美國總統喬拜登歡迎阿卜杜拉國王訪問白宮

阿卜杜拉將在本週與哈里斯和布林肯會面。預計與國王的會談將包括以色列和巴勒斯坦人的前進方向。

通過OMRI納米亞斯，路透

2021 年 7 月 19 日 22:29

2021 年 7 月 19 日，美國總統喬·拜登在美國華盛頓白宮橢圓形辦公室與約旦國王阿卜杜拉二世握手。

（圖片來源：路透社/喬納森恩斯特）

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美國總統喬拜登週一在白宮歡迎約旦國王阿卜杜拉。這是預計今年夏天與中東領導人舉行的三場面對面會談中的第一場。

阿卜杜拉在 4 月份面臨同父異母兄弟哈姆扎王子對其權威的挑戰，自 1 月份上台以來，他與拜登舉行了首次橢圓形辦公室會談。

週二，他還將在副總統官邸與副總統卡馬拉哈里斯共進工作早餐，然後在國務院與國務卿安東尼布林肯會面。

阿卜杜拉是第一位訪問拜登白宮的中東領導人，伊拉克總理穆斯塔法·卡迪米將於 7 月 26 日緊隨其後。美國和以色列官員目前正在努力安排拜登與新總理納夫塔利·貝內特會面。

拜登政府一名高級官員表示，總統與國王的會談預計將包括以色列和巴勒斯坦人的前進方向，貝內特最近取代本傑明內塔尼亞胡擔任以色列總理。

5 月份以色列與哈馬斯和其他加沙恐怖分子之間進行了為期 11 天的戰爭之後，緊張局勢仍然很嚴重。

阿卜杜拉在他自己國家的立場可能會出現在談判中。在哈姆扎王子 4 月被指控策劃破壞國家穩定後，約旦在動蕩的中東地區作為穩定島嶼的形象受到質疑。

拜登全力支持阿卜杜拉，他的妻子拉尼亞王后也加入了白宮。

拜登政府一名高級官員說：“我們對國王的領導充滿信心，我認為未來幾天的訪問將再次肯定這種信心。”

這位官員說，其他可能出現的話題是特朗普時代亞伯拉罕協議的未來——以色列和四個阿拉伯國家之間達成的正常化協議——與伊朗就其核計劃和敘利亞的人道主義危機進行的談判。

華盛頓近東政策研究所特聘研究員丹尼斯·羅斯大使告訴《耶路撒冷郵報》，這次訪問並不意味著中東的優先級更高，“但確實表明人們認識到，即使是管理戰略也不僅需要積極主動外交，但也有總統和國務卿不時的明顯參與。”

羅斯說：“阿卜杜拉國王不僅希望與拜登政府重新建立密切關係，以保持他在除特朗普政府之外的所有前任政府中的那種關係。” “他同樣希望維持他從美國獲得的外國援助水平，並希望政府幫助促進在約旦的私人投資。”

國王還希望“強烈公開重申拜登政府對兩國解決巴以沖突的承諾，”羅斯說。“他對很快實現這一目標不抱任何幻想，但他希望這是一個明確無誤的美國目標。就拜登政府而言，它理解約旦對中東穩定的重要性，因為它擁有以色列最長的邊界，並且是沙特人的緩衝國。”

羅斯補充說，政府可能會重申對約旦的承諾，“同時也強調改革的必要性，尤其是經濟改革，以及與腐敗作鬥爭以吸引私人投資的重要性。”

“它肯定也會明確表示對兩國結果的承諾，並且可能對阿卜杜拉國王施壓[巴勒斯坦權力機構主席]馬哈茂德·阿巴斯持開放態度，以與以色列人採取實際步驟；除其他事項外，PA 的健康和經濟發展，”羅斯補充道。

US President Joe Biden welcomes King Abdullah to the White House

Abdullah will meet with Harris and Blinken during the week. Talks with the king are expected to include the way forward for Israel and the Palestinians.

By OMRI NAHMIAS, REUTERS

JULY 19, 2021 22:29

US President Joe Biden shakes hands with Jordan's King Abdullah II in the Oval Office at the White House in Washington, US, July 19, 2021.

(photo credit: REUTERS/JONATHAN ERNST)

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US President Joe Biden welcomed Jordan’s King Abdullah to the White House on Monday. It is the first of three face-to-face meetings with leaders from the Middle East expected this summer.

Abdullah, who faced down a challenge to his authority in April from his half-brother, Prince Hamzah, held his first Oval Office talks with Biden since he took power in January.

He will also have a working breakfast with Vice President Kamala Harris on Tuesday at the Vice President’s Residence, followed by a meeting with Secretary of State Antony Blinken at the State Department.

Abdullah is the first Middle East leader to visit the Biden White House, and will be followed on July 26 by Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi. US and Israeli officials are currently working on scheduling a meeting between Biden and new Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.

A senior Biden administration official said the president’s talks with the king are expected to include the way forward for Israel and the Palestinians, with Bennett having recently replaced Benjamin Netanyahu as Israeli prime minister.

Tensions remain high in the wake of the 11-day war in May between Israel and Hamas and other Gazan terrorists.

Abdullah’s standing in his own country may come up in the talks. Jordan’s image as an island of stability in the turbulent Middle East was called into question after Prince Hamzah was accused of a plot to destabilize the country in April.

Biden has offered full support to Abdullah, who was joined at the White House by his wife, Queen Rania.

“We have great confidence in the king’s leadership, and I think the visit over the course of the coming days will just reaffirm that confidence,” a senior Biden administration official said.

Other topics likely to come up are the future of the Trump-era Abraham Accords – the normalization deals reached between Israel and four Arab states – negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program and Syria’s humanitarian crisis, the official said.

Ambassador Dennis Ross, a Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told The Jerusalem Post that the visit doesn’t signal a higher priority for the Middle East, “but does signal a recognition that even a management strategy requires not just active diplomacy but also visible involvement of the president and secretary of state from time-to-time.”

“King Abdullah hopes to reestablish not just a close relationship with the Biden administration in keeping with the one he has had in all previous administrations with the exception of Trump’s,” Ross said. “He similarly hopes to sustain the level of foreign assistance he has been receiving from the US and have the administration help promote private investment in Jordan.”

The King also wants “a strong public reaffirmation of the Biden administration’s commitment to a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,” said Ross. “He has no illusions about achieving that soon, but he wants it to be an unmistakable American objective. For its part, the Biden administration understands how important Jordan is to stability in the Middle East, with it having Israel’s longest border and it being a buffer state for the Saudis.”

Ross added that the Administration is likely to reaffirm its commitment to Jordan, “while also emphasizing the need for reforms, especially economic reforms and the importance of battling corruption for attracting private investment.”

“It will certainly also make clear its commitment to the two state outcome and may be very open to King Abdullah pressing [Palestinian Authority President] Mahmoud Abbas to be open to taking practical steps with the Israelis; to among other things health and economic development in the PA,” Ross added.

北約聲明呼籲塔利班在阿富汗停火

在過去的幾個開齋節假期中，塔利班呼籲暫時停火，稱他們想讓阿富汗人在和平中度過。這一次，沒有這樣的公告。

通過路透

2021 年 7 月 19 日 10:48

2021 年 7 月 10 日，阿富汗赫拉特省郊區，前聖戰者組織手持武器支持阿富汗軍隊打擊塔利班。

（圖片來源：JALIL AHMAD/REUTERS）

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就在多哈和平會議未能就停火達成一致幾個小時後，15 個外交使團和北約駐喀布爾代表週一聯手敦促塔利班停止對阿富汗的軍事進攻。

過去兩天，一個由阿富汗高級領導人組成的代表團在卡塔爾首都會見了塔利班的政治領導人，但塔利班週日晚些時候發表的聲明沒有提到停止阿富汗不斷升級的暴力。

“這個開齋節，塔利班應該永遠放下武器，向世界展示他們對和平進程的承諾，”15 個特派團和北約代表說，指的是星期二在阿富汗的穆斯林假期。

聯合聲明得到澳大利亞、加拿大、捷克共和國、丹麥、歐盟代表團、芬蘭、法國、德國、意大利、日本、韓國、荷蘭、西班牙、瑞典、英國和美國以及北約高級文職代表的支持.

在過去的幾個開齋節假期中，塔利班呼籲暫時停火，稱他們想讓阿富汗人在和平中度過。

這一次沒有這樣的公告，因為塔利班在全國范圍內幾乎前所未有的戰鬥中迅速取得領土。

在經過 20 年的戰鬥後，外國軍隊接近完全撤出，叛亂分子已經膽大妄為。

週一的聲明還譴責侵犯人權的行為，例如在塔利班最近佔領的地區關閉學校和媒體機構的努力，塔利班此前否認了此類斷言。

參與會談的阿富汗和平高級委員會主席阿卜杜拉·阿卜杜拉 (Abdullah Abdullah) 週一表示，阿富汗領導人與塔利班在多哈舉行的會議討論了達成政治解決方案以結束衝突的方式。

阿卜杜拉在推特上說：“我們同意繼續談判，尋求政治解決當前危機，避免平民傷亡，促進人道主義援助和醫療用品以應對 Covid-19 大流行。”

塔利班週日晚間發表聲明補充說：“雙方同意在和談中進行遠征的必要性，以便盡快為阿富汗當前的問題找到公平和永久的解決方案。”

塔利班與阿富汗對話者之間的和平談判於去年 9 月開始，但沒有取得任何進展。

塔利班在多哈的發言人穆罕默德·納伊姆也否認媒體報導稱該叛亂組織同意開齋節停火以換取釋放其囚犯。

NATO statement calls for Taliban ceasefire in Afghanistan

Over the last few Eid holidays, the Taliban have called temporary ceasefires, saying they wanted to let Afghans spend them in peace. This time, there has been no such announcement.

By REUTERS

JULY 19, 2021 10:48

Former Mujahideen hold weapons to support Afghan forces in their fight against Taliban, on the outskirts of Herat province, Afghanistan July 10, 2021.

