” Lapid tweeted.
Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked, who is a member of Bennett’s party, tweeted that the existing government has already pledged to increased communal develop on the Golan and thereby increase the Israeli population there. Attempts to undermine Israel’s hold on the Golan with “fake news” are doomed to fail, Shaked tweeted.
Agriculture Minister Oded Forer said he had instructed his office to prepare text for a government declaration in support of the Golan and Israeli development there.
伊朗核談判的六個要點——分析
這些外賣包括使用彈道導彈、伊斯蘭共和國破壞中東的穩定以及可能將核限制延長到 2030 年以後。
作者：尤娜傑瑞米鮑勃
2021 年 6 月 25 日 18:13
伊朗總統哈桑·魯哈尼（Hassan Rouhani）於 2021 年 4 月 10 日在伊朗德黑蘭舉行的伊朗國家核能日期間回顧了伊朗的新核成就。
（圖片來源：伊朗總統辦公室/WANA（西亞新聞社）/通過路透社提供的資料）
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在伊朗、美國和世界大國之間的核對峙的最後一周發生了一些重大事件，這為下一步的預期提供了一些額外的見解。
在美國國務院高級官員向媒體介紹背景後，以下是六個要點：
1. 後續談判：迄今為止沒有達成協議的一個主要原因是拜登政府對進行後續一輪談判以解決 JCPOA 核協議未解決的問題持強硬態度。
其中包括：彈道導彈、伊斯蘭共和國破壞中東穩定以及可能將核限制延長至 2030 年以後。以色列反對重返 JCPOA，部分原因是它認為美國在解除制裁後試圖獲得新的讓步是魯莽的。聽到華盛頓可能會認真對待這個問題，即使它不能完全滿足以色列的擔憂，耶路撒冷可能會稍微感到鼓舞。美國似乎也在認真對待德黑蘭先進的離心機和更高的濃縮水平。
2. 伊朗在後續談判中挽回面子：現在已經正式提出，美國可以在新的讓步上彌合與伊朗之間的分歧的一種方式是 JCPOA 協議之後的後續協議的各個方面（如果發生任何這種情況） ) 可能是非正式的並且未在協議中籤署。這將極大地關係到耶路撒冷，它的經驗是伊朗無視任何尚未正式簽署的內容——甚至這些承諾也往往沒有完全兌現。
如果美國走這條路，那麼以色列情報監視以查看伊斯蘭共和國是否繼續在威脅以色列而不是美國的範圍內發展彈道導彈，將像以往一樣重要。
3. 對賴西的製裁可能會取消：這位美國高級官員明確沒有說明華盛頓是否會取消對易卜拉欣·賴西侵犯人權的製裁，因為他是伊朗的當選總統。但在這種情況下，不承諾很可能是解除制裁的承諾。如果拜登政府不提高對賴西的製裁，這將使與德黑蘭的談判變得異常困難。
這可能是以色列正在推動阻止重返 JCPOA 的原因。但拜登致力於回歸，這意味著作為一攬子交易的一部分，他可能會取消對賴西的製裁。如果美國打算不這樣做，他們將發出明確的信號，表明不會從一開始就取消制裁。
4、第七輪談判沒有日期：前幾輪談判似乎急於開始下一輪談判以保持勢頭。一位美國官員表示，沒有安排返回日期。儘管 JCPOA 的批評者可能對此感到興奮，但更有可能的是，這表明下一次談判將更加嚴肅且接近尾聲。
很可能，談判一直拖到現在，這樣才能在賴西時代達成協議，這樣他和強硬派陣營就可以將伊斯蘭共和國的積極經濟趨勢歸功於自己。更長的停頓可能反映了對交易的信心，並且最終正在辯論關於此的艱難最終決定，以便該過程結束。
5. IAEA 沒有延期，但沒有危機：解除對伊朗制裁或結束 IAEA-伊朗合作的第三個最後期限於週四以嗚咽聲過去了。有人擔心德黑蘭會跟進並結束檢查，但現在似乎每個人都習慣了伊朗的最後期限在這個問題上毫無意義。
更大的問題是德黑蘭這次將在下一個截止日期前延長合作多長時間，以及這種合作的運作方式是否會發生一些小的變化。
6. 沒有討論炸毀卡拉傑核設施： 甚至沒有人問，美國官員也沒有提到伊朗對卡拉傑主要離心機生產設施的破壞，據報導是以色列。這在以色列是個大新聞，但在美國卻鮮有報導。顯然，拜登政府和伊朗人——他們仍然在說損害很小——希望擺脫這種情況，不允許它破壞他們共同推動達成協議的努力。
這次襲擊肯定有利於所有擔心伊朗發展核武器的國家，但它不會減緩 JCPOA。
Six takeaways from Iran nuke negotiations - analysis
These takeaways include the use of ballistic missiles, the Islamic Republic's destabilization of the Middle East and potentially extending nuclear limits beyond 2030.
By YONAH JEREMY BOB
JUNE 25, 2021 18:13
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani reviews Iran's new nuclear achievements during Iran's National Nuclear Energy Day in Tehran, Iran April 10, 2021.
(photo credit: IRANIAN PRESIDENCY OFFICE/WANA (WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY)/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
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Some major events have happened in the last week of the nuclear standoff between Iran, the US and the world powers, which give some additional insights into what to expect next.
Following a background briefing to the media by a senior US State Department official, here are six takeaways:
1. Follow-on negotiations: A major reason there has been no deal so far is that the Biden administration has held tough to there being a follow on round of negotiations to address issues which the JCPOA nuclear deal did not address.
These include: ballistic missiles, the Islamic Republic's destabilization of the Middle East and potentially extending nuclear limits beyond 2030. Israel opposes a return to the JCPOA, partially because it believes a US attempt to get new concessions after lifting sanctions is foolhardy. Jerusalem might be slightly heartened to hear that Washington may be taking this issue seriously even if it will not fully meet Israeli concerns. The US also seems to be taking Tehran's advanced centrifuge and higher enrichment levels seriously.
2. Iran saving face during the follow-on negotiations: It has now been formally suggested that one way the US might bridge differences with Iran on new concessions is that aspects of the follow-on deal after the JCPOA deal (if any of this happens) might be informal and not signed in an agreement. This will greatly concern Jerusalem, whose experience is that Iran ignores anything it has not signed on to formally and with teeth - and even those commitments are often not honored completely.
If the US goes this route, Israeli intelligence monitoring to see if the Islamic Republic is, say, continuing ballistic missiles development at ranges threatening Israel but not the US, will be as crucial as ever.
3. Sanctions to Raisi will likely come off: The senior US official explicitly did not say whether Washington will remove sanctions from Ebrahim Raisi for human rights violations, now that he is Iran's president-elect. But in this case a non-commitment is likely a commitment to lift sanctions. It would make negotiations with Tehran extraordinarily difficult if the Biden administration did not raise sanctions on Raisi.
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This is probably what Israel is pushing for to block a return to the JCPOA. But Biden is committed to the return, which means he will likely lift sanctions on Raisi as part of a package deal. If the Us was going to do otherwise, they would be sending a clear signal of no sanctions lifting from the get-go.
4. No date for 7th round of negotiations: After past rounds there seemed to be a rush to start the next round of negotiations to maintain momentum. A US official said there is no return date scheduled. Though critics of the JCPOA might be excited by this, it is more likely that this is a sign that negotiations next time will be more serious and near the end.
Probably, negotiations were dragged out until now so a deal could be struck during the Raisi era so he and the hardliner camp could take credit for positive economic trends in the Islamic Republic. A longer pause probably reflects confidence for a deal and that the hard final decisions on this are finally being debated so that the process will conclude.
5. No IAEA extension yet, but no crisis: The third deadline for lifting sanctions on Iran or an end to IAEA-Iranian cooperation passed on Thursday with a whimper. There was some concern expressed that Tehran would follow-through and end inspections, but it seems everyone is now used to Iranian deadlines being meaningless on this issue.
The bigger question is how long Tehran will extend cooperation this time before the next deadline and whether some small changes will be made in how that cooperation works.
6. No discussion of blown up Karaj nuclear facility: No one even asked, and the US official did not address, the sabotage of Iran's major centrifuge production facility at Karaj, reportedly by Israel. This was big news in Israel, but much less reported in America. Clearly, the Biden administration and the Iranians - who still are lying about the damage being small - want to move on from this and not allow it to undermine their joint push for a deal.
The attack certainly benefited all countries worried about Iran's advancement toward a nuclear weapon, but it will not slow down the JCPOA.
Shaked 拒絕在網上登記民事婚姻
數以萬計的以色列人根本無法在以色列結婚，因為該國沒有民事婚姻的規定，首席拉比不會與他們結婚。
通過JEREMY SHARON
2021 年 6 月 25 日 11:13
Ayelet Shaked 在她自己的以色列議會新聞發布會上回應了 Smotrich 的指控。
（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM）
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內政部長阿耶萊特·沙克德 (Ayelet Shaked) 已決定不承認或登記在美國猶他州主持下為以色列夫婦在網上舉行的公證婚姻，這一決定可能會在政府內部造成緊張局勢。
數百名以色列人現在使用的猶他州服務將為所有以色列人提供一種公證婚姻選擇，而他們不必出國旅行，由於宗教和極端正統黨派的反對，自該州成立以來這是不可能的.
