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**2021年的中東新世界 : The New Middle East 2021 (Traditional Chinese Edition) Kindle Edition **Traditional Chinese版 作者 Yuping Su 蘇育平 (Author) 格式： Kindle Edition https://www.amazon.com/-/zh_TW/dp/B09C4JFTLT/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=2021%E5%B9%B4%E7%9A%84%E4%B8%AD%E6%9D%B1%E6%96%B0%E4%B8%96%E7%95%8C&qid=1628421302&s=books&sr=1-1

Traditional Chinese版 作者 Yuping Su 蘇育平 (Author) 格式： Kindle Edition

https://www.amazon.com/-/zh_TW/dp/B09C4HPFWC/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=%E5%8F%B0%E4%BB%A5%E9%97%9C%E4%BF%82%E7%99%BE%E5%B9%B4%E5%8F%B2&qid=1628421394&s=books&sr=1-1

Traditional Chinese版 作者 Yu-Ping SU 蘇育平 (Author), Nurullah Ayvaz (Author) 格式： Kindle Edition

https://www.amazon.com/-/zh_TW/dp/B09C4GQD6V/ref=sr_1_4?dchild=1&keywords=Turkic+history&qid=1628421442&s=books&sr=1-4

2021.08.09 國際新聞導讀-伊朗總統會晤哈瑪斯與真主黨領袖誓言繼續神聖事業、巴林加入以色列譴責伊朗行列、以色列內閣急著改革國家怕時間不夠、以色列喪子之父自殺於兒子喪生紀念日

強硬派總統將在未來幾天公佈保守派內閣，因為核談判預計將在 9 月開始

2021 年 8 月 3 日，伊朗最高領袖阿亞圖拉·阿里·哈梅內伊 (Ayatollah Ali Khamenei) 在伊朗德黑蘭舉行的背書儀式上向新當選的總統易卜拉欣·賴西 (Ebrahim Raisi) 授予正式批准印章。 （伊朗最高領袖辦公室通過美聯社）

隨著伊朗新總統易卜拉欣·萊西上任，世界正在密切關注。

它將尋找有關他是否會追求高度意識形態化的議程，對西方採取好鬥的立場，或者儘管他有強硬的資歷和血腥的過去，但他是否會表現出令人驚訝的務實態度的任何暗示。

“沒有人完全確定會發生什麼，”荷茲利亞勞德政府學院跨學科中心的奧里戈德伯格說。

這種缺乏明確性可能是歐盟將維也納核談判的負責人恩里克莫拉派往德黑蘭參加 Raisi 就職典禮的原因。

以色列嚴厲批評此舉，稱這一舉動是“判斷力差”的“可恥”表現。

據一位歐盟高級官員稱，莫拉與指定負責核談判的伊朗官員侯賽因·阿米爾-阿卜杜拉希安進行了交談，並確定伊朗已準備好在維也納恢復談判，可能在 9 月初。

他補充說，目前尚不清楚核談判是否仍由伊朗外交部負責，還是由另一個深受最高領導人影響的機構——伊朗強大的最高國家安全委員會——接管。

哈馬斯領導人伊斯梅爾·哈尼耶（左）於 2021 年 8 月 6 日在後者的辦公室迎接新任伊朗總統易卜拉欣·萊西。（屏幕截圖/YouTube）

如果歐盟的報告屬實，對於那些尋求重返 2015 年 JCPOA 的人來說，這無疑是一個令人鼓舞的跡象，但並不能保證雙方會找到共同點，或者伊朗根本不會尋求妥協。

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最終負責伊朗戰略決策的最高領袖阿里哈梅內伊可能試圖通過另一輪會談爭取更多時間來推進其國家的核計劃。

Raisi 將採取的國家方向的一個重要指標將是他的內閣組成。

“這將是一個保守的內閣，”特拉維夫國家安全研究所的伊朗學者 Raz Zimmt 說。

Raisi 必須在 8 月 19 日之前公佈他的選秀權，但預計在哈梅內伊的敦促下會更早公佈。

問題是賴西在創建強硬政府方面會走多遠。

文件：2021 年 6 月 6 日，在首都德黑蘭以南約 25 公里的伊斯拉姆沙赫爾市舉行的競選集會上，伊朗總統候選人易卜拉欣·賴西的女性支持者高舉海報。（法新社）

戈德堡說：“絕大多數部長，當然是最重要的職位，將是保守派。” “問題是他們是更傳統的保守派還是革命性的保守派。”

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目前負責核談判的外交部長人選將成為伊朗希望談判走向的重要線索。