(photo credit: JALIL AHMAD/REUTERS)

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Fifteen diplomatic missions and the NATO representative in Kabul joined hands on Monday to urge the Taliban to halt military offensives across Afghanistan, just hours after a peace meeting in Doha failed to agree on a ceasefire.

A delegation of senior Afghan leaders met the Taliban's political leadership in the Qatari capital over the last two days, but a Taliban statement issued late on Sunday made no mention of a halt to Afghanistan's escalating violence.

"This Eid al-Adha, the Taliban should lay down their weapons for good and show the world their commitment to the peace process," the 15 missions and the NATO representative said, referring to Tuesday's Muslim holiday in Afghanistan.

The joint statement was supported by Australia, Canada, the Czech Republic, Denmark, the European Union delegation, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Korea, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Britain and the United States and NATO's senior civilian representative.

Over the last few Eid holidays, the Taliban have called temporary ceasefires, saying they wanted to let Afghans spend them in peace.

This time there has been no such announcement, as the Taliban make swift territorial gains in near-unprecedented levels of fighting nationwide.

The insurgents have been emboldened as foreign forces near a complete withdrawal after 20 years of fighting.

Monday's statement also condemned rights violations, such as efforts to shut schools and media outfits in areas recently captured by the Taliban, which has previously denied such assertions.

Meetings between Afghan leaders and the Taliban in Doha discussed ways to reach a political settlement to end the conflict, the chairman of Afghanistan's high council for peace, Abdullah Abdullah, who was a part of the talks, said on Monday.

"We agreed to continue the talks, seek a political settlement to the current crisis, avoid civilian casualties, facilitate humanitarian assistance & medical supplies to tackle Covid-19 pandemic," Abdullah said on Twitter.

A Taliban statement late Sunday night added: "Both sides agreed upon the need for expedition in the peace talks, in order to find a fair and permanent solution for the current issue in Afghanistan as soon as possible."

Peace talks between Taliban and Afghan interlocutors started in September last year but have failed to make any progress.

The Taliban's spokesman in Doha, Mohammed Naeem, also denied media reports that the insurgent group had agreed to an Eid ceasefire in exchange for the release of its prisoners.

活動家要求承認敘利亞北部和東部的庫爾德人 - 分析

這片廣闊的地區包括幼發拉底河沿岸的沙漠以及伊斯蘭國的舊首都拉卡，還包括庫爾德城鎮和城市，被伊斯蘭國嚴重破壞，然後被土耳其襲擊。

作者：SETH J. FRANZMAN

2021 年 7 月 19 日 12:30

2021 年 5 月 26 日，在反對派控制的敘利亞伊德利卜，人們聚集在反對敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德 (Bashar Assad) 和總統選舉的示威活動中，反對派旗幟飄揚。

（圖片來源：KHALIL ASHAWI / 路透社）

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多年來一直支持或觀察該地區進步的聲音合唱團說，是時候承認敘利亞北部和東部自治政府的地位了。自治區，有時縮寫為 AANES，是美國支持的敘利亞民主力量幫助從伊斯蘭國解放的同一地區，代表了敘利亞最多樣化的地區之一，有庫爾德人、阿拉伯人、基督徒、穆斯林和雅茲迪人。支持者稱這是一個保障婦女權利和少數民族權利的領域，與該地區的專製沙文主義民族主義趨勢形成鮮明對比。

這片廣闊的地區包括幼發拉底河沿岸的沙漠以及伊斯蘭國的舊首都拉卡，還包括庫爾德城鎮和城市，曾遭到伊斯蘭國的嚴重破壞，然後在 2019 年美國前總統上任時遭到土耳其和土耳其支持的極端分子的襲擊。允許安卡拉攻擊美軍所在的地區。隨著華盛頓新政府和布雷特麥格克等官員重新參與政策，美國和其他國家有望在讓敘利亞東部數百萬人參與有關敘利亞未來的討論方面取得進展。

過去幾天，在#Status4NorthandEastSyria 標籤下，許多人在推特上表示需要以某種程度的“地位”而不是國際社會的方式承認這一地區。該地區普遍被邊緣化和孤立，導致貧困、缺乏水權、無法獲得和缺乏經濟進步。這對居住在敘利亞東部的人們來說是一場悲劇，從卡米甚利到德里克、哈塞克和拉卡；從哈布爾河的城鎮和村莊到代爾祖爾附近的部落。他們在伊斯蘭國的佔領下飽受煎熬，包括被強暴和掠奪的伊斯蘭國武裝分子的剝奪，現在當他們找到了某種形式的喘息空間時，他們發現自己被國際社會邊緣化了。

要了解這是如何發生的，可以追溯到很多年前。幼發拉底河以東的敘利亞東部歷來被敘利亞政權忽視。阿薩德政權紮根於大馬士革和拉塔基亞社區，並不十分關心沙漠或庫爾德地區。庫爾德人遭受了嚴重的苦難，他們的語言和文化在該政權及其對阿拉伯民族主義的熱愛下被粉碎。幼發拉底河谷的許多部落甚至沒有把自己定位到大馬士革，而是更喜歡在他們的牆上掛著伊拉克“偉大領袖”薩達姆的照片。當薩達姆倒台時，他們中的一些人轉向沿著水道向伊拉克走私聖戰分子。當伊斯蘭國在敘利亞衝突的混亂中出現時，毫不奇怪它沿著這些走私路線傳播，

與此同時，敘利亞政權在 2011 年和 2012 年決定，當它在德拉、阿勒頗和大馬士革、霍姆斯和哈馬與敘利亞叛軍作戰時，它會試圖收買庫爾德少數民族，通過授予無國籍的庫爾德人以將他們與叛軍分開。已經等了幾十年的敘利亞政府，有些權利。庫爾德人轉向他們自己的政黨，即與伊拉克庫爾德地區的庫爾德民族主義和更為中間派政黨有聯繫的 ENKS；而PYD是一個極左的政黨。對於戰士，庫爾德人求助於人民保護部隊 (YPG)，該部隊在 2013 年至 2014 年間幫助阻止了 ISIS 的進攻，並拯救了在伊拉克被 ISIS 種族滅絕的雅茲迪人。有一段時間這很管用，因為儘管土耳其指責 YPG 是敘利亞版本的庫爾德工人黨，土耳其和其他國家將其視為恐怖組織，安卡拉當時與庫爾德工人黨停火。然後是 2015 年停火破裂，然後在安卡拉和土耳其發生政變企圖其政策轉向試圖摧毀庫爾德工人黨，並決定入侵敘利亞與庫爾德人作戰。土耳其在 2016 年和 2017 年動員了敘利亞叛軍，然後在 2018 年發動他們襲擊庫爾德阿夫林地區。 土耳其在這裡的目標是迫使經營阿夫林的 YPG 與敘利亞政權合作，並在美國之間製造危機-支持的自衛隊和政權。

自衛隊於 2015 年在美國的支持下成立，作為 YPG 的產物，YPG 是一個繖形團體，將成為美國培訓和支持的漏斗，並且在解放大部分阿拉伯地區的過程中將超越庫爾德戰士，包括阿拉伯人和其他人ISIS 佔領了。但對土耳其來說，自衛隊只是 YPG 的另一個版本。土耳其正在與俄羅斯和伊朗合作，並了解其最終目標是邊緣化、孤立和摧毀敘利亞東部的自衛隊和庫爾德地區。為此，土耳其與華盛頓的說客、一些智囊團和媒體合作，在那裡它已經侵入了特朗普政府。遊說團體被動員起來指責YPG與伊朗和敘利亞政權有聯繫並將美國對自衛隊的支持描繪成“奧巴馬時代的親伊朗政策”。麥格克曾是美國領導的聯盟的前特使和援助自衛隊的關鍵，在特朗普政府期間被嘲笑為“奧巴馬的支持者”，並最終於 2018 年離開了他的職位。

安卡拉認為，現在土耳其可以動員起來摧毀敘利亞東部。土耳其希望引導它招募來與庫爾德人作戰的敘利亞叛軍，以便它可以分裂和征服敘利亞北部，並分散敘利亞叛軍的注意力，因為它出賣了敘利亞叛軍與俄羅斯和伊朗合作。麥格克卸任後，土耳其開始為美國國務院負責敘利亞政策的團隊工作，其中包括詹姆斯杰弗裡等人。那個團隊也有優秀的成員，比如威廉·羅巴克，他想幫助敘利亞東部地區擺脫僵局，與 PYD 和 ENKS 合作，在伊拉克庫爾德地區舉行會談。

但在所有關鍵時刻，土耳其都在誘使特朗普政府發動土耳其進攻，利用土耳其支持的極端主義聖戰組織來攻擊美國支持的自衛隊。土耳其於 2019 年 10 月成功，將美國中央司令部出售給美國中央司令部一項計劃，讓其在敘利亞東部的部分地區進行聯合巡邏，以便首先偵察入侵路線，然後讓白宮命令美軍撤離。討厭中央司令部對庫爾德戰士的支持的國務院成員高興地看著。特朗普政府的功能失調導致混亂蔓延，像年輕女性赫夫林·哈拉夫這樣的庫爾德活動家被土耳其的聖戰分子追捕和殺害。

然後，隨著俄羅斯促成交易，土耳其和俄羅斯瓜分了美國以前所在的地區，襲擊停止了。俄羅斯、伊朗和土耳其贏了，剩下的是一個較小的區域，由 AANES 管轄。但是，該地區仍然是敘利亞的重要組成部分。