Shaked 的決定是對要求登記婚姻的請願書的回應，這將阻礙這一發展，儘管通過猶他州服務結婚的夫婦將在法庭上提出質疑。
公證婚姻的倡導者認為，在法庭上成功的機會非常高，而 Shaked 可能試圖避免做出爆炸性的政治決定，因為他們知道無論如何法庭最終都會強迫該部登記婚姻。
候補總理兼 Yesh Atid 主席Yair Lapid；衛生部長兼梅雷茨主席尼贊霍洛維茨；財政部長和 Yisrael Beytenu 領導人 Avigdor Liberman 都拒絕回應對 Shaked 決定發表評論的請求。
當被要求置評時，交通部長和工黨領袖梅拉夫米凱利批評許多以色列人無法在民事儀式上結婚，但沒有回應沙克德的決定。
關於猶他州在線民事婚姻的爭議於去年在 COVID-19 危機期間發展起來，其中由於全球大流行和國際旅行的限制，每年在國外舉行民事婚禮的數千對夫婦中的一些人無法結婚它造成的。
數以萬計的以色列人根本無法在以色列結婚，因為該國沒有民事婚姻的規定，並且由於猶太法律的各種限制，或者由於他們是同性戀，首席拉比不會與他們結婚。
其他人則出於意識形態原因試圖避免通過首席拉比結婚。
許多這樣的夫婦飛往塞浦路斯、捷克共和國、美國和其他地方舉行民事婚禮，然後得到內政部人口和移民局的認可。
然而，這個過程既昂貴又繁重，並且在大流行最嚴重的時期被證明是不可能的，這使得成千上萬的以色列夫婦無法以任何方式結婚。
2020 年，猶他州開始提供在線民事婚姻，幾對以色列夫婦決定利用這項服務使他們能夠結婚。
幾對以這種方式結婚的夫婦將他們的所有文件提交給當地人口和移民局的分支機構，並在該局成功登記了他們的婚禮。
大約 20 對夫婦設法在全國各地的人口當局的不同部門登記了他們的婚姻。
當其他部門的官員質疑文件時，反對公證婚姻的內政部長兼沙族領導人 MK Arye Deri 最終下令凍結婚姻登記程序。
但是現在大約有 500 對以色列夫婦利用了猶他州的服務，其中絕大多數無法登記結婚。
德里的辦公室表示，內政部正在對婚禮和登記過程進行“深入檢查”，他說該州以前從未遇到過。
隨後，針對 Deri 暫停登記這些婚姻的決定提出了兩份法律請願書，一份是在 Lod 地區法院，另一份是在耶路撒冷地區法院。
Deri 領導的內政部要求 Lod 法院多次延期，該法院堅持要求該部決定是否承認猶他州的婚姻。
但在 5 月底，法院的耐心耗盡了，它讓內政部在下週三之前就是否承認猶他州的婚姻做出決定，並在 7 月 7 日前將其決定通知法院。
Shaked 的辦公室告訴《耶路撒冷郵報》，“人口和移民局的立場是基於法律分析，根據法律分析，由於討論中的婚禮是在以色列舉行的，以色列法律適用於他們，不承認這些婚禮的有效性。婚禮。”
Shaked 的辦公室表示，該決定已轉交給總檢察長辦公室，並獲得批准。
人口和移民局斷言，這些婚姻雖然是通過猶他州進行的，但都是在以色列舉行的，如果這對夫婦無法出示以色列結婚證，他們將無法登記結婚，這意味著它將拒絕登記猶他州的婚姻.
根據在提交給 Lod 法院的請願書中代表幾對夫婦的律師 Vlad Finkelshtein 的說法，1962 年高等法院的一項裁決要求內政部承認在另一個國家合法進行的民事婚姻。
他說，由於猶他州在線婚姻得到猶他州和美國政府的認可，以色列內政部在法律上有義務將這對夫婦登記為已婚以色列。
Finkelshtein 說，婚姻的有效性無關緊要，而與人口管理局是否有義務登記已通過海牙認證的公共文件無關。
來自 Bat Yam 的 Valentina Levin 最近在猶他州的網上民事婚姻中與她的伴侶 Alina 結婚。他們是少數能夠在人口和移民局成功登記婚姻的夫婦之一。
由於瓦倫蒂娜和阿麗娜是同性伴侶，他們無法在以色列結婚，也無法在大流行期間出國結婚。
瓦倫蒂娜在接受《華盛頓郵報》採訪時表示，猶他州的婚姻對於無法在以色列結婚的夫婦來說是一個很好的解決方案，並指出在國外結婚至少會花費她和她的伴侶 20,000 新謝克爾。
“我們是一個民主國家，我有選擇的自由，我有權以我想要的方式結婚，而不是他們想要的方式，”瓦倫蒂娜說。
她補充說，對她和阿麗娜來說，結婚以向他們的孩子證明他們是一個家庭單位非常重要。
瓦倫蒂娜說：“對我們來說，證明我們已經結婚並且在各方面都是一個真正的家庭對我們來說很重要。”
當被問及猶他州的婚姻是否免除以色列提供自己的民事婚姻框架的必要性時，她說以色列國需要自己決定是否要為自己的公民做好事，並將考慮到所有公民。 ”
Shaked refuses to register online civil marriages
Tens of thousands of Israelis cannot get married in Israel at all, since there is no provision for civil marriage in the country and the Chief Rabbinate will not marry them.
By JEREMY SHARON
JUNE 25, 2021 11:13
Ayelet Shaked responding in her own Knesset press conference to Smotrich accusations.
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked has decided not to recognize or register civil marriages performed online under the auspices of the US state of Utah for Israeli couples, a decision which may create tension within the government.
Utah’s service, which several hundred Israelis have now utilized, would provide a civil marriage option to all Israel's without them having to travel abroad, something which has never been possible since the founding of the state due to the objections of religious and ultra-Orthodox parties.
Shaked’s decision, coming in response to a petition demanding the marriages be registered, will stymie this development, although it will be challenged in court by couples who have married through the Utah service.
Advocates for civil marriage believe the chances of success in court are extremely high, and Shaked may have sought to avoid making an explosive political decision in the knowledge that the courts will ultimately force the ministry to register the marriages anyway.
Alternate Prime Minister and Yesh Atid chairman Yair Lapid; Health Minister and Meretz chairman Nitzan Horowitz; and Finance Minister and Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Liberman all refused to respond to a request for comment on Shaked’s decision.
Asked for comment, Transportation Minister and Labor leader Merav Michaeli criticized the inability of many Israelis to marry in civil ceremonies, although did not respond to Shaked’s decision.
The controversy over Utah’s online civil marriages developed last year during the COVID-19 crisis, in which some of the thousands of couples who marry every year in civil wedding ceremonies abroad were unable to get married due to the global pandemic and the restrictions on international travel it caused.
Tens of thousands of Israelis cannot get married in Israel at all, since there is no provision for civil marriage in the country and the Chief Rabbinate will not marry them due to various restrictions of Jewish law, or due to the fact that they are gay.
Others seek to avoid marrying through the Chief Rabbinate for ideological reasons.
Many such couples fly to Cyprus, the Czech Republic, the US and other locations to marry in civil ceremonies, which are then recognized by the Population and Immigration Authority of the Interior Ministry.
The process is however expensive and burdensome, and proved impossible during the height of the pandemic, making it impossible for thousands of Israeli couples to get married in any way.
In 2020, the state of Utah began offering online civil marriage, and several Israeli couples decided to utilize this service to enable them to get married.
Several couples who got married in this manner presented all their documentation to their local branch of the Population and Immigration Authority and had their weddings successfully registered by the authority.
Some 20 couples have managed to register their marriages in different branches of the population authority around the country.
When officials in other branches questioned the documentation, an order eventually came down from then Interior Minister and Shas leader MK Arye Deri, who opposes civil marriage, to freeze the process of registering the marriages.
But some 500 Israeli couples have now taken advantage of the Utah service, the large majority of whom have not been able to register their marriages.
Deri’s office said the Interior Ministry was conducting “an in-depth examination” of the wedding and registration process which he said the state has not encountered before.
Two legal petitions were subsequently filed against Deri’s decision to suspend registration of these marriages, one in the Lod district court and one in the Jerusalem district court.
The Interior Ministry under Deri requested several extensions from the Lod court, which insisted that the ministry make a decision as to whether or not it will recognize the Utah marriages.
But at the end of May the court’s patience ran out and it gave the Interior Ministry until this coming Wednesday to make a decision on whether to recognize the Utah marriages, and inform the court of its decision by July 7.
Shaked’s office told The Jerusalem Post that “the position of the Population and Immigration Authority is based on a legal analysis, according to which since the weddings under discussion were conducted in Israel, Israeli law applies to them, which does not recognize the validity of these weddings.”
Shaked’s office said this decision had been passed on to the Attorney- General’s Office, which approved it.
The Population and Immigration Authority asserted that the marriages, although performed through Utah, were held in Israel, and that if the couples could not produce Israeli marriage certificates they would not be able to register as married, meaning it will refuse to register the Utah marriages.
According to Attorney Vlad Finkelshtein who is representing several of the couples in the petition filed to the Lod court, a High Court ruling from 1962 requires the Interior Ministry to recognize a civil marriage if performed legally in another country.
He says that since the Utah online marriages are recognized by the State of Utah and the United States government, Israel’s Interior Ministry is legally bound to register the couples as married Israel.
Finkelshtein said that the validity of the marriages was not relevant, but rather whether or not the Population Authority has an obligation to register a public document which has been verified by an apostille.
Valentina Levin from Bat Yam recently married her partner Alina in a Utah online civil marriage. They were one of the few couples who were able to successfully register their marriage with the Population and Immigration Authority.
Since Valentina and Alina are a same-sex couple they could not marry in Israel and were unable to travel abroad to get married throughout the pandemic.
Speaking to the Post, Valentina said the Utah marriages were a good solution to for couples unable to marry in Israel, noting that marrying abroad would have cost her and her partner at least NIS 20,000.