阿米爾-阿卜杜拉希安是一位資深外交官，是哈桑魯哈尼盟友和現任外交部長穆罕默德賈瓦德扎里夫的顧問，但也是伊斯蘭革命衛隊的親密盟友。

扎里夫的另一個可能替代者是賽義德·賈利利，他退出總統競選，支持賴西。賈利利在兩伊戰爭中與伊斯蘭革命衛隊作戰時失去了一條腿，是哈梅內伊在強大的最高國家安全委員會中的代表。

其他職位——比如內部和情報部門——將表明 Raisi 打算如何處理內部動亂和異議。

齊姆特說：“如果他接受更具意識形態的部長，那意味著他更多地朝著鎮壓和執法的方向前進。”

2021 年 7 月 17 日，伊朗西南部胡齊斯坦省，抗議者因缺水而封鎖道路。（視頻截圖）

經濟事務和財政部是另一個關鍵職位。如果賴西選擇了一個意識形態強硬派，想要建立不受西方制裁影響的“抵抗經濟”，這可能表明德黑蘭不希望達成核協議和隨後的製裁解除。

戈德堡說，這意味著伊朗“獨自走這條路，而不是向世界尋求合作”。

另一方面，技術官僚經濟學家則表示希望改善生活條件，並向伊朗開放國際貿易和投資，而這只有在核協議框架內才有可能實現。

最高國家安全委員會中的部長級職位——目前是能源、外交、金融、國防、信息、內政、科學和情報部門——將在伊朗與外交部以外的世界的關係中發揮重要作用。

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Raisi 意圖的另一個跡像是他週四宣誓就任伊朗伊斯蘭共和國第八任總統時的講話。

伊朗最高國家安全委員會秘書阿里沙姆哈尼於 2014 年 3 月 16 日抵達伊朗德黑蘭的辦公室參加會議。 (Vahid Salemi/AP)

他承諾追求該國的“合法權利”，但也不排除與西方進行外交以減輕經濟制裁。

由於恢復 2015 年核協議的高風險談判陷入僵局，以及以色列和伊朗之間針鋒相對的破壞襲擊有可能滾雪球般滾雪球，賴西預計將採取比他的前任更少的和解方式上任。陷入公開衝突。

“施加壓力和製裁的政策不會導致伊朗國家放棄跟進其合法權利，”賴西在國家電視台現場直播的議會儀式上說，他指的是該國的核計劃。

值得注意的是，賴西強調他採用外交手段來解除美國的製裁併修補與鄰國的裂痕，這是對遜尼派競爭對手沙特阿拉伯的微妙提及。

“必須取消制裁，”他在半小時的就職演說中說。“我們將支持任何支持這一目標的外交計劃。”

伊朗即將卸任的總統哈桑·魯哈尼（中）於 2021 年 8 月 5 日抵達伊斯蘭共和國首都德黑蘭議會舉行的伊朗新總統宣誓儀式。（Atta Kenare/法新社）

但他也表示，伊朗尋求擴大其權力，以製衡整個地區的敵人。

“無論世界上哪裡有壓迫和犯罪，在歐洲的心臟地帶，在美國、非洲、也門、敘利亞、巴勒斯坦……”他激動地說，“選舉的信息是對傲慢勢力的抵抗。 。”

“我們是人權的真正捍衛者，我們不接受對壓迫和犯罪以及侵犯無辜和手無寸鐵的人的權利的沉默，”Raisi 補充說，他被指控幫助下令處決約 5,000 名囚犯1988年，兩伊戰爭結束。

在演講中，賴西引用了哈梅內伊 2003 年反對發展核武器的宗教法令，稱“這種武器在伊斯蘭共和國的國防戰略中沒有地位”。

由於伊朗人抗議該國伊斯蘭領導人取消幾乎所有其他候選人的資格，賴西在 6 月的壓倒性選舉中當選，投票率很低。

2020 年 11 月 28 日，伊朗巴斯吉準軍事部隊的學生在德黑蘭外交部前的一次集會上焚燒描繪美國總統唐納德·特朗普（上）和當選總統喬·拜登的海報，以抗議著名核科學家莫森被殺一天前在首都附近的 Fakhrizadeh。（阿塔凱納雷/法新社）