由於政府中親土耳其的因素，AANES 在前美國政府的手中遭受了損失。那些人想把美國支持的自衛隊視為一個“臨時的、戰術性的和交易性的”組織，基本上是僱傭幫助被派去與伊斯蘭國戰鬥，然後被拋棄。這種夥伴關係不是敘利亞東部人民想要的。他們認為與美國合作將意味著在大流行期間開放過境點並獲得疫苗等物品以及免受 ISIS 侵害的能力，並且他們願意自己確保安全。然而，美國官員的目標是在 2018-2020 年孤立他們，將他們排除在反對派會議和日內瓦會議之外，甚至阻止美國有影響力的一個地方參加會談。簡而言之，美國剝奪了它表面上幫助擺脫 ISIS 控制的所有人的權利。哥倫比亞特區的親土耳其分子並沒有要求在談判桌上佔有一席之地，而是試圖破壞敘利亞東部，關閉其邊界，並希望用與追捕赫夫林·哈拉夫 (Hevrin Khalaf) 相同的方法將其隔離、飢餓和摧毀。這是一個奇怪的時期，當時美國有一個很大的地區與美國合作，但美國的主要官員希望與極端分子和沙文主義宗教狂熱分子合作，利用土耳其與他們自己的伙伴作戰。

當美國政府在 2020 年秋季結束事情時，這種混亂就結束了。 自治區及其所有組織的字母湯，例如 SDC 和 PYD 以及構成複雜多樣的執政和政黨機構的其他組織，難以在華盛頓獲得牽引力。許多官員不會會見其成員，即使他們是美國的盟友，聲稱美國不與“次國家實體”合作。這很奇怪，因為美國經常會見各種團體，包括來自巴勒斯坦領土的政黨和來自敘利亞伊德利卜的團體。華盛頓有一個遊說團體，以阻止敘利亞東部的團體進入，而這些團體在 2014 年之前也沒有與美國人合作的經驗。

他們所面臨的艱苦鬥爭是巨大的。為了擊敗伊斯蘭國而犧牲了大約 11,000 名戰士，並自 2015 年以來與美國人密切合作，受到聯盟和與他們一起服役的特種部隊的欽佩，管理著婦女和少數民族享有權利的地區，他們現在想要一些地位和認可。同樣，這是一場艱苦的鬥爭，因為美國正在從阿富汗撤軍並關閉了在伊拉克的許多設施。像麥格克這樣了解自衛隊的人最近在伊拉克，但與 AANES 人物的高層會議很少見。Mazloum Abdi 或 Ilham Ahmed 和其他人沒有從華盛頓的官員那裡得到他們需要的面談時間。喬拜登的新美國政府還有許多其他問題需要解決。

美國國際宗教自由委員會及其領導人納丁·馬恩扎（Nadine Maenza）是對地位渴望的支持者之一。該運動的支持者認為，“羅賈瓦的革命首先是與野蠻的伊斯蘭國家作鬥爭的婦女的革命。現在是承認敘利亞北部和東部自治政府的時候了。” 他們將這個地區視為該地區反對極權主義和民族主義獨裁統治的希望燈塔。批評者會指出，儘管敘利亞東部有大量不同的團體和實體，但它仍主要作為一黨制國家運作。話雖如此，美國已經與許多其他地區和團體合作，這些地區和團體不是佛蒙特州實行的民主的複製品，但美國已經與這些地方合作。

試圖否認他們的席位在美國有著悠久的傳統，並且前特朗普政府官員的旋轉門使他們成為可能，這些官員經常在包括國務院在內的關鍵級別任職，他們現在已經進入智囊團繼續支持土耳其的專制政權。對於想要婦女權利但不喜歡安卡拉極端主義的團體來說，這是一場艱苦的鬥爭，因為安卡拉財大氣粗，在美國官方圈子裡有很多朋友，幾十年來一直將安卡拉的利益置於美國利益之上。他們甚至更願意與敵對的安卡拉合作，而不是與敘利亞東部等地的美國合作夥伴和盟友合作。這說明了窮人、弱勢群體和少數群體今天面臨的鬥爭，無論是在敘利亞還是其他地方，

Activists demand recognition for Kurdish, North and East Syria - analysis

This vast area which includes the deserts along the Euphrates as well as the old ISIS capital of Raqqa and also includes Kurdish towns and cities was badly harmed by ISIS and then attacked by Turkey.

By SETH J. FRANTZMAN

JULY 19, 2021 12:30

An opposition flag flies as people gather during a demonstration against Syria's President Bashar Assad and presidential elections, in the opposition-held Idlib, Syria May 26, 2021.

(photo credit: KHALIL ASHAWI / REUTERS)

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It is time to recognize the status of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, say a chorus of voices who have supported or observed the region’s progress for years. The autonomous region, sometimes abbreviated as AANES, is the same area that the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces helped liberate from ISIS and represents one of the most diverse areas of Syria, with Kurds, Arabs, Christians, Muslims and Yazidis. It is an area that supporters say guarantees women’s rights and minority rights and is in contrast to the authoritarian chauvinist nationalist trend in the region.

This vast area, which includes the deserts along the Euphrates as well as the old ISIS capital of Raqqa and also includes Kurdish towns and cities, was badly harmed by ISIS and then attacked by Turkey and Turkish-backed extremists in 2019 when the former US President gave Ankara the green light to attack an area where US troops were present. With a new administration in Washington and officials like Brett McGurk back involved in policy, there is hope that the US and others will make progress on including the millions of people in eastern Syria in the discussion about Syria’s future.

Under the hashtag #Status4NorthandEastSyria many have been tweeting in the last several days about the need to recognize this area with some level of “status” as opposed to the way the international community has. generally sidelined and isolated the area, leading to deprivation, lack of water rights, lack of access and lack of economic progress. This has been a tragedy for the people living in eastern Syria, from Qamishli to Derik and Hasakah and Raqqa; from the towns and villages of the Khabur river to the tribes near Deir Ezzor. They suffered under ISIS occupation, including the deprivations of the foreign ISIS fighters who raped and pillaged, and now when they have found some form of breathing space, they find that they are sidelined by the international community.

To understand how this happened is to go back many years. Eastern Syria on the eastern side of the Euphrates was traditionally neglected by the Syrian regime. The Assad regime was rooted in the communities of Damascus and Latakia and didn’t care greatly about the desert or the Kurdish areas. Kurds suffered grievously, their language and culture crushed under the boots of the regime and its devotion to Arab nationalism. Many of the tribes in the Euphrates valley didn’t even orient themselves to Damascus, preferring to hang photos of Saddam, the “great leader” from Iraq on their walls. When Saddam fell some of them turned to smuggling jihadists down the waterway toward Iraq. When ISIS emerged in the chaos of the Syrian conflict, it was no surprise it spread down these smuggling routes, then entered Iraq and blitzkrieged its way into Mosul in June 2014.

Meanwhile the Syrian regime had decided in 2011 and 2012 that while it was fighting Syrian rebels in Dara’a and Aleppo and Damascus, Homs and Hama, it would try to buy off the Kurdish minority to divide them from the rebels by granting stateless Kurds who had waited for decades on the Syrian government, some rights. Kurds turned to their own political parties, the ENKS which is linked to Kurdish nationalist and more centrist parties in Iraq’s Kurdish region; and the PYD which is a far-left party. For fighters the Kurds turned to the People’s Protection Units (YPG) which helped stop the ISIS advance in 2013-2014 and saved Yazidis who were being genocided by ISIS in Iraq. For a time this worked fine because although Turkey accused the YPG of being the Syrian version of the PKK, which Turkey and others see as a terrorist group, Ankara had a ceasefire with the PKK at the time. Then came 2015 and the breakdown of the ceasefire and then a coup attempt in Ankara and Turkey shifted its policy to trying to destroy the PKK and deciding to invade Syria to fight the Kurds. Turkey mobilized Syrian rebels in 2016 and 2017 and then unleashed them to attack the Kurdish region of Afrin in 2018. The goal of Turkey here was to force the YPG, which ran Afrin, to work with the Syrian regime and create a crises between the US-backed SDF and the regime.

The SDF had been created with US support in 2015 as an outgrowth of the YPG, an umbrella group that would be a funnel for US training and support and which would grow beyond just Kurdish fighters to include Arabs and others as it liberated the mostly Arab areas that ISIS occupied. But for Turkey the SDF was just another version of the YPG. Turkey was working with Russia and Iran and understood that its end goal was to sideline, isolate and destroy the SDF and Kurdish areas of eastern Syria. To do that Turkey worked with lobbysts in Washington, at some think tanks and media where it had inroads into the Trump administration. The lobby was mobilized to accuse the YPG of being linked to Iran and the Syrian regime and to paint the US support of the SDF as an “Obama era pro-Iran policy.” McGurk, who had been the former envoy of the US-led Coalition and key to aiding the SDF, was pilloried during the Trump administration as an “Obama holdover” and eventually left his station in 2018.

Now Turkey could mobilize to destroy eastern Syria, Ankara thought. Turkey wanted to channel the Syrian rebels it had recruited to fight Kurds so that it could divide and conquer northern Syria and distract the Syrian rebels as it sold them out to work with Russia and Iran. With McGurk out of office, Turkey began to work on the US State Department team that was doing Syria policy, including James Jeffrey and others. There were good members of that team as well, such as William Roebuck, who wanted to help the eastern Syria region out of its impasse, working with PYD and ENKS and holding talks in the Kurdish region of Iraq.

But at all junctures Turkey was there to badger the Trump administration into enabling a Turkish offensive, using Turkish-backed extremist jihadist groups, to attack the US-backed SDF. Turkey got its way in October 2019, having sold US Central Command on a plan to let it do joint patrols in part of eastern Syria so it could first scout out the invasion routes, it then got the White House to order US troops to leave. State Department members, who hated Central Command’s support of the Kurdish fighters, looked on with pleasure. The dysfunctionality of the Trump administration enabled chaos to unfold, and Kurdish activists like Hevrin Khalaf, a young woman, were hunted down and murdered by Turkey’s jihadists.

Then the attacks stopped as Russia brokered a deal and Turkey and Russia carved up areas the US had formerly been present in. Russia, Iran and Turkey won and what was left was a smaller area governed by the AANES. However, that area is still an important and huge part of Syria.