“We are a democratic country, I have freedom of choice and I have the right to marry how I want, not how they want,” said Valentina.
She added that it had been very important for her and Alina to get married to demonstrate to their children that they were a family unit.
“It was important for us to show that we’re married and that we are a real family in every respect,” said Valentina.
Asked whether the Utah marriages absolve Israel of the necessity of providing its own civil marriage framework, she said that the State of Israel needs to decide for itself if it wants to do good for its own citizens, and will be considerate of all its citizens.”
--
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2021.06.26 國際新聞導讀-阿富汗總統加尼訪問美國白宮、土耳其計畫留在阿富汗管理機場、以色列婚姻制度有改變契機
拜登在美軍撤離時會見阿富汗領導人，戰鬥激烈
美國總統喬拜登週五會見了阿富汗總統和他的前政治敵人，討論華盛頓對阿富汗的支持，因為最後一批美軍在 20 年後收緊。
2021 年 6 月 25 日 18:46
美國總統喬拜登週五會見阿富汗總統阿什拉夫加尼和他的前政治敵人阿卜杜拉阿卜杜拉，討論華盛頓對阿富汗的支持，因為在經過 20 年的戰爭和政府軍努力擊退塔利班的進展後，最後一批美軍正在收緊。
橢圓形辦公室會議對加尼的象徵意義可能與美國的任何新幫助一樣有價值，因為它將被視為肯定拜登對這位陷入困境的阿富汗領導人的支持，因為他面對塔利班的得益、爆炸和暗殺以及 COVID-19 案件激增以及喀布爾的政治內訌。
前美國駐喀布爾大使羅納德·諾伊曼說：“在士氣非常低迷、事情正在走下坡路的時候，任何能幫助提振士氣和支持政府的事情都是值得的。” “邀請加尼來到這裡是一個非常強烈的跡象，表明我們支持他。”
然而，拜登的擁抱是在美國官員向加尼施壓，要求加尼根據一項政治協議草案讓位過渡政府之後幾個月才接受拜登的，他們為打破和平談判的僵局而採取了失敗的策略。
白宮副新聞秘書卡琳讓-皮埃爾說，拜登作為總統與加尼和民族和解高級委員會主席阿卜杜拉的首次會晤將側重於“我們對阿富汗人民的持續承諾”和安全部隊。
拜登已要求國會明年批准向阿富汗提供 33 億美元的安全援助，並將向那裡發送 300 萬劑疫苗以幫助其對抗COVID-19。
讓-皮埃爾說，拜登將敦促阿富汗上兩次總統選舉的敵人加尼和阿卜杜拉“團結一致”，他將重申美國支持通過談判達成和平協議。
然而，美國官員已經明確表示，拜登不會阻止美國撤軍——可能會在 7 月底或 8 月初完成——而且他不太可能批准美國對喀布爾的任何軍事支持，以阻止塔利班在建議、情報、和飛機維修。
在前往白宮之前，加尼週五在國會山舉行了第二天的會議，拜登的退出決定遭到了雙方許多成員的反對。
美國眾議院議長南希佩洛西歡迎加尼參加兩黨領導人會議，並表示她期待聽到關於美國人道主義援助可以做些什麼，特別是對婦女和女孩的援助。許多立法者和專家深表擔憂，塔利班——如果重新掌權——將逆轉在婦女和女孩權利方面取得的進展，她們在 1996-2001 年叛亂分子統治期間受到嚴厲鎮壓並被禁止接受教育和工作。
對基地組織的擔憂
加尼-阿卜杜拉的訪問伴隨著和平進程陷入停滯，暴力活動肆虐，因為阿富汗安全部隊正在努力阻止塔利班春季攻勢，該攻勢威脅到幾個省會城市，並引發了民族民兵的動員，以增援政府軍。
美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯週五訪問巴黎時表示，華盛頓“非常認真地”審視塔利班是否“認真對待和平解決衝突”。
這場危機加劇了人們對塔利班可能重新掌權的嚴重擔憂——在美國領導的入侵結束了他們嚴酷的伊斯蘭統治二十年後——讓基地組織重新抬頭。美國和聯合國官員表示，極端分子與塔利班保持密切聯繫。
“五角大樓和情報界表示，基地組織很可能會捲土重來。我們的士兵和軍隊很可能不得不返回阿富汗，”美國前陸軍代表邁克沃爾茲說曾在阿富汗指揮美國特種部隊。
美國官員回應說，美國將能夠發現並挫敗基地組織或其他伊斯蘭主義者的任何新威脅。塔利班堅稱基地組織不再在阿富汗。
熟悉美國情報報告的美國政府消息人士稱，情況十分嚴峻。他們說，加尼已被敦促採取更多措施，在美國領導的聯軍仍然存在的情況下加大對叛亂分子的壓力。
承諾結束美國“永远战爭”的拜登在 4 月宣布，所有美軍將在 2001 年 9 月 11 日基地組織襲擊美國的周年紀念日之前撤出阿富汗。
儘管美國與塔利班在前總統唐納德特朗普的領導下達成的 2020 年協議將 5 月 1 日定為美國撤軍的最後期限，但他還是做出了決定
Biden meets Afghan leaders as US troops leave, fighting rages
US President Joe Biden met with Afghan President and his former political foe on Friday to discuss Washington's support for Afghanistan as the last US troops pack up after 20 years.
By REUTERS
JUNE 25, 2021 18:46
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden speaks inside the Oval Office at the White House, last Tuesday.
(photo credit: TOM BRENNER/REUTERS)
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US President Joe Biden meets Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and his former political foe, Abdullah Abdullah, on Friday to discuss Washington's support for Afghanistan as the last US troops pack up after 20 years of war and government forces struggle to repel Taliban advances.
The Oval Office meeting may be as valuable to Ghani for its symbolism as for any new US help because it will be seen as affirming Biden's support for the beleaguered Afghan leader as he confronts Taliban gains, bombings and assassinations, a surge in COVID-19 cases and political infighting in Kabul.
"At a time when morale is incredibly shaky and things are going downhill, anything one can do to help shore up morale and shore up the government is worth doing," said Ronald Neumann, a former US ambassador to Kabul. "Inviting Ghani here is a pretty strong sign that we’re backing him."
Biden's embrace, however, comes only months after US officials were pressuring Ghani to step aside for a transitional government under a draft political accord that they floated in a failed gambit to break a stalemate in peace talks.
Biden's first meeting as president with Ghani and Abdullah, chairman of the High Council for National Reconciliation, will focus on "our ongoing commitment to the Afghan people" and security forces, said White House deputy press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre.
Biden has asked Congress to approve $3.3 billion in security assistance for Afghanistan next year and is sending 3 million doses of vaccines there to help it battle COVID-19.
Biden will urge Ghani and Abdullah, foes in Afghanistan's two last presidential elections, "to be a united front" and he will reaffirm US support for a negotiated peace deal, Jean-Pierre said.
US officials, however, have been clear that Biden will not halt the American pullout – likely to be completed by late July or early August – and he is unlikely to approve any US military support to Kabul to halt the Taliban's advances beyond advice, intelligence, and aircraft maintenance.
Before heading to the White House, Ghani held a second day of meetings on Friday on Capitol Hill, where Biden's withdrawal decision met objections from many members of both parties.
US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi, welcoming Ghani to a bipartisan leadership meeting, said she looked forward to hearing about what more can be done with US humanitarian aid, especially for women and girls. Many lawmakers and experts have expressed deep concerns that the Taliban - if returned to power - will reverse progress made on the rights of women and girls, who were harshly repressed and barred from education and work during the insurgents' 1996-2001 rule.
WORRIES ABOUT AL QAEDA
The Ghani-Abdullah visit comes with the peace process stalled and violence raging as Afghan security forces fight to stem a Taliban spring offensive that threatens several provincial capitals and has triggered mobilizations of ethnic militias to reinforce government troops.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, speaking during a visit on Friday to Paris, said Washington is "looking very hard" at whether the Taliban are "serious about a peaceful resolution to the conflict."
The crisis has fueled grave concerns that the Taliban could regain power - two decades after the US-led invasion ended their harsh version of Islamist rule – allowing a resurgence of al Qaeda. US and U.N. officials say the extremists maintain close links with the Taliban.
"The Pentagon and the intelligence community are saying it is very likely that al Qaeda will come roaring back. It is very likely that our soldiers and our troops may have to go back into Afghanistan," said US Representative Mike Waltz, a former Army officer who commanded US Special Forces in Afghanistan.
US officials respond that the United States will be able to detect and thwart any new threats by al Qaeda or other Islamists. The Taliban insist al Qaeda is no longer in Afghanistan.
US government sources familiar with US intelligence reporting describe the situation as dire. Ghani, they said, has been urged to do more to step up pressure on the insurgents while US-led coalition forces are still there.
Biden, who pledged to end America's "forever wars," announced in April that all US forces would be out of Afghanistan by the anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks by al Qaeda on the United States.