他的就職典禮完成了強硬派對伊斯蘭共和國所有政府部門的統治。

他接替了較為溫和的魯哈尼，後者在其兩任總統任期內取得的里程碑式成就是 2015 年伊斯蘭共和國與六個世界大國之間的核協議。

美國總統喬拜登試圖通過在歐盟領導下在維也納舉行的間接談判重新進入該協議，但這些談判在上個月未能取得進展。

由于冠狀病毒大流行肆虐該國，週四的就職典禮縮減了規模，但仍吸引了來自世界各地的領導人和政要，包括哈馬斯恐怖組織負責人伊斯梅爾·哈尼耶 (Ismail Haniyeh) 和伊朗代理人黎巴嫩恐怖組織真主黨 (Hezbollah) 的二號人物納伊姆·卡西姆 (Naim Qassem)。

2021 年 5 月 17 日星期一，一名婦女在伊朗德黑蘭的 Iran Mall 購物中心接種國藥 COVID-19 疫苗。（美聯社 / Ebrahim Noroozi）

哈梅內伊在周二為 Raisi 舉行的背書儀式上，建議他在擔任總統期間“賦予該國窮人權力並改善本國貨幣”。

在持續的製裁中，伊朗正在努力應對通脹失控、收入減少、停電和水資源短缺等問題，這些問題引發了零星的抗議。

伊朗被禁止向國外出售石油，其經濟崩潰和貨幣崩盤，對普通公民的打擊最為嚴重。伊朗還在與中東最致命的 COVID-19 大流行病爆發作鬥爭，該流行病的病例超過 400 萬，死亡人數超過 92,000。

Hardline president to reveal conservative cabinet in coming days, as nuclear talks expected to pick up in September

By LAZAR BERMAN Today, 8:22 pm

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, left, gives his official seal of approval to newly elected President Ebrahim Raisi in an endorsement ceremony in Tehran, Iran, August 3, 2021. (Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader via AP)

The world is watching closely as new Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi assumes office.

It will be looking for any hints on whether he will pursue a highly ideological agenda, with a combative stance toward the West, or whether he will prove surprisingly pragmatic despite his hardline credentials and bloody past.

“No one’s quite sure what will happen,” said Ori Goldberg of the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya’s Lauder School of Government.

This lack of clarity might be the reason the European Union sent Enrique Mora, its point man for the Vienna nuclear talks, to Tehran for Raisi’s inauguration.

Israel criticized the move bitterly, calling the gesture a “shameful” display of “poor judgment.”

According to a senior EU official, Mora spoke with the Iranian official designated to take charge of the nuclear talks, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, and determined that Iran was ready to resume the negotiations in Vienna, possibly in early September.

He added that it was unclear whether the nuclear talks would remain the responsibility of the Iranian foreign ministry or be taken over by another body heavily influenced by the supreme leader, Iran’s powerful Supreme National Security Council.

Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh (L) greets new Iran President Ebrahim Raisi at the latter’s office on August 6, 2021. (Screen capture/YouTube)

If the EU reports are true, it is certainly an encouraging sign for those looking for a return to the 2015 JCPOA, but is no guarantee that the two sides will find common ground, or that Iran is even looking to compromise at all.

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Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who is ultimately responsible for Iran’s strategic decisions, could be trying to buy more time to advance his country’s nuclear program with another round of talks.

An important indicator of the direction Raisi will take the country will be the makeup of his cabinet.

“This will be a conservative cabinet,” said Raz Zimmt, an Iran scholar at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.

Raisi has until August 19 to reveal his picks, but is expected to do so earlier at Khamenei’s urging.

The question is how far Raisi will go in creating a hardline government.

File: Women supporters of Iranian presidential candidate Ebrahim Raisi hold up his posters during an election campaign rally in the city of Eslamshahr, about 25 kilometers south of the capital Tehran, on June 6, 2021. (AFP)

“The overwhelming majority of ministers, certainly in the most substantive positions, will be conservatives,” said Goldberg. “The question is whether they will be more traditional conservatives or revolutionary conservatives.”

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The pick for foreign minister, who is currently responsible for the nuclear talks, will be an important tell regarding the direction Iran wants to take the negotiations.

Amir-Abdollahian is a veteran diplomat and an adviser to Hassan Rouhani ally and current Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, but is also a close ally of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Another possible replacement for Zarif is Saeed Jalili, who withdrew from the presidential race in favor of Raisi. Jalili lost a leg while fighting with the IRGC in the Iran-Iraq War, and is Khamenei’s representative on the powerful Supreme National Security Council.

Other positions — like the interior and intelligence posts — will indicate how Raisi intends to deal with internal unrest and dissent.

“If he takes ministers who are more ideological, that means he is going more in a direction of repression and enforcement,” said Zimmt.