The AANES suffered at the hands of the former US administration because of pro-Turkey elements in the administration. Those elements wanted to view the US-backed SDF as a “temporary, tactical and transactional” group, basically hired help to be sent to die fighting ISIS and then abandoned. This partnership was not what the people in eastern Syria wanted. They thought working with the US would mean border crossings open and access to things like vaccines during the pandemic and the ability to be protected from ISIS, and they were willing to secure it themselves. However US officials aimed to isolate them in 2018-2020, excluding them from opposition meetings and Geneva meetings, preventing the one place the US had influence from even attending talks. In short, the US disenfranchised all the people it ostensibly had helped free from the control of ISIS. Rather than demand a seat at the table, the pro-Turkey elements in DC sought to sabotage eastern Syria, close its borders and hope to isolate, starve and then destroy it with the same methods in which Hevrin Khalaf had been hunted down. This was a strange time, when the US had a large region that was working with the US, but key US officials wanted to work with extremists and chauvinist religious fanatics to fight their own partners using Turkey.

This chaos ended when the US administration wrapped things up in the fall of 2020. The autonomous region, with all its alphabet soup of organizations, such as the SDC and PYD and others which make up the complex and diverse governing and political party organs, had trouble getting traction in Washington. Many officials wouldn’t meet its members, even though they were US allies, claiming the US doesn’t work with “sub-state entities.” This was bizarre, because the US regularly meets with all sorts of groups, including parties from the Palestinian territories and groups from Idlib in Syria. There was a lobby in DC to prevent the groups from eastern Syria getting access and those groups also had no experience working with Americans prior to 2014.

The uphill struggle they have faced is immense. Having sacrificed some 11,000 fighters to defeat ISIS, and worked with Americans closely since 2015, admired by the Coalition and special forces who have served with them, administering an area where women and minorities have rights, they now want some status and recognition. Again, this is an uphill struggle because the US is withdrawing from Afghanistan and has closed many facilities in Iraq. Those like McGurk, who know the SDF, were recently in Iraq but high level meetings with AANES figures are rare. Mazloum Abdi, or Ilham Ahmed and others have not received the face time they need from officials in Washington. This new US administration of Joe Biden has many other issues on its plate.

Among the backers of the desire for status is the US Committee on International Religious Freedom and its leader Nadine Maenza. Backers of this movement argue that “the revolution of Rojava is firstly revolution of women who fight against the barbarian Islamic state. It is time to recognize the Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria.” They see this area as a beacon of hope in the region against totalitarianism and nationalist dictatorships. Critics will point out that eastern Syria is still run mostly as a one party state, even though it has a huge number of different groups and entities within it. That being said, the US has worked with many other regions and groups that are not carbon copies of democracy as it is practiced in Vermont, and yet the US has worked with those places. Activists argue that the international community can do the same and recognized this area and make sure it has a seat at the table.

The attempts to deny them that seat have long tradition in the US and has been made possible by a revolving door of former Trump administration officials who often served at key levels, including in the State Department, who have now gone on to think tanks where they continue to support Turkey’s authoritarian regime. For groups that want women’s rights and don’t like Ankara’s extremism, there is an uphill struggle because Ankara has deep pockets and has many friends in US official circles that have put Ankara’s interests before US interests for decades. They did this even to the extent of preferring to work with a hostile Ankara than with US partners and allies in places like eastern Syria. This illustrates the struggle that the poor and vulnerable and minorities face today, whether in Syria or other places, when coming up against authoritarian regimes that are able to have strong lobbies in the West, including powerful state-run media.

伊拉克庫爾德地區的權力鬥爭引發問題-分析

數十年來，庫爾德斯坦愛國聯盟在庫爾德鬥爭中發揮了關鍵作用，但也經常與另一個主要的庫爾德政黨庫爾德斯坦民主黨發生分歧。

作者：SETH J. FRANZMAN

2021 年 7 月 18 日 07:31

2015 年，庫爾德斯坦地區的自由鬥士在基爾庫克附近的前線看著 ISIS 的陣地

（照片來源：SETH J. FRANZMAN）

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伊拉克今年面臨著無數危機，從親伊朗民兵對美軍的襲擊、持續的伊斯蘭國襲擊，以及現在庫爾德地區政黨之間相對較小但可能很重要的權力鬥爭。庫爾德斯坦愛國聯盟（PUK）是庫爾德自治區第二大政黨。幾十年來，它在庫爾德鬥爭中發揮了關鍵作用，但也經常與另一個主要的庫爾德政黨庫爾德斯坦民主黨發生分歧。現在，PUK 似乎受到關鍵人物巴菲爾·塔拉巴尼 (Bafel Talabani) 和拉胡爾·塔拉巴尼 (Lahur Talabani) 之間的內部鬥爭的影響。

多年來，PUK 似乎有內部鬥爭，PUK 經營的地區，稱為 Sulimaniyeh 及其周邊省份，已經發生了抗議和鎮壓。此外，在庫爾德獨立公投之後，伊拉克軍隊和親伊朗民兵於 2017 年 10 月從庫爾德地區奪取了曾經是 PUK 大本營的基爾庫克市和地區。當時，PUK 的關鍵人物從失去著名的 PUK 領導人賈拉勒·塔拉巴尼 (Jalal Talabani) 中恢復過來，同意與巴格達和卡西姆·蘇萊曼尼 (Qasem Soleimani) 等伊朗對話者達成協議。參與該交易的人中有巴菲爾·塔拉巴尼 (Bafel Talabani)。

賈拉勒的長子巴菲爾出生於 1973 年。一位消息人士將巴菲爾描述為一名前保鏢，這可以解釋他的體質，巴菲爾的職業生涯很嚴肅；當他的父親於 2005 年至 2014 年擔任伊拉克總統時，巴菲爾在 PUK 及其安全方面發揮了關鍵作用。《紐約客》在 2007 年指出，“賈拉勒·塔拉巴尼的妻子赫羅並不與丈夫住在巴格達。她住在他們的家鄉蘇萊曼尼亞，在那裡她經營著一個基金會和一家電視台，並出版了一份報紙。多年前，赫羅自學瞭如何操作攝像機，她還拍攝了自由鬥士與伊拉克軍隊之間的戰鬥。她和塔拉巴尼有兩個兒子：一個是巴菲爾，掌管著他父親政黨的反叛亂部門；另一個是庫巴德，代表美國的庫爾德自治政府。”

塔拉巴尼家族經常與英國以及一些美國官員保持密切關係。這導致媒體報導他們中的一些人如何回到庫爾德地區與伊斯蘭國作戰。根據一個說法，Polad Talabani 在他的堂兄 Bafel 提出要求後回來領導一個“破解小組”。Polad 的兄弟是 Lahur Talabani。兩人都逃離了薩達姆侯賽因的政權，並在英國定居。據報導，“兩人都去了劉易舍姆的克羅夫頓公園學校。波拉德後來在布羅姆利學院學習了電機力學課程，而他也在伊拉克經營情報組織的兄弟在格林威治大學學習了商業。”

拉胡爾和巴菲爾有著相似的職業生涯。兩人都曾在英國，成長為 PUK 的領導者。Lahur 曾經是 PUK 駐土耳其的代表，後來在美國接受培訓，然後在 2002 年與 Bafel 一起幫助建立了反恐小組。他和 Bafel 一樣在情報部門 Zanyari 中發揮了作用。他的兄弟Polad成為CTG的指揮官。

與此同時，Jalal Talabani 的另一個兒子 Qubad Talabani 也住在英國，在那裡他學習工程學，然後在華盛頓的 PUK 辦公室工作，然後為後來成為伊拉克總統的 PUK 領導人 Barham Salih 工作。在2012年回到庫爾德地區之前，他繼續與美國保持密切關係，並成為庫爾德地區政府的副總理。

所有這一切只是為了表明 Jalal 的兒子 Bafel 和 Qubad 以及他們的堂兄弟 Lahur 和 Polad 的軌跡在這場權力鬥爭之前有很多共同點。上週發生的事情是，巴菲爾·塔拉巴尼 (Bafel Talabani) 似乎解除了拉胡爾 (Lahur) 擔任 PUK 聯合主席的職務。他聲稱這是為了停止“走私、敲詐勒索、威脅和間諜活動……我們決定從根源上改變某些人為了個人利益和違背我們國家和我們的利益而利用的所有安全和政黨機構。 PUK 多年，”巴菲爾·塔拉巴尼 (Bafel Talabani) 在 Facebook 帖子中說。

隨著拉胡爾被趕下台，巴菲爾安排了對各種安全和情報部門的訪問，並通過庫巴德鞏固了對反恐組織的控制。他們還突襲了據稱與拉胡爾關係密切的 PUK 媒體。這對拉胡爾和波拉德來說是個艱難的消息，他們在打擊伊斯蘭國的戰爭中發揮了關鍵作用，並受到許多見過他們的人的普遍欽佩和喜愛。

拉胡爾尤其被認為與美國以及在敘利亞的行動關係密切。這是一個複雜的故事，但值得解釋。2014 年，ISIS 入侵伊拉克並佔領了摩蘇爾和其他遜尼派城市。庫爾德地區感到擔憂，但 2014 年 6 月，ISIS 似乎在自治區邊界停下來，導致數十萬難民逃往庫爾德防線。許多基督徒膨脹了埃爾比勒。KDP 評估認為 ISIS 將南移至巴格達。消息人士在 2015 年告訴《耶路撒冷郵報》，PUK 的其他人不同意。他們說，PUK 希望採取更積極的政策來檢查 ISIS 的進展。這可以追溯到 2000 年代初 PUK 與伊斯蘭組織（如聖訓者組織、伊斯蘭支持者組織和伊斯蘭軍）的戰鬥。

最終，伊斯蘭國於 2014 年 8 月決定襲擊庫爾德地區，屠殺辛賈爾的雅茲迪人，並打算奪取埃爾比勒、基爾庫克和杜胡克。庫爾德戰士阻止了他們。一年後，拉胡爾鼓勵美國在敘利亞發揮積極作用，美國將幫助庫爾德人民保護部隊（YPG）並支持自衛隊的成立。這激怒了安卡拉，聲稱 YPG 與 PKK 有聯繫。據《新聞周刊》報導，伊拉克庫爾德情報部門負責人拉胡爾·塔拉巴尼 (Lahur Talabani) 表示，美國軍事規劃人員將敘利亞和伊拉克戰區視為一個戰場是有道理的。他在華盛頓近東政策研究所說：“兩國之間的邊界基本上已經被侵蝕，拉卡和摩蘇爾相距只有四個小時。”