He made the decision even though a 2020 US-Taliban deal forged under former President Donald Trump set May 1 as the US pullout deadline
土耳其不會派遣更多軍隊管理喀布爾機場：國防部長
每日沙巴
伊斯坦布爾 外交
2021 年 6 月 23 日 晚上 7:42 格林威治標準時間+3
2018 年 5 月 8 日，人們抵達阿富汗喀布爾哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場的國內航站樓。（法新社照片）
土耳其國防部長胡魯西·阿卡爾週四表示，如果必要條件得到滿足，土耳其可能會在阿富汗的喀布爾哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場運行和守衛，並補充說不會向那裡派遣額外人員。
阿卡爾在首都安卡拉舉行的儀式上說，美國代表團於週四早些時候來到該部，討論在以美國為首的北約軍隊撤離後喀布爾機場的未來。
“目前還沒有做出任何決定。除了我們現有的人員外，我們沒有任何人員前往該地區，”他說。
阿卡爾將阿富汗描述為“亞洲的心臟”和至關重要的國家，他說土耳其和阿富汗之間有著根深蒂固的歷史和文化聯繫。
他強調今年是土阿建交 100 週年，他說：“正如 1921 年土阿同盟協議所述，‘兩國的命運和幸福屬於彼此。’” 因此，土耳其為確保我們的阿富汗兄弟和平、安全和穩定地生活做出了巨大努力，我們將繼續這樣做。”
阿卡爾強調，土耳其自 2002 年首次派駐國際安全援助部隊以來，在聯合國決議框架內為國際安全援助部隊做出了貢獻，並自 2015 年以來為北約堅決支持任務做出了貢獻，並表示土耳其在這方面取得的成就受到各方高度讚賞。
“如果必要條件得到滿足，我們將繼續承擔運營哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場的責任，這是我們過去六年一直在做的事情，”阿卡爾補充說：“關於此事的討論仍在繼續。目前還沒有做出任何決定。”
“我們希望為我們國家和阿富汗的利益取得最好的結果。這就是我們正在努力的目標。我們的目標是繼續為我們阿富汗兄弟的安全、和平與福祉而努力。”
2021 年 6 月 24 日，土耳其國防部長葫蘆絲·阿卡爾在土耳其首都安卡拉的 Etimesgut 第三航空維修廠舉行的儀式上發表講話。（AA 照片）
阿卡爾週三還表示，在美國和北約撤出阿富汗後，土耳其不會向阿富汗增派軍隊，作為運行和保護喀布爾機場計劃的一部分。
阿卡爾在議會對記者說，土耳其在阿富汗有軍事存在，在北約堅決支持任務下工作六年，保衛機場六年，並補充說該計劃的細節仍在討論中。
“目前，我們已經在那裡派駐人員，我們現在不可能以任何方式向那裡派遣任何士兵，”阿卡爾說，他指的是大約 500 名土耳其士兵參加北約任務。
“當這些努力在未來一段時間內完成時，將採取必要措施，並將成為一項計劃，”他說，並補充說這個問題將與美國駐安卡拉代表團討論。
在美國總統喬拜登宣布所有美國軍隊將在 9 月 11 日之前從這個飽受戰爭蹂躪的國家撤出後，最近幾週阿富汗局勢變得越來越重要，北約盟國也將效仿。
土耳其在阿富汗的部隊一直由非戰鬥部隊組成，在北約撤軍後，土耳其主動提出看守和運營哈米德卡爾扎伊機場，並一直與美國就該任務的後勤和財政支持進行談判，因為安全問題仍然存在將確保沿主要運輸路線和機場，這是通往首都喀布爾的主要門戶。
土耳其與其北約盟國之間的關係因一系列問題而變得緊張，從安卡拉購買俄羅斯防禦設施到敘利亞、利比亞和東地中海的政策分歧。
在關係緊張的情況下，該任務可能成為安卡拉與其盟友之間潛在合作的領域，因為機場的安全對於撤出阿富汗後外交使團的運作至關重要。安卡拉表示，如果沒有支持，它就無法執行任務。
上週，美國國家安全顧問傑克沙利文表示，拜登和埃爾多安在上周北約峰會的一次會議上同意，在北約退出後，土耳其將在確保喀布爾機場安全方面發揮主導作用。
埃爾多安在會後表示，土耳其正在尋求美國的“外交、後勤和財政援助”來保護和運營機場。他說，土耳其還希望巴基斯坦和匈牙利參與這項任務。
塔利班發言人本月表示，根據 2020 年美軍撤出協議，土耳其應從阿富汗撤軍，但華盛頓和安卡拉表示，這些計劃將繼續推進。
Turkey won't send more troops to run Kabul airport: Defense chief
BY DAILY SABAH
ISTANBUL DIPLOMACY
JUN 23, 2021 7:42 PM GMT+3
People arrive at the domestic terminal of the Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan, May 8, 2018. (AFP Photo)
Turkey will likely run and guard Kabul Hamid Karzai International Airport in Afghanistan if the necessary conditions are met, Defense Minister Hulusi Akar said Thursday, adding that no additional personnel is to be sent there.
Speaking at a ceremony in the capital Ankara, Akar said that a delegation from the United States came to the ministry early Thursday and talks about the future of Kabul airport after the withdrawal of U.S.-led NATO troops have been launched.
"No decision has been taken as of now. Apart from our current personnel, we do not have any personnel going to the region," he said.
Describing Afghanistan as "the heart of Asia" and a country of critical importance, Akar said that there are deep-rooted historical and cultural ties between Turkey and Afghanistan.
Highlighting that it is the 100th anniversary of Turkish-Afghan diplomatic relations, he said: "As stated in the Turkish-Afghan alliance agreement of 1921, 'the fate and happiness of the two countries belong to each other.' Therefore, Turkey has made great efforts to ensure that our Afghan brothers live in peace, security and stability, and we will continue to do so."
Underlining that Turkey has contributed to the International Security Assistance Force since its first assignment in 2002 and to NATO's Resolute Support Mission since 2015 within the framework of U.N. resolutions, Akar said that Turkey's achievements in this regard are highly appreciated by all.
“We will continue to take on the responsibility of operating the Hamid Karzai International Airport, which we have been doing for the past six years, if the necessary conditions are met,” Akar said adding that: “Discussions on this matter are continuing. No decisions have been reached for now.”
“We want to achieve the best result for the interests of our country and for those of Afghanistan. That’s what we are working for. Our aim is to continue working for the security, peace and welfare of our Afghan brothers.”
Defense Minister Hulusi Akar speaks at a ceremony held at the Etimesgut 3rd Air Maintenance Factory in the capital Ankara, Turkey, June 24, 2021. (AA Photo)
Akar on Wednesday also said that Turkey will not send additional troops to Afghanistan as part of the plan to run and secure Kabul's airport following the U.S. and NATO pullout from the country.
Speaking to reporters in Parliament, Akar said Turkey had a military presence in Afghanistan working under NATO's Resolute Support Mission to guard the airport for six years, adding that details of the plan were still being discussed.
"At the moment, we already have a presence there and it is out of the question for us to send any soldiers there in any way now," Akar said, referring to some 500 Turkish troops taking part in the NATO mission.
"When these efforts are concluded in the coming period, the necessary measures will be taken and it will become a plan," he said, adding the issue would be discussed with the U.S. delegation in Ankara.
The situation in Afghanistan has gained importance in recent weeks after U.S. President Joe Biden announced that all American forces will withdraw from the war-torn country by Sept. 11, with NATO allies to follow suit.
Turkey, whose forces in Afghanistan have always been comprised of noncombatant troops, has offered to guard and run Hamid Karzai airport after NATO's withdrawal and has been holding talks with the United States on logistic and financial support for the mission, as questions remain on how security will be assured along major transport routes and at the airport, which is the main gateway to the capital, Kabul.
Ties between Turkey and its NATO allies have been strained over a host of issues, ranging from Ankara's purchase of Russian defenses to policy differences in Syria, Libya and the Eastern Mediterranean.
The mission could be a potential area of cooperation between Ankara and its allies amid strained ties, as the security of the airport is crucial for the operation of diplomatic missions out of Afghanistan after the withdrawal. Ankara has said it cannot carry out the mission without support.
Last week, U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said Biden and Erdoğan agreed in a meeting at last week's NATO summit that Turkey would play a lead role in securing Kabul airport after the NATO withdrawal.
Erdoğan said after the meeting that Turkey was looking for “diplomatic, logistic and financial assistance” from the United States to protect and operate the airport. Turkey also wanted Pakistan and Hungary to be involved in the mission, he said.
A Taliban spokesperson said this month Turkey should withdraw its troops from Afghanistan under the 2020 deal for the pullout of U.S. forces, but Washington and Ankara have said the plans will press on.
出於安全考慮，土耳其對喀布爾機場的收購存疑-報告
·
· 2021 年 6 月 25 日 11:25 格林威治標準時間+3
· 最後更新時間： 2021年6 月 25 日 11:27 Gmt+3
據彭博社週五報導，土耳其在喀布爾國際機場承擔安全保障的協議的細節尚未敲定，這使得該提議在美國計劃從阿富汗撤軍之前受到質疑。
隨著美國軍隊準備在 9 月前離開阿富汗，確保哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場的未來成為外國外交官和組織的重要入口。
土耳其軍隊目前在北約領導的堅決支持任務下負責該機場，安卡拉表示，如果得到國際支持，它願意保持這種存在。
本月早些時候，土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安在布魯塞爾舉行的北約峰會期間與美國總統喬·拜登討論了這個問題，之後美國國家安全顧問傑克·沙利文表示已達成協議，但沒有提供更多細節。
然而，彭博社表示，在沒有美國持續空中支援的情況下，土耳其部署的可行性仍然存在疑問。
安卡拉經濟政策研究基金會的戰略家 Nihat Ali Özcan 告訴新聞媒體：“除非塔利班和土耳其達成協議，臨時運營喀布爾機場，否則由於巨大的安全風險，這是不可能完成的任務。”
“問題是誰來阻止塔利班從遠處向跑道發射迫擊砲彈或火箭彈？” 他說。
在 2001 年美國入侵阿富汗之前控制阿富汗的武裝運動塔利班呼籲土耳其軍隊跟隨北約撤出該國。
布隆伯格表示，土耳其官員私下承認存在安全問題，並將在本週會見美國軍方人士，以推動提供具體的支持保證。
土耳其提出留在阿富汗的提議正值它尋求在拜登領導下重組與美國的關係之際。
這兩個北約盟國在一系列問題上仍存在分歧，包括土耳其決定購買俄羅斯製造的 S-400 導彈，導緻美國製裁。
斯德哥爾摩大學土耳其研究所教授珍妮·懷特 (Jenny White) 告訴彭博社：“保護機場是一種在不放棄太多的情況下做好事的方式。”
Turkey’s takeover of Kabul airport in doubt amid security concerns - report
·
· Jun 25 2021 11:25 Gmt+3
· Last Updated On: Jun 25 2021 11:27 Gmt+3
The details of a deal for Turkey to assume security at Kabul’s international airport have yet to be finalised, putting the proposal in doubt ahead of the planned U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, Bloomberg reported on Friday.