Protestors block roads over water shortages, in the province of Khuzestan, southwest Iran, on July 17, 2021. (Video screenshot)

The Economic Affairs and Finance Ministry is another key post. If Raisi chooses an ideological hardliner who wants to build a “resistance economy” that is impervious to Western sanctions, it could be a sign that Tehran does not expect a nuclear deal and the subsequent sanctions relief.

It would mean Iran is “going the course alone and not looking to the world for cooperation,” said Goldberg.

A technocrat economist, on the other, would indicate a desire to improve living conditions and open Iran up to international trade and investment, which would only be possible in the framework of a nuclear agreement.

The ministerial positions that also come with seats on the Supreme National Security Council — currently Energy, Foreign Affairs, Finance, Defense, Information, Interior, Science and Intelligence — will have a powerful role in Iran’s relations with the world beyond the Foreign Ministry.

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Another indication of Raisi’s intentions was his address as he was sworn in on Thursday as the Islamic Republic’s eighth president.

Secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, Ali Shamkhani, arrives for a meeting at his office in Tehran, Iran, March 16, 2014. (Vahid Salemi/AP)

He promised to pursue the country’s “legal rights,” but also did not rule out diplomacy with the West to ease economic sanctions.

Raisi, who is expected to take a less conciliatory approach than his predecessor, comes into office as high-stakes talk for the resumption of the 2015 nuclear pact have stalled, and with tit-for-tat sabotage attacks between Israel and Iran threatening to snowball into open conflict.

“The policy of pressure and sanctions will not cause the nation of Iran to back down from following up on its legal rights,” Raisi said in a parliamentary ceremony broadcast live on state television, referring to the country’s nuclear program.

Notably, Raisi stressed his embrace of diplomacy to lift US sanctions and mend rifts with neighbors, a subtle reference to Sunni rival Saudi Arabia.

“The sanctions must be lifted,” he said during his half-hour inauguration speech. “We will support any diplomatic plan that supports this goal.”

Iran’s outgoing president, Hassan Rouhani, center, arrives at the swearing in ceremony for Iran’s new president at the parliament in the Islamic republic’s capital Tehran, on August 5, 2021. (Atta Kenare/AFP)

But he also signaled that Iran seeks to expand its power as a counterbalance to foes across the region.

“Wherever there is oppression and crime in the world, in the heart of Europe, in the US, Africa, Yemen, Syria, Palestine…” he said, his voice rising with emotion, “the message of the election was resistance against arrogant powers.”

“We are the true defenders of human rights, and we do not accept silence against oppression and crime and the violation of the rights of innocent and defenseless human beings,” added Raisi, who has been accused of helping order the execution of some 5,000 prisoners in 1988, at the end of the Iran-Iraq War.

During the speech, Raisi cited Khamenei’s 2003 religious edict against pursuing nuclear weapons, saying that “such weapons have no place in the defense strategy of the Islamic Republic.”

Raisi was elected in a landslide June election marked by low turnout as Iranians protested the disqualifications of nearly all other candidates by the country’s Islamist leadership.

Students of Iran’s Basij paramilitary force burn posters depicting US President Donald Trump (top) and President-elect Joe Biden, during a rally in front of the foreign ministry in Tehran, on November 28, 2020, to protest the killing of prominent nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh a day earlier near the capital. (Atta Kenare/AFP)

His inauguration completes hardliners’ dominance of all branches of government in the Islamic Republic.

He took over from the more moderate Rouhani, whose landmark achievement during his two-term presidency was the 2015 nuclear agreement between the Islamic Republic and six world powers.

US President Joe Biden has sought to reenter the deal via indirect talks taking place in Vienna under European Union stewardship, but those negotiations have failed to budge over the last month.

Thursday’s inauguration ceremony, scaled back because of the coronavirus pandemic ravaging the country, still drew leaders and dignitaries from around the world, including Hamas terror group chief Ismail Haniyeh and Naim Qassem, second in command of the Lebanese terror group Hezbollah, an Iranian proxy.

A woman receives the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine at the Iran Mall shopping center in Tehran, Iran, on Monday, May 17, 2021. (AP/Ebrahim Noroozi)

Khamenei, in an endorsement ceremony for Raisi on Tuesday, advised him to “empower the country’s poor people and improve the national currency” during his presidency.

Amid ongoing sanctions, Iran is grappling with runaway inflation, diminishing revenues, rolling blackouts and water shortages that have sparked scattered protests.

Barred from selling its oil abroad, Iran has seen its economy crumble and its currency crash, hitting ordinary citizens hardest. Iran is also battling the Middle East’s deadliest outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, with more than four million cases and upwards of 92,000 deaths.