2017 年，他在接受采訪時表示，他每隔幾個月就會前往巴格達，與那裡的情報人員會面。“即使庫爾德斯坦地區政府 [KRG] 和巴格達之間存在緊張關係……有時，我們與巴格達的工作關係比與埃爾比勒的同行更好，”他說。在那次採訪中，他聲稱在 2014 年 ISIS 圍攻敘利亞城市期間，他幫助促成了美國對科巴尼 YPG 的支持。當時 KRG 還通過土耳其提供了支持。

對於那些崇拜拉胡爾的人來說，他是擊敗伊斯蘭國的關鍵人物。然而，巴菲爾和庫巴德崛起以及權力從拉胡爾轉移的更廣泛背景可以歸因於許多因素。跨國地緣政治諮詢公司的首席分析師、Moshe Dayan 中心庫爾德研究項目的前協調員、也是 DC 分析師的 Ceng Sagnic 對所發生的事情提供了一些見解。

在他看來，Qubad Talabani 與埃爾比勒的 KDP 關係密切，過去曾被 Lahur 排在一邊。Bafel 和 Qubad 現在已經合作以確保關鍵的戰略地位。在這種情況下，庫巴德是一顆冉冉升起的新星。“這絕對可以被視為更穩定，更少德黑蘭-巴格達，”薩格尼奇說。這意味著伊朗在伊拉克​​的入侵可能會受到影響。伊朗一直在利用親伊朗的民兵攻擊美國，而 PUK 經常被描述為更靠近德黑蘭，而 KDP 被視為更靠近美國和土耳其。“巴菲爾與他的兄弟結盟，因此與 KDP 結盟。如果它沒有改變任何事情，至少會使 Sulimaniyeh 更加依賴 Erbil，在某種程度上取代巴格達，”Sagnic 說。“我認為這在伊拉克政治中起到了很大作用。“三峽集團的作用對美國的安全和穩定也很重要，特別是在美國已經撤軍並且必須依靠它仍然擁有的少數當地朋友的情況下。PUK的新形勢也將有助於確定伊拉克下一任總統。“我還要補充一點，Barham Salih 作為總統候選人的命運也取決於 inta-PUK 聯盟，”Sagnic 說。薩利赫可能不會連任。“巴勒姆被稱為拉胡爾的提名人，因此他當選後的第一張照片就是和他一起展示武力。” 薩利赫可能不會連任。“巴勒姆被稱為拉胡爾的提名人，因此他當選後的第一張照片就是和他一起展示武力。” 薩利赫可能不會連任。“巴勒姆被稱為拉胡爾的提名人，因此他當選後的第一張照片就是和他一起展示武力。”

其他因素也在起作用。在埃爾比勒，KRG 總理馬斯魯爾·巴爾扎尼被認為與庫巴德和巴菲爾關係密切。Masrour Barzani 是 KDP 領導人 Masoud Barzani 的兒子。Masrour 的堂兄是 KRG 主席 Nechirvan Barzani。Nechirvan 過去與伊朗和土耳其都保持著良好的關係。據信，伊朗已警告PUK不要完全驅逐拉胡爾，本週在伊拉克的美國特使布雷特麥格克也與PUK就危機進行了交談。報導稱，拉胡爾將被排除在外，但不會面臨進一步的影響。他可能會暫時出國。

最終PUK面臨的鬥爭不會結束。他們在基爾庫克失去了昔日的權力，他們似乎虛弱了。整個庫爾德斯坦地區正面臨土耳其在山區與庫爾德工人黨作戰的更多行動。這導致許多村莊被遺棄，邊境地區繼續成為衝突地區。該自治區擁有大量投資，包括來自土耳其的投資，沒有人希望看到它動搖。然而，伊朗和土耳其已經設計了埃爾比勒和蘇利馬尼耶。美國和英國也可以發揮作用。例如，美國似乎正在整合其在埃爾比勒的大部分部隊，並留下了許多設施。

親伊朗民兵今年使用無人機襲擊埃爾比勒，危及美軍。此外，埃爾比勒機場的一個秘密中央情報局機庫被無人機擊中。支撐 CTG 和 Suli 很重要。另一方面是安卡拉希望將美國與敘利亞自衛隊的角色隔離開來。伊朗也在敘利亞向美國施壓，俄羅斯和敘利亞政權也是如此。據信，土耳其還向埃爾比勒施壓，要求破壞與 Delta Crescent 公司的協議，該公司希望在敘利亞東部開展石油工作。

整個故事尚不清楚，但土耳其希望自衛隊切斷所有支持。自衛隊在 PUK 有朋友，尤其是 Lahur。例如，被稱為 Lexoman Parastin 的 CTG 成員參加了在敘利亞協助美國領導的聯盟的一些戰鬥。據報導，來自蘇里的航班飛往敘利亞東部。根據一項新的調查性新聞報導，今年早些時候，一個令人難以置信的離奇且可能不准確的報導稱，CTG 甚至“參與了美國在 2020 年頭幾天在巴格達暗殺伊朗最高指揮官卡西姆·蘇萊曼尼的事件”。 。”

所有這一切可能如何影響拉胡爾的下場和他的邊路尚不清楚，但謠言已經持續了一年的分歧。“我想向你保證，當我或任何其他同事訪問另一個黨時，黨內的每個人都知道，每個人都同意了，我們甚至一起制定了計劃，”塔拉巴尼去年說。“我們的立場一致。” 事實證明，他們沒有統一的立場。

Power struggle in Kurdish region of Iraq raises questions - analysis

The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan has played a key role in the Kurdish struggle for decades but also has often been at odds with the other major Kurdish party, the Kurdistan Democracy Party.

By SETH J. FRANTZMAN

JULY 18, 2021 07:31

A Kurdistan Region Peshmerga looks out at ISIS positions from his frontline near Kirkuk in 2015

(photo credit: SETH J. FRANTZMAN)

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Iraq is facing numerous crises this year, from pro-Iranian militia attacks on US forces, continuing ISIS attacks and now a relatively minor, but potentially important, power struggle among a political party in the Kurdistan region. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) is the second-largest political party in the autonomous Kurdish region. It has played a key role in the Kurdish struggle for decades but also has often been at odds with the other major Kurdish party, the Kurdistan Democracy Party. The PUK now appears to be rocked by an internal struggle between key figures, Bafel Talabani and Lahur Talabani.

For years, the PUK has appeared to have internal struggles and the area the PUK runs, called Sulimaniyeh and its surrounding governorate, has seen protests and crackdowns. Furthermore, the city and region of Kirkuk, once a PUK stronghold, was taken from the Kurdish region by Iraqi forces and pro-Iran militias in October 2017 in the wake of a Kurdish independence referendum. At the time, key figures in the PUK, recovering from the loss of famed PUK leader Jalal Talabani, agreed to a deal with Baghdad and Iranian interlocutors such as Qasem Soleimani. Among those who were involved in that deal was Bafel Talabani.

The eldest son of Jalal, born in 1973, is Bafel. Described as a former bouncer by one source, which may explain his physique, Bafel has had a serious career; When his father was President of Iraq from 2005 to 2014, Bafel played a key role in the PUK and its security. The New Yorker in 2007 noted, “Jalal Talabani’s wife, Hero, does not live in Baghdad with her husband. She stays in their home city of Sulaimaniya, where she runs a foundation and a television station, and publishes a newspaper. Years ago, Hero taught herself how to operate a video camera, and she filmed battles between peshmerga fighters and the Iraqi Army. She and Talabani have two sons: one, Bafel, runs the counterinsurgency wing of his father’s party; the other, Qubad, represents the autonomous Kurdish government in the US.”

The Talabanis have often had close relations with the UK and also with some US officials. This has led to media accounts of how some of them came back to the Kurdish region to fight ISIS. Polad Talabani, according to one account, came back to lead a “crack unit” after a request from his cousin Bafel. Polad’s brother is Lahur Talabani. Both fled Saddam Hussein’s regime and settled in the UK. According to reports, “Both went to Crofton Park School in Lewisham. Polad later took a motor mechanics course at Bromley College, while his brother, who is also in Iraq running an intelligence organisation, studied business at Greenwich University.”

Lahur and Bafel had similar careers. Both had been in the UK and grown up as leaders in the PUK. Lahur was once a representative of the PUK to Turkey and later received training with the US before helping found the Counter-Terrorism Group with Bafel in 2002. He played a role in the intelligence unit Zanyari, like Bafel did. His brother, Polad, became a commander in the CTG.

Meanwhile, the other son of Jalal Talabani, Qubad Talabani, also lived in the UK where he studied engineering before working in the PUK office in Washington and then working for PUK leader Barham Salih, who later became president of Iraq. He continued his close relationship with the US before coming back to the Kurdistan region in 2012 and became deputy prime minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government.

All of this matters only to show that the trajectories of Jalal’s sons, Bafel and Qubad, and their cousins Lahur and Polad, had much in common up until this power struggle. What has happened in the last week is that Bafel Talabani has appeared to remove Lahur as co-president of the PUK. He claimed it is to stop “smuggling, extortion, threats, and spying… We decided to make changes from the roots in all those security and party institutions that had been used by certain people for personal gains and against the interest of our nation and our PUK for years,” Bafel Talabani said in a Facebook post.

With Lahur pushed out, Bafel has choreographed a visit to various security and intelligence units, and with Qubad they have consolidated control over the Counter-Terrorism Group. They have also raided PUK media that was allegedly close to Lahur. This is difficult news for Lahur and Polad, who had played key roles in the war on ISIS and were generally admired and liked by many who met them.