Securing the future of Hamid Karzai International airport, a crucial access point for foreign diplomats and organisations, is seen as a key priority as U.S. troops prepare to leave Afghanistan by September.
Turkish forces are currently responsible for the airport under the NATO-led Resolute Support Mission, and Ankara has indicated it would be willing to maintain this presence if given international support.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan discussed the issue with his U.S. counterpart Joe Biden at the sidelines of the NATO summit in Brussels earlier this month, after which U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan said an agreement had been reached without providing further details.
However, Bloomberg said questions remained over the viability of the Turkish deployment without continued U.S. air support.
“Unless there is an agreement between the Taliban and Turkey to temporarily operate the Kabul airport, it is mission impossible due to colossal security risks,” Nihat Ali Özcan, a strategist at the Economic Policy Research Foundation in Ankara, told the news outlet.
“The question is who will prevent the Taliban from firing mortar rounds or rockets at the runway from afar?” he said.
The Taliban, the armed movement which controlled Afghanistan prior to the 2001 U.S. invasion, has called on Turkish troops to follow NATO in withdrawing from the country.
Turkish officials privately acknowledge the security concerns and will meet U.S. military figures this week to push for concrete guarantees of support, Bloomberg said.
Turkey’s offer to remain in Afghanistan comes as it seeks to restructure its relations with the United States under Biden.
The two NATO allies remain at loggerheads over a range of issues, including Turkey’s decision to purchase Russian-made S-400 missiles, resulting in U.S. sanctions.
“Safeguarding the airport is a way of making nice without giving too much up,” Jenny White, professor at Stockholm University’s Institute for Turkish Studies, told Bloomberg.
美國準備好取消對戈蘭主權的承認了嗎？
以色列從一開始就明確表示無意從該領土撤出。
作者：托瓦·拉扎羅夫
2021 年 6 月 25 日 20:29
僅在華盛頓自由燈塔上發表了一篇關於拜登政府取消美國承認戈蘭高地的潛在意圖的推測性報導，以色列媒體就宣布了這一事實。
陸軍電台和第 12 頻道都登上了 Beacon 文章的頭條新聞，該文章的標題是“拜登行政當局收回美國承認戈蘭高地為以色列領土”。
燈塔副標題宣稱，“國務院推遲簽署特朗普行政外交政策決定。”
在文章本身中，燈塔解釋說，當“華盛頓自由燈塔對這個問題施加壓力時，一位國務院官員表示，這片領土不屬於任何人，控制權可能會隨著該地區不斷變化的動態而改變。”
但這句話沒有用引號引起來，而是對與一位不願透露姓名的國務院官員談話的轉述。Beacon 在文章中的任何地方都沒有用支持該斷言的文檔或引用（甚至是匿名引用）來限定其斷言。
如果有的話，這篇文章所依據的國務院引述似乎表明，美國總統喬拜登現階段對取消特朗普政府 2018 年承認以色列對戈蘭高地的主權不感興趣，特別是考慮到長期的內戰在敘利亞。
“國務卿很清楚，作為一個實際問題，戈蘭高地對以色列的安全非常重要，”一位國務院官員告訴自由燈塔。“只要[巴沙爾·阿薩德]在敘利亞掌權，只要伊朗在敘利亞存在，伊朗支持的民兵組織，阿薩德政權本身——所有這些都對以色列構成重大安全威脅，並作為一個實際上，對戈蘭的控制對以色列的安全仍然具有真正的重要性。”
一位外交消息人士說：“戈蘭高地問題在與美國人的對話中根本沒有提到。
“不用說，戈蘭高地將永遠處於以色列的主權之下，”消息人士說。
美國直接拒絕了燈塔報告。
“美國關於戈蘭的政策沒有改變，相反的報導是錯誤的，”國務院週五在其近東事務賬戶下發推文。
那麼，為什麼美國支持以色列在戈蘭高地的安全利益的聲明會如此迅速地成為以色列關於拜登政府計劃如何撤回對以色列在戈蘭主權的支持的故事。
答案分為三個部分。第一個談到山脈對以色列的戰略意義，以色列在 1967 年六日戰爭期間從敘利亞手中奪取了領土，並於 1981 年吞併了它。
以色列從一開始就明確表示無意從該領土撤出，儘管有一些舉措將其與與以色列的和平協議聯繫起來。
如果沒有這樣的協議，而且目前似乎也沒有這樣的協議，戈蘭高地仍然是以色列防禦敘利亞的重要組成部分，在過去十年中，敘利亞發生了危險的內戰。
敘利亞也是以色列與伊朗交戰的重要地區之一，以色列拒絕了伊朗企圖在以色列邊境站穩腳跟的企圖。
在以色列撤軍之後，伊朗在俯瞰以色列的戈蘭高地可能有軍事存在，這對這個猶太國家構成了生存威脅。
其次，國際社會拒絕承認以色列在戈蘭高地的主權，加劇了戈蘭高地的不安全感，許多國家甚至拒絕承認當前的軍事現實對以色列撤軍的任何可能性提出了務實的挑戰。在聯合國，各國每年都會通過多項決議，呼籲以色列從戈蘭撤出。
最後，拜登政府引發了戈蘭的不安全感。從它闡明其外交政策的第一刻起，它就談到支持以色列此時保留戈蘭，但沒有承諾承認主權。
早在二月份，美國國務卿安東尼· 布林肯就 告訴美國有線電視新聞網，“實際上，我認為在這種情況下控制戈蘭對以色列的安全仍然非常重要。”
他繼續說道，“法律問題是另外一回事，隨著時間的推移，如果敘利亞的局勢發生變化，我們會考慮這一點，但我們還遠遠沒有達到這一點。”
4 月，國務院發言人 Ned Price 告訴記者，現有政策沒有變化。
在 拜登政府的無能質押主權識別有關美國國會議員誰相信戈蘭應該是以色列的永久邊界之內。
上個月，眾議員 Mike Gallagher（R-Texas）和參議員 Ted Cruz（R-Texas）推出了以色列主權再保證法案 (ISRA)，旨在讓美國承認戈蘭高地是以色列國的一部分。
加拉格爾當時說：“戈蘭高地為以色列提供了防禦性邊界，是以色列與敘利亞混亂之間的關鍵緩沖地帶。在以色列——我們在中東最重要的盟友——確實受到攻擊的時候，我們應該竭盡全力確保他們能夠自衛。
“確保我們繼續承認他們對戈蘭高地的主權是我們這樣做的最基本方式，”他補充說。
就在上週，眾議院外交事務委員會的成員上週還試圖就此事向美國駐聯合國大使琳達·托馬斯-弗里德曼施壓。
“這是政府仍在努力解決的問題，”托馬斯-格林菲爾德說。然而，她澄清說，“我們沒有改變前任政府的任何決定”，而且這個問題目前不在議程上。
對於那些有長遠眼光的人來說，她的回答很難讓人放心。週五的頭條新聞可能為時過早。
但是對於那些在戈蘭上為以色列主權而戰的人來說，他們在未來的時間裡發出警告，這樣的標題可能確實成為當天的新聞。
Is the US ready to rescind Golan sovereignty recognition?
Israel has been clear from the start that it has no intention of withdrawing from that territory.
By TOVAH LAZAROFF
JUNE 25, 2021 20:29
View of Mount Hermon covered with snow as it seen from the northern Golan Heights, near the border with Syria, January 20, 2021.
(photo credit: MAOR KINSBURSKY/FLASH90)
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It took only one speculative report in the Washington Free Beacon about the potential intention of the Biden administration to rescind US recognition of the Golan Heights for the Israeli media to announced it as a fact.
Both Army Radio and Channel 12 ran headlines on the Beacon article, which was titled "Biden Admin Walks Back U.S. Recognition of Golan Heights as Israeli Territory."
The Beacon subhead declares, "State Department pushes back on signature Trump admin foreign policy decision."
Within the article itself, the Beacon explains that when "pressed on the issue by the Washington Free Beacon, a State Department official said the territory belongs to no one and control could change depending on the region's ever-shifting dynamics."
But the line was not in quotes and was a paraphrase of a conversation with an unnamed State Department official. No where in the article does the Beacon qualify its assertion with a document or a quote, even anonymous one, that supports that assertion.
If anything, State Department quote on which the article is based appears to indicate that US President Joe Biden is not interested at this stage in nullifying a 2018 Trump administration recognition of Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights, particularly in light of the long ranging civil war in Syria.
“The Secretary was clear, that as a practical matter, the Golan is very important to Israel’s security,” a State Department official toll the Free Beacon. “As long as [Bashar al-Assad] is in power in Syria, as long as Iran is present in Syria, militia groups backed by Iran, the Assad regime itself — all of these pose a significant security threat to Israel, and as a practical matter the control of the Golan remains of real importance to Israel’s security.”