新當選的伊斯蘭共和國總統也受到製裁，任命國有企業集團的董事長為其副總裁

通過AFP今天，晚上 8:48

伊朗 Setad 基金會主席或執行伊瑪目霍梅尼命令的主席 Mohammad Mokhber 在新聞發布會上發表講話，宣布將於 2021 年 3 月 15 日在德黑蘭啟動本地製造的 COVID 疫苗的第二和第三階段人體試驗。 （阿塔·基納雷/法新社）

德黑蘭——伊朗總統的官方網站稱，伊朗新任極端保守總統易卜拉欣·賴西周日任命了一個由美國批准的強大國有基金會的主席為他的第一任副總統。

Mohammad Mokhber 長期以來一直被當地媒體傳為該職位的首選，多年來一直領導著名為 Setad 的基金會，即執行伊瑪目霍梅尼的命令，參考伊斯蘭共和國的創始人魯霍拉霍梅尼。

莫克貝爾於 2007 年被最高領導人阿亞圖拉阿里哈梅內伊任命為該職位，此前他在西南部胡齊斯坦省擔任過一系列官方職務。

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Setad 最初成立於 1980 年代後期，旨在管理 1979 年伊斯蘭革命後沒收的財產。

從那以後，它變成了一個龐大的企業集團，在包括健康在內的各個行業都擁有股份，其 Barekat 基金會生產了伊朗第一個當地的 COIVID-19 疫苗項目。

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該疫苗於 6 月獲得了中東受災最嚴重國家衛生當局的緊急批准。

易卜拉欣·賴西總統於 2021 年 8 月 5 日在伊朗德黑蘭議會舉行的儀式上宣誓就任總統後發表講話。（美聯社照片/Vahid Salemi）

Setad 和 Mokhber 在 1 月份被美國財政部列入黑名單。華盛頓曾表示，Setad“在伊朗經濟的幾乎每個部門都擁有股份，包括能源、電信和金融服務。”

Raisi 在 6 月 18 日的選舉中以創紀錄的棄權獲勝，他接替了溫和派哈桑·魯哈尼 (Hassan Rouhani)。

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週四，賴西在議會宣誓就職，他必須在兩週內向議會提交一份部長名單。

作為前司法機構負責人，Raisi 因其人權記錄而受到西方的批評，並自 2019 年以來受到美國的製裁。

Raisi 還挑選了司法部門發言人 Gholamhossein Esmaili 作為他的參謀長。

前檢察官埃斯梅利受到歐盟的製裁。

伊朗司法部發言人 Gholamhossein Esmaili 於 2020 年 2 月 4 日在伊朗德黑蘭舉行新聞發布會（Hamed Ataei/Mizan News Agency via AP）

2011 年，他作為伊朗監獄組織負責人首次被列入黑名單，原因是“嚴重侵犯人權”。

Raisi 的總統職位是由於保守派在 2020 年議會選舉勝利後鞏固了權力，其特點是數千名改革派或溫和派候選人被取消資格。

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據國家通訊社 IRNA 報導，同樣在周日，極端保守的議員和 2021 年總統候選人阿里雷扎·扎卡尼 (Alireza Zakani) 當選為德黑蘭市長。

它說，他贏得了由保守派主導的市議會的多數選票，但在從議會辭職之前，他無法接任。

他接替了 Pirouz Hanachi，後者是一位資深公務員，在城市發展方面具有接近改革派陣營的背景。

扎卡尼曾在 2004 年至 2016 年期間在議會任職，並於去年再次贏得席位。

作為一名 55 歲的核醫學醫生，他退出了 6 月的總統競選，支持 Raisi。

Newly elected president of Islamic Republic also under sanctions, names chairman of the state-owned Setad conglomerate to be his VP

By AFPToday, 8:48 pm

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Chairman of Iran's Setad foundation, or the Execution of Imam Khomeini's Order, Mohammad Mokhber speaks during a press conference to announce the launch of the second and third phases of human trials of a locally made COVID vaccine, in Tehran, on March 15, 2021. (ATTA KENARE/AFP)

TEHRAN — Iran’s new ultraconservative President Ebrahim Raisi on Sunday named the chairman of a powerful state-owned foundation sanctioned by the United States as his first vice-president, the president’s official website said.

Mohammad Mokhber, long-rumored by local media to be the top pick for the position, has for years headed the foundation known as Setad, or the Execution of Imam Khomeini’s order, in reference to the Islamic republic’s founder Ruhollah Khomeini.

Mokhber was appointed to the position by the supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in 2007, following a string of official positions at the southwestern province of Khuzestan.