Lahur was especially credited with close ties to the US and also to operations in Syria. This is a complex story but it’s worth explaining. In 2014, ISIS invaded Iraq and captured Mosul and other mostly Sunni cities. The Kurdish region was concerned but ISIS appeared to stop at the borders of the autonomous region in June 2014, sending hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing to the Kurdish defensive lines. Many Christians swelled Erbil. The KDP assessed that ISIS would move South to Baghdad. Others in the PUK disagreed, sources told The Jerusalem Post in 2015. The PUK wanted a more active policy to check the ISIS advance, they said. This goes back to the PUK’s battles against Islamist groups such as Ansar al-Sunnah, Ansar al-Islam and Jund al-Islam in the early 2000s. These groups murdered PUK members and the US helped the PUK and its CTG fight the extremists until they were crushed.

In the end ISIS decided to attack the Kurdish region in August 2014, massacring Yazidis in Sinjar and aiming to take Erbil, Kirkuk and Dohuk. Kurdish fighters stopped them. A year later Lahur was encouraging the US to take an active role in Syria, where the US would help the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) and support the creation of the SDF. This angered Ankara, which claimed the YPG was linked to the PKK. Lahur Talabani, the Iraqi Kurdish intelligence chief, according to Newsweek, said it makes sense for US military planners to think of the Syrian and Iraqi theaters as one battlefield. "The border between the two countries has largely been eroded, and Raqqa and Mosul are only four hours apart," he said at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

In 2017 in an interview he said he travelled to Baghdad every few months to meet intelligence counterparts there. “Even when there are tensions between the Kurdistan Regional Government [KRG] and Baghdad….At times, we have had a better working relationship with Baghdad than we have with our counterparts in Erbil,” he says. In that interview he claimed that he helped broker US support for the YPG in Kobani during the ISIS siege of the Syrian city in 2014. At the time the KRG also sent support via Turkey.

For those who admired Lahur he was a key figure in the defeat of ISIS. However, the wider context of Bafel and Qubad’s rise and the shifting of power away from Lahur, can be attributed to many factors. Ceng Sagnic, Chief Analyst of a multinational geopolitical consultancy firm, and the former Coordinator of Kurdish Studies Program at the Moshe Dayan Center, who is also a DC-based analyst, provided several insights into what has taken place.

In his view Qubad Talabani is close to the KDP in Erbil and had been sidelined in the past by Lahur. Bafel and Qubad have worked together now to secure key strategic positions. Qubad is a rising star in this context. “That can definitely be regarded more stability and less Tehran-Baghdad,” says Sagnic. What this means is that Iran’s inroads in Iraq may be impacted. Iran has been using pro-Iran militias to attack the US and the PUK has often been depicted as closer to Tehran, whereas the KDP is seen as closer to the US and Turkey. “Bafel made an alliance with his brother, and therefore KDP. If it doesn't change anything, it will at least move Sulimaniyeh more reliant on Erbil, replacing Bagdad to some extent,” says Sagnic. “I think it adds up to a great deal in Iraqi politics.” The role of the CTG is also important for the US in security and stability, especially as the US has drawn down troops and must rely on what few local friends it still has. The new situation of the PUK will also help determine the next president of Iraq. “I'd also add that Barham Salih's fate as the presidential nominee also rests on inta-PUK alliances,” says Sagnic. Salih might not get a second term. “Barham is known as the nominee of Lahur, hence his first photo after getting elected was with him in a show of force.”

Other factors are at work. In Erbil the KRG Prime Minister, Masrour Barzani, is seen as close to Qubad and Bafel. Masrour Barzani is the son of Masoud Barzani, the KDP leader. Masrour’s cousin is Nechirvan Barzani, the President of the KRG. Nechirvan has enjoyed good relations with both Iran and Turkey in the past. It is believed that Iran has cautioned the PUK against totally ousting Lahur and that US envoy Brett McGurk, who was in Iraq this week, has also spoken with the PUK about the crisis. Reports say Lahur will be sidelined but not face further repercussions. He may go abroad for a short time.

In the end the struggles facing the PUK will not end. They have lost their onetime power in Kirkuk and they appear weakened. The Kurdistan region as a whole is facing increased action by Turkey fighting the PKK in the mountains. This has led to many villages being abandoned and the border region continues to be a conflict zone. The autonomous region has massive investment, including from Turkey, and no one wants to see it destabilized. However Iran and Turkey have designed on Erbil and Sulimaniyeh. The US and UK also have a role to play. The US, for instance, appears to be consolidating most of its forces in Erbil, having left many facilities.

Pro-Iran militias have used drones to strike at Erbil this year, endangering US forces. In addition a secret CIA hangar at Erbil airport was struck by a drone. Shoring up the CTG and Suli is important. Another side of this is Ankara’s desire to isolate the US role with the SDF in Syria. Iran is also pressuring the US in Syria and so is Russia and the Syrian regime. It is believed that Turkey also pressured Erbil to erode a deal with Delta Crescent company that wanted to do oil work in eastern Syria.

The overall story is not known but Turkey wants the SDF cut off from all support. The SDF had friends in the PUK and especially with Lahur. Members of the CTG, for instance, known as Lexoman Parastin, participated in some battles in Syria aiding the US-led Coalition. Flights from Suli were reported to go to eastern Syria. In an incredibly bizarre, an likely inaccurate account earlier this year, the CTG was even said to have been “involved in the US assassination of top Iranian commander Qasem Soleimani in the first days of 2020 in Baghdad, according to a new piece of investigative journalism.”

How all of this may have played into the removal of Lahur and his sidelining is unclear, but rumors have persisted for a year of differences. “I want to ensure you, when I or any other colleague visit another party, everyone in the party is aware, everyone has agreed to it, and we even set the program together,” Talabani said last year. “We have a united stance.” It turns out they did not have a united stance.

Ben & Jerry's 抵制東耶路撒冷的西岸定居點

“我們認為 Ben & Jerry 冰淇淋在巴勒斯坦被佔領土 (OPT) 銷售與我們的價值觀不一致。”

作者TOVAH LAZAROFF , MAAYAN GILOH

2021 年 7 月 19 日 22:07

本和傑瑞冰淇淋聲稱“投票很有品味”

（照片來源：禮貌）

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知名冰淇淋公司 Ben & Jerry's 週一宣布計劃抵制西岸定居點和東耶路撒冷的猶太社區，拒絕允許其產品在這些地區銷售。

該公司在其網站上發布的通知中表示：“我們認為，本傑瑞冰淇淋在巴勒斯坦被佔領土 (OPT) 銷售與我們的價值觀不一致。”

此舉推動了抵制、撤資和製裁 (BDS) 運動，該運動在過去十年中一直針對這家總部位於佛蒙特州的美國公司。

激進組織佛蒙特州爭取巴勒斯坦公正和平特別直言這個問題。

這家以在社會正義問題上採取立場而聞名的冰淇淋公司澄清說，它不是在抵制以色列，只是抵制“被佔領的巴勒斯坦領土”。

它表示將保持與 1967 年前邊界內的以色列地區的銷售關係。

“雖然 Ben & Jerry's 將不再在 OPT 中出售，但我們將通過不同的安排留在以色列。一旦我們準備好，我們將分享最新消息，”該公司解釋說。

Ben & Jerry 使用的抵制語言含糊不清，因為它提到了“被佔領的巴勒斯坦領土”，並沒有提到“定居點”或“東耶路撒冷”等詞，但可以假設這些就是所指的領土。

Ben & Jerry's 表示：“我們也聽到並認識到我們的粉絲和值得信賴的合作夥伴與我們分享的擔憂。

“我們與我們的被許可人建立了長期的合作夥伴關係，他們在以色列製造 Ben & Jerry's 冰淇淋並在該地區分銷。

“我們一直在努力改變這一點，因此我們已通知我們的被許可人，我們不會在明年年底到期時續簽許可協議。”

“有很多冰淇淋品牌，但只有一個猶太國家，”總理納夫塔利·貝內特說。

“Ben & Jerry's 決定將自己打上反以色列冰淇淋的烙印。這個決定在道德上是錯誤的，我相信很明顯它在商業上也是錯誤的。

“抵制以色列 - 一個被恐怖主義島嶼包圍的民主國家 - 反映了完全迷失方向。抵制不起作用，也不會起作用，我們將全力打擊它。”

聯合利華以色列回應說：“我們知道 Ben & Jerry's 最近發布了一項聲明。需要明確的是，Unilever Israel 並不在當地管理 Ben & Jerry's。該品牌由競爭對手的企業經營，該企業擁有 Ben & Jerry's 在以色列的特許經營權。市場。聯合利華以色列沒有參與這個決定。它是由 Ben & Jerry's 全球及其獨立董事會做出的。我們對我們在以色列的歷史感到非常自豪，並完全致力於我們的長期存在。我們僱傭了大約 2,000員工，其中大部分在我們位於阿拉德、阿克里、薩法德和海法的工廠。僅在過去十年中，該公司在以色列市場的投資就超過 10 億新謝克爾，並將繼續投資於其人員、品牌和在當地市場開展業務。”

“有很多冰淇淋，但只有一個以色列國，”總理納夫塔利·貝內特說。

“Ben & Jerry 決定給自己貼上反以色列的標籤。這是一個道德上的錯誤決定，我相信從商業角度來看，這也是一個錯誤的決定，”他補充道。

“抵制以色列——一個被恐怖包圍的島嶼民主——反映了完全缺乏比例。抵制是行不通的，我們將用我們所擁有的一切來對抗它，”他總結道。

一位不願透露姓名的 Ma'aleh Adumim 定居點居民表示，他對這一消息感到失望，但補充說，這不會導致他抵制 Ben & Jerry's 作為回報。

他說：“這是迄今為止你能在這兒的商店買到的最好的冰淇淋。” “我會在耶路撒冷購買我的紐約大塊軟糖，然後通過所有檢查站走私回家。”

反對黨領袖本傑明·內塔尼亞胡（Benjamin Netanyahu）通過推文回應了這一消息，“現在我們以色列人知道不該買哪種冰淇淋了。”

“Ben & Jerry 的決定代表了對反猶太主義、BDS 以及所有反以色列和反猶太話語錯誤的可恥投降，”外交部長 Yair Lapid 回應道。“我們不會保持沉默。