A diplomatic source said, "The issue of the Golan Heights has not come up at all in the dialogue with the Americans.
"It goes without saying that the Golan Heights will remain under Israeli sovereignty forever," the source stated.
The US rejected the Beacon report outright.
“U.S. policy regarding the Golan has not changed, and reports to the contrary are false,” the State Department tweeted under its Near Eastern Affairs account on Friday.
So why would a US statement of support for Israel’s security interests in the Golan so quickly become a story in Israel about how the Biden administration plans to withdraw support for Israeli sovereignty there.
The answer falls into three parts. The first speaks to the strategic significance of the mountainous range to Israel, which captured the territory from Syria during the 1967 Six Day War and which annexed it in 1981.
Israel has been clear from the start that it has no intention of withdrawing from that territory, although there have been some initiatives to link it to a peace deal with Israel.
Without such a deal, and no such deal seems within the realm of possibility at this time, the Golan Heights remains an important piece of Israel’s defense against Syria, where a dangerous civil war has ranged for the last decade.
Syria is also the one of significant areas in which the Israeli-Iran battle is fought, with Israel rebuffing Iranian attempting to entrench itself at Israel’s border.
The potential of an Iranian military presence on the Golan Heights overlooking Israel, in the aftermath of an Israeli withdrawal poses an existential threat to the Jewish state.
Secondly, the insecurity over the Golan Heights is heightened by the international community’s refusal to recognize Israeli sovereignty there, many countries refuse to even acknowledge that the current military reality presents pragmatic challenges to any possibility of an Israel withdrawal. At the United Nations countries pass multiple annual resolutions that call for Israel to withdraw from the Golan.
Lastly, the Biden administration triggered insecurity on the Golan. From the first moment it articulated its foreign policy, it spoke of support for Israel’s retention of the Golan at this time but did not promise sovereignty recognition.
Already in February US Secretary of State Antony Blinken told CNN, “As a practical matter, the control of the Golan in that situation I think remains of real importance to Israel’s security.”
He continued, “Legal questions are something else and over time if the situation were to change in Syria, that’s something we look at, but we are nowhere near that.”
In April State Department spokesman Ned Price told reporters there was no change to existing policy.
The Biden administration’s inability to pledge sovereignty recognition concerned US legislators who believe the Golan should be within Israel’s permanent borders.
Last month Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Texas) and Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) introduced the Israeli Sovereignty Reassurance Act (ISRA) designed to enshrine US recognition of the Golan as part of the state of Israel.
At the time Gallagher said, “The Golan Heights provide Israel with defensible borders and serve as a key buffer between Israel and the chaos in Syria. At a time when Israel — our most important ally in the Middle East — is literally under attack, we should do everything in our power to ensure they can defend themselves.
“Ensuring we continue to recognize their sovereignty over the Golan Heights is the most basic way we can do so,” he added.
Just last week members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee also attempted to press US Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Friedman on the matter last week.
“This is an issue the administration is still working on,” Thomas-Greenfield said. She clarified, however, that “we have not changed any of the decisions of the prior administration” and that the issue was not on the agenda at this time.
For those with the long view in mind, her answer was hardly reassuring. Friday's headlines might have been premature.
But for those battling for Israeli sovereignty on the Golan, they bear a warning for a future time when such a headline might indeed be the news of the day.
美國：承認以色列對戈蘭高地主權的政策不變
“美國關於戈蘭的政策沒有改變，相反的報導是錯誤的，”國務院週五在其近東事務賬戶下發推文。
作者：托瓦·拉扎羅夫
2021 年 6 月 25 日 20:19
美國總統喬拜登週二在白宮談論冠狀病毒疫苗接種情況。
（照片來源：喬納森·恩斯特/路透社）
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美國拒絕華盛頓自由燈塔聲稱它“收回”承認以色列對戈蘭高地的主權的說法是“錯誤的” 。
“美國關於戈蘭的政策沒有改變，相反的報導是錯誤的，”國務院週五在其近東事務賬戶下發推文。
在 Beacon 發布其報告後不到 24 小時，它就發表了講話，該報告聲稱美國正在撤銷 2018 年特朗普政府對以色列的戈蘭主權承認。
以色列在 1967 年的六日戰爭期間從敘利亞奪取了戈蘭高地，並於 1981 年吞併了它。國際社會拒絕承認以色列在那裡的主權，並經常在聯合國呼籲以色列將其歸還給敘利亞。迄今為止，美國是唯一支持以色列吞併戈蘭的國家。
敘利亞在俯瞰這個猶太國家的戈蘭山頂上的存在被以色列認為是一種生存威脅。鑑於兩國之間的敵對狀態，以色列沒有計劃將領土歸還給敘利亞。
伊朗試圖在敘利亞軍事上鞏固自己的地位，這只是對以色列強調了守住與兩國接壤的山脈的必要性。
當被問及美國前總統唐納德特朗普對戈蘭主權的承認時，拜登政府堅稱它沒有改變其政策，但它沒有承諾在未來保持這種政策立場。
它的失敗為人們猜測美國總統喬拜登將來會停止承認戈蘭打開了大門。國會中的共和黨人已經在推動立法以阻止拜登這樣做。
美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯談到了戈蘭高地對以色列安全的重要性。然而，美國駐聯合國大使琳達·托馬斯-格林菲爾德上週發表的一份聲明表示，拜登政府將在未來審查該政策。但她沒有為這樣的過程設定日期。
外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德（Yair Lapid）指責燈塔試圖破壞本月早些時候宣誓就職的以總理納夫塔利·貝內特為首的以色列新政府，在此問題上造成以色列和美國之間存在分歧的印象。
“戈蘭高地是以色列主權國家的戰略資產和不可分割的一部分。美國已經承認我們對戈蘭高地的主權及其對以色列安全的戰略重要性。任何散佈有關撤銷這一承認的謠言的人都會損害[以色列的]安全，損害主權宣言，”拉皮德寫道。
他寫道，那些散佈此類謠言的人“願意（不是第一次）對以色列國造成真正的損害，危及以色列與美國的安全和關係，其目的只是為了傷害新政府。” 拉皮德在推特上寫道。
內政部長阿耶萊特·沙克德 (Ayelet Shaked) 是貝內特 (Bennett) 的政黨成員，他在推特上說，現任政府已經承諾增加戈蘭的社區發展，從而增加那裡的以色列人口。沙克德在推特上說，試圖用“假新聞”破壞以色列對戈蘭的控制注定要失敗。
農業部長 Oded Forer 說，他已指示他的辦公室準備一份政府聲明的文本，以支持戈蘭和以色列在那裡的發展。
US: no change to policy recognizing Israeli sovereignty on Golan
“US policy regarding the Golan has not changed, and reports to the contrary are false,” the State Department tweeted under its Near Eastern Affairs account on Friday.
By TOVAH LAZAROFF
JUNE 25, 2021 20:19
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden talks about the status of coronavirus vaccinations at the White House on Tuesday.
(photo credit: JONATHAN ERNST / REUTERS)
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The United States rejected as “false” a claim by the Washington Free Beacon that it had “walked back” its recognition of Israeli sovereignty on the Golan.
“US policy regarding the Golan has not changed, and reports to the contrary are false,” the State Department tweeted under its Near Eastern Affairs account on Friday.
It spoke up less than 24-hours after the Beacon published its report which claimed that the US was rescinding that Golan sovereignty recognition granted Israel in 2018 under the Trump administration.
Israel captured the Golan Heights from Syria during the Six Day-War in 1967 and annexed it in 1981. The international community has refused to recognize Israeli sovereignty there and routinely calls on Israel at the United Nations to return it to Syria. To date the US is the only country to have supported Israel’s Golan annexation.
A Syrian presence on the Golan hilltops overlooking the Jewish state is considered by Israel to be an existential threat. Israel has no plans to return the territory to Syria, given the state of enmity between them.
Iran’s attempt to entrench itself militarily in Syria, has only underscored for Israel the necessity of holding onto the mountain range that borders the two countries.
The Biden administration has insisted when asked about former US President Donald Trump’s Golan sovereignty recognition that it has not changed it policy, but it refrained from promising to maintain that policy stance in the future.
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Its failure to do so has opened the door to speculation that US President Joe Biden would in the future halt recognition of the Golan. Republicans in Congress are already pushing for legislation to prevent Biden from doing so.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has spoken of the
importance the Golan
holds for Israel security. A statement last week by US Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield, however, indicated that the Biden administration would in the future review that policy,. But she set no date for such a process.
Foreign Minister Yair Lapid accused the Beacon of attempting to undermine the new Israeli government headed by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett which was sworn into office earlier this month, by creating the impression of a rift between the Israel and the US on this matter.
“The Golan Heights is a strategic asset and an integral part of the sovereign State of Israel. The US has recognized our sovereignty over the Golan Heights and its strategic importance to Israel's security. Anyone who spreads rumors about the revocation of this recognition harms [Israel’s] security, harms the declaration of sovereignty,” Lapid wrote.
Those who spread such rumors, he wrote, are “willing (not for the first time) to cause real damage to the State of Israel endanger its security and relations with the United States, only with the aim to harm the new government.” Lapid tweeted.
Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked, who is a member of Bennett’s party, tweeted that the existing government has already pledged to increased communal develop on the Golan and thereby increase the Israeli population there. Attempts to undermine Israel’s hold on the Golan with “fake news” are doomed to fail, Shaked tweeted.
Agriculture Minister Oded Forer said he had instructed his office to prepare text for a government declaration in support of the Golan and Israeli development there.