The Setad was originally founded in the late 1980s to manage confiscated properties following the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

It has since turned into a sprawling conglomerate with stakes in various industries, including health, and its Barekat Foundation produced Iran’s first local COIVID-19 vaccine project.

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The vaccine received emergency approval in June from health authorities in the Middle East’s worst-hit country.

President Ebrahim Raisi delivers a speech after taking his oath as president in a ceremony at the parliament in Tehran, Iran, on August 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

The Setad and Mokhber were blacklisted by the US Treasury in January. Washington had said that Setad “has a stake in nearly every sector of the Iranian economy, including energy, telecommunications and financial services.”

Raisi, who won a June 18 election marked by record abstention, takes over from moderate Hassan Rouhani.

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On Thursday, Raisi took the oath of office before parliament, to which he must present a list of ministers within two weeks.

A former judiciary chief, Raisi has been criticized by the West for his human rights record and sanctioned by the US since 2019.

Raisi also picked Gholamhossein Esmaili, the judiciary’s spokesman during his tenure, as his chief of staff.

A former prosecutor, Esmaili is under sanctions by the European Union.

Iran’s Judiciary spokesman Gholamhossein Esmaili gives a press conference in Tehran, Iran, Feb. 4, 2020 (Hamed Ataei/Mizan News Agency via AP)

He was first blacklisted in 2011 as Iran’s prisons’ organization chief over “serious human rights violations.”

Raisi’s presidency is due to consolidate power in the hands of conservatives following their 2020 parliamentary election victory, which was marked by the disqualification of thousands of reformist or moderate candidates.

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Also on Sunday, ultraconservative MP and 2021 presidential candidate Alireza Zakani was elected as mayor of Tehran, state news agency IRNA reported.

He won the majority of conservative-dominated city council votes, but he cannot take over before resigning from the parliament, it said.

He succeeds Pirouz Hanachi, a veteran public servant with a background in urban development seen as close to the reformist camp.

Zakani has served in parliament between 2004 and 2016, and won a seat again last year.

A doctor in nuclear medicine, aged 55, he dropped out of the June presidential race in favor of Raisi.

在上任第一天與哈馬斯、伊斯蘭聖戰組織、PFLP 領導人會面時，伊朗新總統稱讚他們在 5 月的加沙沖突中對以色列的“勝利”

通過TOI人員今天，凌晨 3:33

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哈馬斯領導人伊斯梅爾·哈尼耶（左）於 2021 年 8 月 6 日在後者的辦公室迎接新任伊朗總統易卜拉欣·萊西。（屏幕截圖/YouTube）

新上任的伊朗總統易卜拉欣·賴西（Ebrahim Raisi）週五在上任的第一天會見了幾個巴勒斯坦恐怖組織的領導人，藉此機會宣誓效忠巴勒斯坦事業。

據伊朗官方的法爾斯新聞網站稱，“巴勒斯坦一直並將永遠是穆斯林世界的首要問題，”賴西告訴哈馬斯領導人伊斯梅爾哈尼耶。“我們從來沒有也永遠不會懷疑這項政策。”

在與巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織秘書長 Ziad Nakhaleh 的單獨會晤中，Raisi 表示伊斯蘭共和國將“始終捍衛被壓迫人民的權利”。

據法爾斯報導，他還在與解放巴勒斯坦人民陣線領導人塔拉勒·納吉坐下來交談時表達了同樣的信息。

週四，三名恐怖組織領導人都在伊朗參加 Raisi 的宣誓就職儀式。雖然由于冠狀病毒的擔憂而縮減了活動規模，但伊朗的主要盟友還是設法完成了這次旅行。其中還有納伊姆·卡西姆（Naim Qassem），他是伊朗代理人黎巴嫩恐怖組織真主黨的二把手。

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賴西利用周五的會議讚揚巴勒斯坦武裝團體在最近加沙對以色列的戰爭中的表現，伊朗總統將這場戰爭稱為“勝利”。

2021 年 8 月 5 日星期四，在伊朗德黑蘭議會宣誓就任總統後，總統易卜拉欣·賴西（中）向記者揮手致意。（美聯社照片/Vahid Salemi）

雙方在戰鬥 11 天后同意停火，在此期間，以色列有 15 人喪生，加沙有 250 多人喪生，以色列國防軍錶示，其中一半是恐怖分子。

“抵抗運動取得了巨大勝利的跡像已經出現，耶路撒冷之劍行動就是這些跡象之一，”賴西說，並使用了哈馬斯的戰爭名稱，該名稱被以色列國防軍圍牆守護者行動稱為。

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Haniyeh 向 Raisi 保證，面對西方的反對，哈馬斯將繼續支持伊朗。