“近年來，美國有 30 多個州通過了反 BDS 立法。我計劃要求每個州對 Ben & Jerry's 執行這些法律。如果沒有回應，他們不會這樣對待以色列國，”他添加。

撒馬利亞地區委員會主席尤西·達甘回應說，本傑瑞冰淇淋融化後，猶地亞和撒馬利亞的定居點仍將存在。

MK Ofir Akunis（利庫德集團）在他的 Facebook 頁面上寫道：“我們將停止在以色列、猶地亞和撒馬利亞以及世界上所有其他地方購買 Ben & Jerry's”

MK Mossi Raz (Meretz) 對公告做出了回應。” 再一次，以色列被佔領區定居點的不道德所傷害。當然，也有人不願意在非法和不道德的定居點出售[Ben & Jerry's冰淇淋]，很可惜所有以色列人都因他們的存在而受到傷害。

Likud Young Guard 呼籲抵製冰淇淋製造商，稱“我們不需要 Ben & Jerry's，我們有 Golda。”

宗教猶太復國主義黨的 MK Simcha Rothman 回應說“不要停止購買 Ben & Jerry 的冰淇淋，只要以色列是該品牌的所有者。”

非政府組織 Peace Now 回應稱，“Ben & Jerry 的決定清楚地表明，即使右邊的定居者繼續試圖抹去綠線，世界也清楚地將主權以色列與被佔領土區分開來。國際公司有興趣開展業務與以色列國，但不願意接受對數百萬巴勒斯坦人和定居點企業的軍事控制。變革政府非常清楚定居點企業對以色列造成的巨大損害。任何想要加強以色列的人經濟並避免抵制和國際批評將有助於結束佔領。”

Ben & Jerry's to boycott West Bank settlements, east Jerusalem

"We believe it is inconsistent with our values for Ben & Jerry’s ice cream to be sold in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)."

By TOVAH LAZAROFF, MAAYAN GILOH

JULY 19, 2021 22:07

Ben and Jerry Ice Cream claims "Voting is in good taste"

(photo credit: Courtesy)

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Well-known ice cream company Ben & Jerry's announced on Monday its plan to boycott West Bank settlements and Jewish neighborhoods in east Jerusalem, by refusing to allow its products to be sold in those areas.

"We believe it is inconsistent with our values for Ben & Jerry’s ice cream to be sold in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)," the company stated in a notice it posted on its website.

The move gives a boost to the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, which has targeted the Vermont-based American company for the last decade.

Activist group Vermonters for a Just Peace in Palestine had been particularly vocal about the issue.

The ice cream company, known for taking a stand on social justice issues, clarified that it was not boycotting Israel, just the "occupied Palestinian territories."

It said that it would maintain its sales relationship with areas of Israel within the pre-1967 borders.

"Although Ben & Jerry’s will no longer be sold in the OPT, we will stay in Israel through a different arrangement. We will share an update on this as soon as we’re ready," the company explained.

The boycott language Ben & Jerry's used was vague in that it referenced the "occupied Palestinian territories" and did not mention the words "settlements" or "east Jerusalem," but the assumption can be made that these are the territories being referred to.

Ben & Jerry's stated: "We also hear and recognize the concerns shared with us by our fans and trusted partners.

"We have a longstanding partnership with our licensee, who manufactures Ben & Jerry’s ice cream in Israel and distributes it in the region.

"We have been working to change this, and so we have informed our licensee that we will not renew the license agreement when it expires at the end of next year."

"There are many ice cream brands, but only one Jewish state," said Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.

"Ben & Jerry's has decided to brand itself as the anti-Israel ice cream. This decision is morally wrong and I believe that it will become clear that it is also commercially wrong.

"The boycott against Israel – a democracy surrounded by islands of terrorism – reflects a total loss of way. The boycott does not work and will not work, and we will fight it with full force."

Unilever Israel responded: "We are aware that Ben & Jerry’s has recently made an announcement. To be clear, Unilever Israel does not manage Ben & Jerry’s locally. The brand is run by a competitor’s business which owns the Ben & Jerry’s franchise in the Israeli market. Unilever Israel had no involvement in this decision. It was made by Ben & Jerry’s globally and its independent Board of Directors. We are very proud of our history in Israel and are fully committed to our long-term presence. We employ around 2,000 employees, the majority of which in our factories in Arad, Acre, Safed and Haifa. In the last decade alone, the company has invested in the Israeli market more than 1 billion NIS, and will continue to invest in its people, brands, and business in the local market."

"There are many ice creams, but only one State of Israel," Prime Minister Naftali Bennett said.

"Ben & Jerry's decided to label itself as anti-Israel. This is an ethically bereft decision, and I believe that it will come to be one that is wrong from a business standpoint as well," he added.

"The boycotting of Israel – an island democracy surrounded by terror – reflects a complete lack of proportions. The boycott will not work, we will fight it with everything we've got," he concluded.

One resident of the Ma’aleh Adumim settlement who did not want to be named said he was disappointed by the announcement, but added that it wouldn't cause him to boycott Ben & Jerry's in return.

"It's the best ice cream you can get in stores here by far," he said. "I'll just buy my New York Chunk Fudge in Jerusalem and smuggle it back home passed all the checkpoints."

Opposition Head Benjamin Netanyahu has responded to the announcement via tweet writing "Now we Israelis know which ice cream NOT to buy."

"Ben & Jerry’s decision represents shameful surrender to antisemitism, to BDS and to all that is wrong with the anti-Israel and anti-Jewish discourse," Foreign Minister Yair Lapid tweeted in respose. "We will not be silent.

"Over 30 states in the United States have passed anti-BDS legislation in recent years. I plan on asking each of them to enforce these laws against Ben & Jerry's. They will not treat the State of Israel like this without a response," he added.

Samaria Regional Council head Yossi Dagan has responded saying that the settlements in Judea and Samaria will still exist after Ben & Jerry's ice cream will melt.

MK Ofir Akunis (Likud) wrote on his Facebook page "We will stop buying Ben & Jerry's in Israel, in Judeah and Samaria and every other place in the world"

MK Mossi Raz (Meretz) has reacted to the announcement saying. " Once again, Israel is harmed by the immorality of the settlements in the occupied territories. Of course, there are those who are not willing to sell [Ben & Jerry's ice cream] in settlements that are illegal and immoral, and it is a pity that all Israelis are harmed by their existence.

Likud Young Guard are calling for a boycott on the ice cream manufacturer saying that "we don't need Ben & Jerry's, we have Golda."

MK Simcha Rothman of the Religious Zionist Party has responded saying "don't stop purchasing Ben & Jerry's ice cream, as long as Israel is the owner of the brand."

NGO Peace Now have responded stating that "Ben & Jerry's decision makes it clear that even if the settlers on the right continue to try to erase the Green Line, the world clearly distinguishes sovereign Israel from the occupied territories. International companies are interested in doing business with the State of Israel, but are unwilling to accept military control over millions of Palestinians and with the settlement enterprise. The government of change is well aware of the enormous damage that the settlement enterprise is inflicting on Israel. Anyone who wants to strengthen the Israeli economy and avoid boycotts and international criticism will work to end the occupation. "

以色列部長投票否決西岸吞併法案

Mk Miki Zohar 的約旦河西岸吞併法案在他向 Yamina 和 New Hope 部長提出挑戰後被政府拒絕。

通過GIL HOFFMAN

2021 年 7 月 19 日 21:43

2020 年 1 月 13 日，利庫德集團議員 Miki Zohar 在以色列議會以色列議會的安排委員會會議上做出反應。

（照片來源：HADAS PARUSH/FLASH90）

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週一晚上，聯盟和反對派代表在以色列議會議長米基·利維的辦公室舉行了雙方所稱的積極會議，以結束他們對議會委員會和議會關鍵職位的不和。

利庫德集團指責聯盟在關鍵的議會委員會和決定將哪些法案付諸表​​決的議會副議長主席團中提供該黨前所未有的低代表性。

在閉門會議上，聯盟向反對派提供了更多的議會副議長職位、委員會主席以及財政委員會和其他強大委員會的代表。

“雙方都提出了公平的報價，他們認為如果達成一致他們可以接受，現在他們都在考慮，”一位與會者說。

另一位參與者表示取得了進展，目標是在周二之前完成一項協議。

他說：“我們希望我們最早在[星期二]完成，並找到並達成解決方案。”

利庫德集團的一位消息人士表示，該黨可以接受這一提議，但反對黨中的其他政黨更加激進，可能會堅持拒絕。

週一早些時候，副總理亞伊爾·拉皮德告訴他的 Yesh Atid 派系，他希望這次會議能夠結束他所謂的反對派“無稽之談”。

“反對派正試圖摧毀這座房子，然後向媒體抱怨他們受到的待遇，”拉皮德說。

與此同時，總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 政府 週一上午在部長級立法委員會上拒絕了利庫德集團 MK Miki Zohar的 約旦河西岸吞併法案。

儘管聯盟一直在投票反對每一項反對派發起的法案，但佐哈爾還是敢於讓亞米納和新希望部長支持這項立法。

他說他仍將在下週的以色列議會全體會議上對該法案進行投票，而貝內特本人將在那裡投反對票。

佐哈爾發表聲明抨擊 貝內特、內政部長阿耶萊特·沙克德、司法部長吉迪恩·薩爾和建築部長澤夫·埃爾金。

佐哈爾說：“你一次又一次地承諾，你將採取行動實現對猶太和撒瑪利亞的主權，而你又一次違背了你的諾言。” “你再一次證明你沒有意識形態，除了保住內閣席位之外，沒有任何價值觀對你來說是神聖的。”

Israeli ministers vote down West Bank annexation bill

Mk Miki Zohar's West Bank annexation bill was rejected by the government after he challenged Yamina and New Hope ministers to give it their support.

By GIL HOFFMAN

JULY 19, 2021 21:43

Likud parliament member Miki Zohar reacts during an arrangements committee meeting at the Knesset, the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem, January 13, 2020.