伊朗核談判的六個要點——分析
這些外賣包括使用彈道導彈、伊斯蘭共和國破壞中東的穩定以及可能將核限制延長到 2030 年以後。
作者：尤娜傑瑞米鮑勃
2021 年 6 月 25 日 18:13
伊朗總統哈桑·魯哈尼（Hassan Rouhani）於 2021 年 4 月 10 日在伊朗德黑蘭舉行的伊朗國家核能日期間回顧了伊朗的新核成就。
（圖片來源：伊朗總統辦公室/WANA（西亞新聞社）/通過路透社提供的資料）
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在伊朗、美國和世界大國之間的核對峙的最後一周發生了一些重大事件，這為下一步的預期提供了一些額外的見解。
在美國國務院高級官員向媒體介紹背景後，以下是六個要點：
1. 後續談判：迄今為止沒有達成協議的一個主要原因是拜登政府對進行後續一輪談判以解決 JCPOA 核協議未解決的問題持強硬態度。
其中包括：彈道導彈、伊斯蘭共和國破壞中東穩定以及可能將核限制延長至 2030 年以後。以色列反對重返 JCPOA，部分原因是它認為美國在解除制裁後試圖獲得新的讓步是魯莽的。聽到華盛頓可能會認真對待這個問題，即使它不能完全滿足以色列的擔憂，耶路撒冷可能會稍微感到鼓舞。美國似乎也在認真對待德黑蘭先進的離心機和更高的濃縮水平。
2. 伊朗在後續談判中挽回面子：現在已經正式提出，美國可以在新的讓步上彌合與伊朗之間的分歧的一種方式是 JCPOA 協議之後的後續協議的各個方面（如果發生任何這種情況） ) 可能是非正式的並且未在協議中籤署。這將極大地關係到耶路撒冷，它的經驗是伊朗無視任何尚未正式簽署的內容——甚至這些承諾也往往沒有完全兌現。
如果美國走這條路，那麼以色列情報監視以查看伊斯蘭共和國是否繼續在威脅以色列而不是美國的範圍內發展彈道導彈，將像以往一樣重要。
3. 對賴西的製裁可能會取消：這位美國高級官員明確沒有說明華盛頓是否會取消對易卜拉欣·賴西侵犯人權的製裁，因為他是伊朗的當選總統。但在這種情況下，不承諾很可能是解除制裁的承諾。如果拜登政府不提高對賴西的製裁，這將使與德黑蘭的談判變得異常困難。
這可能是以色列正在推動阻止重返 JCPOA 的原因。但拜登致力於回歸，這意味著作為一攬子交易的一部分，他可能會取消對賴西的製裁。如果美國打算不這樣做，他們將發出明確的信號，表明不會從一開始就取消制裁。
4、第七輪談判沒有日期：前幾輪談判似乎急於開始下一輪談判以保持勢頭。一位美國官員表示，沒有安排返回日期。儘管 JCPOA 的批評者可能對此感到興奮，但更有可能的是，這表明下一次談判將更加嚴肅且接近尾聲。
很可能，談判一直拖到現在，這樣才能在賴西時代達成協議，這樣他和強硬派陣營就可以將伊斯蘭共和國的積極經濟趨勢歸功於自己。更長的停頓可能反映了對交易的信心，並且最終正在辯論關於此的艱難最終決定，以便該過程結束。
5. IAEA 沒有延期，但沒有危機：解除對伊朗制裁或結束 IAEA-伊朗合作的第三個最後期限於週四以嗚咽聲過去了。有人擔心德黑蘭會跟進並結束檢查，但現在似乎每個人都習慣了伊朗的最後期限在這個問題上毫無意義。
更大的問題是德黑蘭這次將在下一個截止日期前延長合作多長時間，以及這種合作的運作方式是否會發生一些小的變化。
6. 沒有討論炸毀卡拉傑核設施： 甚至沒有人問，美國官員也沒有提到伊朗對卡拉傑主要離心機生產設施的破壞，據報導是以色列。這在以色列是個大新聞，但在美國卻鮮有報導。顯然，拜登政府和伊朗人——他們仍然在說損害很小——希望擺脫這種情況，不允許它破壞他們共同推動達成協議的努力。
這次襲擊肯定有利於所有擔心伊朗發展核武器的國家，但它不會減緩 JCPOA。
Six takeaways from Iran nuke negotiations - analysis
These takeaways include the use of ballistic missiles, the Islamic Republic's destabilization of the Middle East and potentially extending nuclear limits beyond 2030.
By YONAH JEREMY BOB
JUNE 25, 2021 18:13
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani reviews Iran's new nuclear achievements during Iran's National Nuclear Energy Day in Tehran, Iran April 10, 2021.
(photo credit: IRANIAN PRESIDENCY OFFICE/WANA (WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY)/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
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Some major events have happened in the last week of the nuclear standoff between Iran, the US and the world powers, which give some additional insights into what to expect next.
Following a background briefing to the media by a senior US State Department official, here are six takeaways:
1. Follow-on negotiations: A major reason there has been no deal so far is that the Biden administration has held tough to there being a follow on round of negotiations to address issues which the JCPOA nuclear deal did not address.
These include: ballistic missiles, the Islamic Republic's destabilization of the Middle East and potentially extending nuclear limits beyond 2030. Israel opposes a return to the JCPOA, partially because it believes a US attempt to get new concessions after lifting sanctions is foolhardy. Jerusalem might be slightly heartened to hear that Washington may be taking this issue seriously even if it will not fully meet Israeli concerns. The US also seems to be taking Tehran's advanced centrifuge and higher enrichment levels seriously.
2. Iran saving face during the follow-on negotiations: It has now been formally suggested that one way the US might bridge differences with Iran on new concessions is that aspects of the follow-on deal after the JCPOA deal (if any of this happens) might be informal and not signed in an agreement. This will greatly concern Jerusalem, whose experience is that Iran ignores anything it has not signed on to formally and with teeth - and even those commitments are often not honored completely.
If the US goes this route, Israeli intelligence monitoring to see if the Islamic Republic is, say, continuing ballistic missiles development at ranges threatening Israel but not the US, will be as crucial as ever.
3. Sanctions to Raisi will likely come off: The senior US official explicitly did not say whether Washington will remove sanctions from Ebrahim Raisi for human rights violations, now that he is Iran's president-elect. But in this case a non-commitment is likely a commitment to lift sanctions. It would make negotiations with Tehran extraordinarily difficult if the Biden administration did not raise sanctions on Raisi.
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This is probably what Israel is pushing for to block a return to the JCPOA. But Biden is committed to the return, which means he will likely lift sanctions on Raisi as part of a package deal. If the Us was going to do otherwise, they would be sending a clear signal of no sanctions lifting from the get-go.
4. No date for 7th round of negotiations: After past rounds there seemed to be a rush to start the next round of negotiations to maintain momentum. A US official said there is no return date scheduled. Though critics of the JCPOA might be excited by this, it is more likely that this is a sign that negotiations next time will be more serious and near the end.
Probably, negotiations were dragged out until now so a deal could be struck during the Raisi era so he and the hardliner camp could take credit for positive economic trends in the Islamic Republic. A longer pause probably reflects confidence for a deal and that the hard final decisions on this are finally being debated so that the process will conclude.
5. No IAEA extension yet, but no crisis: The third deadline for lifting sanctions on Iran or an end to IAEA-Iranian cooperation passed on Thursday with a whimper. There was some concern expressed that Tehran would follow-through and end inspections, but it seems everyone is now used to Iranian deadlines being meaningless on this issue.
The bigger question is how long Tehran will extend cooperation this time before the next deadline and whether some small changes will be made in how that cooperation works.
6. No discussion of blown up Karaj nuclear facility: No one even asked, and the US official did not address, the sabotage of Iran's major centrifuge production facility at Karaj, reportedly by Israel. This was big news in Israel, but much less reported in America. Clearly, the Biden administration and the Iranians - who still are lying about the damage being small - want to move on from this and not allow it to undermine their joint push for a deal.
The attack certainly benefited all countries worried about Iran's advancement toward a nuclear weapon, but it will not slow down the JCPOA.
Shaked 拒絕在網上登記民事婚姻
數以萬計的以色列人根本無法在以色列結婚，因為該國沒有民事婚姻的規定，首席拉比不會與他們結婚。
通過JEREMY SHARON
2021 年 6 月 25 日 11:13
Ayelet Shaked 在她自己的以色列議會新聞發布會上回應了 Smotrich 的指控。
（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM）
廣告
內政部長阿耶萊特·沙克德 (Ayelet Shaked) 已決定不承認或登記在美國猶他州主持下為以色列夫婦在網上舉行的公證婚姻，這一決定可能會在政府內部造成緊張局勢。
數百名以色列人現在使用的猶他州服務將為所有以色列人提供一種公證婚姻選擇，而他們不必出國旅行，由於宗教和極端正統黨派的反對，自該州成立以來這是不可能的.