由於伊朗人抗議該國伊斯蘭領導人取消幾乎所有其他候選人的資格，賴西在 6 月的壓倒性選舉中當選，投票率很低。

他的就職典禮完成了強硬派對伊斯蘭共和國所有政府部門的統治。

Raisi 的就職演說中也提到了巴勒斯坦人。“無論世界上哪裡有壓迫和犯罪，在歐洲的心臟地帶，在美國、非洲、也門、敘利亞、巴勒斯坦……，”他說，“選舉傳遞的信息是對傲慢權力的抵抗。”

In meetings with Hamas, Islamic Jihad, PFLP leaders during first full day in office, new Iranian president praises their ‘victory’ over Israel in May’s Gaza conflict

By TOI STAFFToday, 3:33 am

Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh (L) greets new Iran President Ebrahim Raisi at the latter's office on August 6, 2021. (Screen capture/YouTube)

Newly inaugurated Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi met with the leaders of several Palestinian terror groups during his first full day in office on Friday, using the opportunity to pledge allegiance to the cause of Palestine.

“Palestine has been and always will be the number one issue of the Muslim world,” Raisi told Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, according to the official Iranian state Fars news site. “We’ve never had and will never have any doubt about this policy.”

In a separate meeting with Palestinian Islamic Jihad Secretary-General Ziad Nakhaleh, Raisi said the Islamic Republic would “always defend the rights of oppressed people.”

He also voiced the same message during a sit-down with Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine leader Talal Naji, Fars reported.

All three terror group leaders were in Iran to attend Raisi’s swearing-in ceremony on Thursday. While the event was scaled back due to coronavirus concerns, key Iranian allies managed to make the trip. Among them was also Naim Qassem, second in command of the Lebanese terror group Hezbollah, an Iranian proxy.

Raisi used the Friday meetings to praise the Palestinian armed groups for their performances during the recent Gaza war against Israel, which the Iranian president characterized as a “victory.”

President Ebrahim Raisi, center, waves to journalists as he is surrounded by group of lawmakers after taking his oath as president at the parliament in Tehran, Iran, on Thursday, August 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

The two sides agreed to a ceasefire after 11 days of fighting, during which 15 people were killed in Israel and over 250 were killed in Gaza, the IDF says that half of those were terror operatives.

“Signs of the resistance’s great victory have emerged and Operation Sword of Jerusalem was one of those signs,” Raisi said, using Hamas’s title for the war, which was dubbed by the IDF Operation Guardian of the Walls.

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Haniyeh assured Raisi that Hamas would continue standing by Iran, in the face of opposition from the West.

Raisi was elected in a landslide June election marked by low turnout as Iranians protested the disqualifications of nearly all other candidates by the country’s Islamist leadership.

His inauguration completes hardliners’ dominance of all branches of government in the Islamic Republic.

The Palestinians were mentioned in Raisi’s inauguration speech as well. “Wherever there is oppression and crime in the world, in the heart of Europe, in the US, Africa, Yemen, Syria, Palestine…,” he said, “the message of the election was resistance against arrogant powers.”

在以色列，巴林高級外交官稱伊朗核協議助長了暴力和混亂

王國負責國際關係的副部長表示，JCPOA 造成了不穩定和無辜者死亡；將整個地區的衝突歸咎於伊朗

通過拉扎爾·伯曼 今天，下午 6:42

巴林國際關係副部長謝赫·阿卜杜拉·本·艾哈邁德·阿勒哈利法 (c) 於 2021 年 8 月 8 日在耶路撒冷的大衛王酒店與 JCPA 主席多雷·戈爾德 (l) 握手（拉扎爾·伯曼 / 以色列時報）

週日訪問以色列的一名巴林高級外交官抨擊了 2015 年的伊朗核協議，稱它助長了該地區的暴力和動亂，並造成了無辜者的死亡。

“它給我們留下了什麼？” 巴林負責國際關係的副部長謝赫·阿卜杜拉·本·艾哈邁德·阿勒哈利法在耶路撒冷大衛王酒店舉行的新聞發布會上談到了該協議。“該地區更多的危機和更多的混亂。”

哈利法說，巴林希望這項正式稱為聯合全面行動計劃（JCPOA）的協議“將為伊朗和該地區開闢新的一頁。

“但恰恰相反，它助長了整個中東的危機。它增加了逃往歐洲的難民人數。它在中東許多不同地區引起了更多極端主義和仇恨的煽動。”