(photo credit: HADAS PARUSH/FLASH90)

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Representatives of the coalition and opposition held what both sides called a positive meeting in Knesset Speaker Mickey Levy’s office on Monday evening, in an effort to end their feud over Knesset committees and key posts in the parliament.

The Likud has accused the coalition of offering the party unprecedentedly low representation in key Knesset committees and the presidium of deputy Knesset speakers that decide which bills are brought to a vote.

In the closed-door meeting, the coalition offered the opposition more deputy Knesset speaker posts, committee chairmanships and representatives on the Finance Committee and other powerful committees.

“Fair offers were put on the table by each side, with what they thought they could live with if agreed upon, and now they are both considering it,” one participant in the meeting said.

Another participant said progress was made, with a goal of completing an agreement by Tuesday.

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“We hope we will be done as early as [Tuesday] and that we will find and reach a solution,” he said.

A Likud source said the party could live with the offer but that other parties in the opposition were more militant and may insist on rejecting it.

Earlier Monday, Alternate Prime Minister Yair Lapid told his Yesh Atid faction that he hopes the meeting will end what he called the opposition’s “filibusters over nonsense.”

“The opposition is trying to destroy this house and then whining to the press about how they are being treated,” Lapid said.

Meanwhile, the government of Prime Minister Naftali Bennett rejected a West Bank annexation bill of Likud MK Miki Zohar in the Ministerial Committee on Legislation Monday morning.

Zohar had dared Yamina and New Hope ministers to support the legislation, even though the coalition has been voting against every opposition-sponsored bill.

He said he will still bring the bill to a vote next week in the Knesset plenum, where Bennett himself will have to vote against it.

Zohar released a statement bashing Bennett, Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked, Justice Minister Gideon Sa’ar and Construction Minister Ze’ev Elkin.

“You promised again and again that you will take action to bring about sovereignty over Judea and Samaria and you once again broke your word,” Zohar said. “You once again proved that you have no ideology and that no values are holy for you except for keeping your cabinet seats.”

僑民事務部長：金錢不會阻止 Kotel 的交易

僑民事務部長 Nachman Shai 表示，政府將提供 1500 萬新謝克爾，以改善進入西牆平等主義部分的機會

通過GIL HOFFMAN

2021 年 7 月 19 日 21:34

平靜的影響 - 前 MK Nahman Shai。

（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/耶路撒冷郵報）

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僑民事務部長 Nachman Shai 在周一的工黨派別會議上對《耶路撒冷郵報》表示，擴建西牆的平等主義部分所需的 1500 萬新謝克爾，從目前的科特爾廣場入口處，將在未來幾個月內由多個內閣部委分配.

2016 年的西牆交易要求建立一個國家認可的大型平等主義部分，該部分可從主要的西牆建築群進入，並由相關成員組成的董事會管理，其中包括進步的猶太代表和隔離牆婦女組織的成員。但一年半後，這筆交易在 haredi（超正統派）的壓力下被放棄了。

作為耶路撒冷事務部長，現任總理納夫塔利·貝內特於 2014 年在隔離牆南端的考古遺址建造了一個廣場，該廣場將作為西牆協議的一部分進行升級，該協議由總檢察長撰寫Avichai Mandelblit 是前總理本雅明內塔尼亞胡的內閣秘書。

“錢是容易的部分，”Shai 說。“這不是阻止它實施的原因。我們不會放過這個問題。”

週一在以色列議會舉行的內閣會議上，謝伊談到了在西牆促進平等主義祈禱的重要性。他就週六晚上的事件向部長們發表講話，其中數百名強硬的宗教猶太復國主義活動家湧入西牆目前的平等主義部分（稱為以色列部分），嚴重擾亂了Masorti（保守黨）團體的服務。

工黨領袖兼交通部長梅拉夫米凱利表示，目前還沒有實施西牆協議的具體時間表。但她說她會堅持執行。

“我們會做出真正的努力，”Michaeli 說。“這花了太長時間，它會發生。

Diaspora Affairs minister: Money won't stop Kotel deal

Diaspora Affairs Minister Nachman Shai says that the government will provide the NIS 15 million required to improve access to the Western Wall egalitarian section

By GIL HOFFMAN

JULY 19, 2021 21:34

CALMING INFLUENCE – former MK Nahman Shai.

(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)

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The NIS 15 million required to expand the egalitarian section at the Western Wall, with an entrance from the current Kotel Plaza, will be allocated by multiple cabinet ministries in the months ahead, Diaspora Affairs Minister Nachman Shai told The Jerusalem Post at Monday’s Labor faction meeting.

The 2016 Western Wall deal called for a large, state-recognized egalitarian section that would be accessible from the main Western Wall complex and run by a board of relevant members, including progressive Jewish representatives and members of the Women of the Wall organization. But the deal was abandoned under haredi (ultra-Orthodox) pressure a year and a half later.

In his role as Jerusalem affairs minister, current Prime Minister Naftali Bennett built a plaza in an archaeological site at the southern end of the wall in 2014 that was set to be upgraded as part of the Western Wall agreement, which was written by Attorney-General Avichai Mandelblit when he was former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s cabinet secretary.

“The money is the easy part,” Shai said. “That’s not what will stop it from being implemented. We won’t let the issue go.”

Shai spoke about the importance of facilitating egalitarian prayer at the Western Wall at Monday’s cabinet meeting at the Knesset. He addressed ministers about Saturday night’s incident in which several hundred hard-line religious-Zionist activists descended on the current egalitarian section of the Western Wall (known as the Israel section), severely disturbing the services of a Masorti (Conservative) group.

Labor leader and Transportation Minister Merav Michaeli said there was not yet a concrete timetable for implementing the Western Wall agreement. But she said she would insist on it being carried out.

“We will make a true effort,” Michaeli said. “It has taken too long, and it will happen.

以色列議會提出將一次性塑料使用量減少 40% 的新計劃

環保和財政部長周一推動新計劃，對一次性餐具徵收購置稅，可減少40%的消費

由ZEV 存根

2021 年 7 月 19 日 20:49

Liberman 和 Zandberg 宣布新的一次性餐具購買稅計劃

（照片來源：禮貌）

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根據財政部長阿維格多·利伯曼 (Avigdor Liberman) 和環境保護部長塔馬爾·贊德伯格 (Tamar Zandberg) 週一提出的一項新計劃，以色列一次性餐具的使用量可能會下降 40%。

他們的部委在一份聯合新聞稿中說，在過去十年中，以色列一次性餐具的消費率翻了一番。在新框架下，將根據產品的重量對本地進口和生產徵收購買稅。

購買稅的性質將類似於對香煙和酒精飲料徵收的稅。

一次性塑料製品的家庭年消費量約為7.5公斤。各部說，人均是歐盟的五倍。以色列家庭在一次性餐具上的花費約為 13 億新謝克爾。

該決定是基於環境保護部的一項研究，該研究發現將價格提高一倍給消費者將減少約 40% 的使用量。稅收的確切金額將在稍後確定，同時審查以色列稅務局的各種考慮因素。

該稅將針對杯子、盤子、碗、餐具和吸管徵收。瓶子根據《存放法》進行處理，包裝根據《包裝法》進行立法。

一次性塑料器具造成的 嚴重環境破壞 可能會持續數千年，並且它們對公共健康的負面影響是眾所周知的。 各部表示，他們的廢物在垃圾填埋場中佔據越來越大的空間，導致垃圾清除成本增加，對海洋、開放空間和公共空間造成污染， 並建立對製造塑料的污染化石燃料的依賴。

利伯曼說，財政部的工作人員已經被指示不要再在辦公室使用一次性餐具。

“就像香煙和酒精一樣，一次性塑料是一種癮，”贊德伯格說。“我們被一次性塑料淹沒，我們都看到它對土地清潔和我們的生活質量產生了問題。這將承擔最大的損害成本。一次性塑料生產基於污染燃料，對氣候危機也有負面影響。我呼籲每個人都轉向可重複使用的工具，以促進我們所有人的健康和環境。”

New plan to cut disposable plastic use by 40% proposed in Knesset

Environmental Protection and Finance Ministers promoted a new plan on Monday to introduce a purchase tax on disposable utensils, which could reduce their consumption by 40%

By ZEV STUB

JULY 19, 2021 20:49

Liberman and Zandberg announce new purchase tax initiative for disposable utensils

(photo credit: Courtesy)

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Use of disposable utensils in Israel could drop by 40% under a new plan promoted Monday by Finance Minister Avigdor Liberman and Environmental Protection Minister Tamar Zandberg.

In the last decade, the rate of consumption of disposable utensils in Israel has doubled, their ministries said in a joint press release. Under the new framework, a purchase tax will be imposed on local imports and production based on the weight of the products.

The purchase tax will be similar in nature to that imposed on cigarettes and alcoholic beverages.

The annual household consumption of disposable plastic products is about 7.5 kg. per capita, five times more than in the European Union, the ministries said. Israeli households spend about NIS 1.3 billion on disposable utensils.

The decision is based on a study by the Environmental Protection Ministry that found doubling the price to the consumer would reduce usage by about 40%. The exact amount of the tax will be determined later, while examining a variety of considerations of the Israel Tax Authority.

The tax will be levied on cups, plates, bowls, cutlery and straws. Bottles are treated under the Deposit Act, and packaging is legislated under the Packaging Act.

Disposable plastic utensils cause significant environmental damage that can linger for thousands of years, and their negative effects on public health are known. Their waste takes up increasing space in landfills, leads to increased garbage removal costs, pollution of the sea, open spaces and public spaces and establishes dependence on polluting fossil fuels from which plastic is made, the ministries said.

Finance Ministry workers have already been instructed not to use disposable utensils in the office anymore, Liberman said.

“Like cigarettes and alcohol, disposable plastic is an addiction,” Zandberg said. “We are drowning in disposable plastic, and we all see its problematic effect on the cleanliness of the land and our quality of life. That will bear the most significant cost of the damage. The disposable plastic production is based on polluting fuels and has a negative impact on the climate crisis as well. I call on everyone to move to reusable tools for the health and environment of us all.”

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