Shaked 的決定是對要求登記婚姻的請願書的回應，這將阻礙這一發展，儘管通過猶他州服務結婚的夫婦將在法庭上提出質疑。
公證婚姻的倡導者認為，在法庭上成功的機會非常高，而 Shaked 可能試圖避免做出爆炸性的政治決定，因為他們知道無論如何法庭最終都會強迫該部登記婚姻。
候補總理兼 Yesh Atid 主席Yair Lapid；衛生部長兼梅雷茨主席尼贊霍洛維茨；財政部長和 Yisrael Beytenu 領導人 Avigdor Liberman 都拒絕回應對 Shaked 決定發表評論的請求。
當被要求置評時，交通部長和工黨領袖梅拉夫米凱利批評許多以色列人無法在民事儀式上結婚，但沒有回應沙克德的決定。
關於猶他州在線民事婚姻的爭議於去年在 COVID-19 危機期間發展起來，其中由於全球大流行和國際旅行的限制，每年在國外舉行民事婚禮的數千對夫婦中的一些人無法結婚它造成的。
數以萬計的以色列人根本無法在以色列結婚，因為該國沒有民事婚姻的規定，並且由於猶太法律的各種限制，或者由於他們是同性戀，首席拉比不會與他們結婚。
其他人則出於意識形態原因試圖避免通過首席拉比結婚。
許多這樣的夫婦飛往塞浦路斯、捷克共和國、美國和其他地方舉行民事婚禮，然後得到內政部人口和移民局的認可。
然而，這個過程既昂貴又繁重，並且在大流行最嚴重的時期被證明是不可能的，這使得成千上萬的以色列夫婦無法以任何方式結婚。
2020 年，猶他州開始提供在線民事婚姻，幾對以色列夫婦決定利用這項服務使他們能夠結婚。
幾對以這種方式結婚的夫婦將他們的所有文件提交給當地人口和移民局的分支機構，並在該局成功登記了他們的婚禮。
大約 20 對夫婦設法在全國各地的人口當局的不同部門登記了他們的婚姻。
當其他部門的官員質疑文件時，反對公證婚姻的內政部長兼沙族領導人 MK Arye Deri 最終下令凍結婚姻登記程序。
但是現在大約有 500 對以色列夫婦利用了猶他州的服務，其中絕大多數無法登記結婚。
德里的辦公室表示，內政部正在對婚禮和登記過程進行“深入檢查”，他說該州以前從未遇到過。
隨後，針對 Deri 暫停登記這些婚姻的決定提出了兩份法律請願書，一份是在 Lod 地區法院，另一份是在耶路撒冷地區法院。
Deri 領導的內政部要求 Lod 法院多次延期，該法院堅持要求該部決定是否承認猶他州的婚姻。
但在 5 月底，法院的耐心耗盡了，它讓內政部在下週三之前就是否承認猶他州的婚姻做出決定，並在 7 月 7 日前將其決定通知法院。
Shaked 的辦公室告訴《耶路撒冷郵報》，“人口和移民局的立場是基於法律分析，根據法律分析，由於討論中的婚禮是在以色列舉行的，以色列法律適用於他們，不承認這些婚禮的有效性。婚禮。”
Shaked 的辦公室表示，該決定已轉交給總檢察長辦公室，並獲得批准。
人口和移民局斷言，這些婚姻雖然是通過猶他州進行的，但都是在以色列舉行的，如果這對夫婦無法出示以色列結婚證，他們將無法登記結婚，這意味著它將拒絕登記猶他州的婚姻.
根據在提交給 Lod 法院的請願書中代表幾對夫婦的律師 Vlad Finkelshtein 的說法，1962 年高等法院的一項裁決要求內政部承認在另一個國家合法進行的民事婚姻。
他說，由於猶他州在線婚姻得到猶他州和美國政府的認可，以色列內政部在法律上有義務將這對夫婦登記為已婚以色列。
Finkelshtein 說，婚姻的有效性無關緊要，而與人口管理局是否有義務登記已通過海牙認證的公共文件無關。
來自 Bat Yam 的 Valentina Levin 最近在猶他州的網上民事婚姻中與她的伴侶 Alina 結婚。他們是少數能夠在人口和移民局成功登記婚姻的夫婦之一。
由於瓦倫蒂娜和阿麗娜是同性伴侶，他們無法在以色列結婚，也無法在大流行期間出國結婚。
瓦倫蒂娜在接受《華盛頓郵報》採訪時表示，猶他州的婚姻對於無法在以色列結婚的夫婦來說是一個很好的解決方案，並指出在國外結婚至少會花費她和她的伴侶 20,000 新謝克爾。
“我們是一個民主國家，我有選擇的自由，我有權以我想要的方式結婚，而不是他們想要的方式，”瓦倫蒂娜說。
她補充說，對她和阿麗娜來說，結婚以向他們的孩子證明他們是一個家庭單位非常重要。
瓦倫蒂娜說：“對我們來說，證明我們已經結婚並且在各方面都是一個真正的家庭對我們來說很重要。”
當被問及猶他州的婚姻是否免除以色列提供自己的民事婚姻框架的必要性時，她說以色列國需要自己決定是否要為自己的公民做好事，並將考慮到所有公民。 ”
Shaked refuses to register online civil marriages
Tens of thousands of Israelis cannot get married in Israel at all, since there is no provision for civil marriage in the country and the Chief Rabbinate will not marry them.
By JEREMY SHARON
JUNE 25, 2021 11:13
Ayelet Shaked responding in her own Knesset press conference to Smotrich accusations.
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked has decided not to recognize or register civil marriages performed online under the auspices of the US state of Utah for Israeli couples, a decision which may create tension within the government.
Utah’s service, which several hundred Israelis have now utilized, would provide a civil marriage option to all Israel's without them having to travel abroad, something which has never been possible since the founding of the state due to the objections of religious and ultra-Orthodox parties.
Shaked’s decision, coming in response to a petition demanding the marriages be registered, will stymie this development, although it will be challenged in court by couples who have married through the Utah service.
Advocates for civil marriage believe the chances of success in court are extremely high, and Shaked may have sought to avoid making an explosive political decision in the knowledge that the courts will ultimately force the ministry to register the marriages anyway.
Alternate Prime Minister and Yesh Atid chairman Yair Lapid; Health Minister and Meretz chairman Nitzan Horowitz; and Finance Minister and Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Liberman all refused to respond to a request for comment on Shaked’s decision.
Asked for comment, Transportation Minister and Labor leader Merav Michaeli criticized the inability of many Israelis to marry in civil ceremonies, although did not respond to Shaked’s decision.
The controversy over Utah’s online civil marriages developed last year during the COVID-19 crisis, in which some of the thousands of couples who marry every year in civil wedding ceremonies abroad were unable to get married due to the global pandemic and the restrictions on international travel it caused.
Tens of thousands of Israelis cannot get married in Israel at all, since there is no provision for civil marriage in the country and the Chief Rabbinate will not marry them due to various restrictions of Jewish law, or due to the fact that they are gay.
Others seek to avoid marrying through the Chief Rabbinate for ideological reasons.
Many such couples fly to Cyprus, the Czech Republic, the US and other locations to marry in civil ceremonies, which are then recognized by the Population and Immigration Authority of the Interior Ministry.
The process is however expensive and burdensome, and proved impossible during the height of the pandemic, making it impossible for thousands of Israeli couples to get married in any way.
In 2020, the state of Utah began offering online civil marriage, and several Israeli couples decided to utilize this service to enable them to get married.
Several couples who got married in this manner presented all their documentation to their local branch of the Population and Immigration Authority and had their weddings successfully registered by the authority.
Some 20 couples have managed to register their marriages in different branches of the population authority around the country.
When officials in other branches questioned the documentation, an order eventually came down from then Interior Minister and Shas leader MK Arye Deri, who opposes civil marriage, to freeze the process of registering the marriages.
But some 500 Israeli couples have now taken advantage of the Utah service, the large majority of whom have not been able to register their marriages.
Deri’s office said the Interior Ministry was conducting “an in-depth examination” of the wedding and registration process which he said the state has not encountered before.
Two legal petitions were subsequently filed against Deri’s decision to suspend registration of these marriages, one in the Lod district court and one in the Jerusalem district court.
The Interior Ministry under Deri requested several extensions from the Lod court, which insisted that the ministry make a decision as to whether or not it will recognize the Utah marriages.
But at the end of May the court’s patience ran out and it gave the Interior Ministry until this coming Wednesday to make a decision on whether to recognize the Utah marriages, and inform the court of its decision by July 7.
Shaked’s office told The Jerusalem Post that “the position of the Population and Immigration Authority is based on a legal analysis, according to which since the weddings under discussion were conducted in Israel, Israeli law applies to them, which does not recognize the validity of these weddings.”
Shaked’s office said this decision had been passed on to the Attorney- General’s Office, which approved it.
The Population and Immigration Authority asserted that the marriages, although performed through Utah, were held in Israel, and that if the couples could not produce Israeli marriage certificates they would not be able to register as married, meaning it will refuse to register the Utah marriages.
According to Attorney Vlad Finkelshtein who is representing several of the couples in the petition filed to the Lod court, a High Court ruling from 1962 requires the Interior Ministry to recognize a civil marriage if performed legally in another country.
He says that since the Utah online marriages are recognized by the State of Utah and the United States government, Israel’s Interior Ministry is legally bound to register the couples as married Israel.
Finkelshtein said that the validity of the marriages was not relevant, but rather whether or not the Population Authority has an obligation to register a public document which has been verified by an apostille.
Valentina Levin from Bat Yam recently married her partner Alina in a Utah online civil marriage. They were one of the few couples who were able to successfully register their marriage with the Population and Immigration Authority.
Since Valentina and Alina are a same-sex couple they could not marry in Israel and were unable to travel abroad to get married throughout the pandemic.
Speaking to the Post, Valentina said the Utah marriages were a good solution to for couples unable to marry in Israel, noting that marrying abroad would have cost her and her partner at least NIS 20,000.
“We are a democratic country, I have freedom of choice and I have the right to marry how I want, not how they want,” said Valentina.
She added that it had been very important for her and Alina to get married to demonstrate to their children that they were a family unit.
“It was important for us to show that we’re married and that we are a real family in every respect,” said Valentina.
Asked whether the Utah marriages absolve Israel of the necessity of providing its own civil marriage framework, she said that the State of Israel needs to decide for itself if it wants to do good for its own citizens, and will be considerate of all its citizens.”
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