哈利法在對以色列進行為期四天的訪問期間發表了講話，在此期間他將會見總統、總理和外交部長。

“我們看到的是，從巴林的角度和我國與伊朗的經驗來看，是對我國內政的持續干涉，”他繼續說道。“支持極端主義和恐怖主義，持續走私武器和爆炸物以及毒品和麻醉品。”

哈利法補充說，伊核協議“已導致數十名安全部隊和無辜平民以及數千名受傷的安全人員死亡。”

“我們從 JCPOA 中得到了什麼結果，提醒我一下？” 他說。“有什麼好的結果嗎？我不這麼認為。對我們來說，我們還沒有看到。”

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伊朗支持的民兵在伊拉克被稱為人民動員部隊的戰士揮舞著伊拉克國旗，而哀悼者和家人準備埋葬在美國空襲中喪生的伊朗支持的民兵副指揮官阿布·馬赫迪·穆罕迪斯的屍體2020 年 1 月 8 日在伊拉克納傑夫舉行的葬禮遊行中。（Anmar Khalil/AP）

2015 年德黑蘭與世界大國簽署的協議使伊朗免於國際制裁，以換取對其核計劃的限制。

該協議在 2018 年被時任美國總統唐納德特朗普破壞，他單方面退出協議並對伊朗實施懲罰性制裁。作為回應，伊朗也放棄了其在該協議下的許多承諾，並將鈾濃縮到前所未有的水平。

伊朗前總統哈桑·魯哈尼 (Hassan Rouhani) 政府自 4 月以來一直在維也納舉行會談，討論讓華盛頓重新加入協議。但在上週新總統易卜拉欣·賴西上任之前，談判被凍結。

一位歐盟官員周六表示表示，談判可能會在 9 月初恢復。

與以色列領導人一樣，哈利法說 JCPOA 有缺陷，因為它只關注伊朗的核計劃：“它無視該地區面臨的另外兩個主要問題——即 [德黑蘭] 彈道導彈計劃和伊朗的惡意行為……已經看到，伊朗在該地區的惡意活動仍在繼續。”

2013 年 2 月 11 日，在巴林薩納比斯的衝突中，巴林反政府抗議者與發射催淚瓦斯的警察發生衝突（美聯社照片/Hasan Jamali）

哈利法稱，巴林國王哈米德·伊本·伊薩·哈利達在簽署全面協議當天向魯哈尼發來賀信。兩天后，根據哈利法的說法，巴林安全部隊攔截了從伊朗運往巴林的非法武器。

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“如果你審視整個中東的危機，你會發現一條貫穿所有這些危機的紅線，”他說。“你會發現一根伊朗手指。

“我們希望看到一個穩定的伊朗、一個安全的伊朗、一個繁榮的伊朗、一個負責任的伊朗、一個負責任的國際社會成員，”哈利法說。“但我們沒有。”

九月驚喜

巴林和以色列於 2020 年 9 月在白宮通過亞伯拉罕協議正常化協議正式承認彼此。阿拉伯聯合酋長國也是該協議的一部分。兩國與伊朗的相互敵意被視為促成該協議的一個驅動因素。

在他的耶路撒冷簡報中，哈利法在即將到來的亞伯拉罕協議簽署週年紀念日上發表講話，並暗示以色列會在那天感到驚喜。

他笑著說：“希望在9 月15日，會有某種形式的示威，表明拜登政府對協議做出了承諾”。

從左到右：以色列總理內塔尼亞胡、阿拉伯聯合酋長國外交部長阿卜杜拉·本·扎耶德·納哈揚和巴林外交部長阿卜杜拉蒂夫·扎亞尼在白宮南草坪簽署亞伯拉罕協議時站在藍廳陽台上，2020 年 9 月 15 日，在華盛頓。（亞歷克斯布蘭登/美聯社）

哈利法補充說，儘管美國現任政府努力恢復核協議，但確實認識到處理伊朗在該地區活動的重要性。

他強調，美國完全致力於擴大亞伯拉罕協議。“我們只聽到全力支持，”他說。

哈利法承諾，以色列和巴林之間的雙邊關係將繼續發展。

他說：“今年，我們的國家航空公司海灣航空公司將開通直飛特拉維夫的航線，”他解釋說，首趟航班原定於今年 1 月進行，但由於 COVID-19 大流行而推遲。

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“我們下定決心，我們承諾，”他強調說。“希望很快我們就能讓巴林大使在以色列就職。”

Khaled Yousef al-Jalahmah被正式任命於 6 月巴林駐以色列特使。

“今天全世界都在關注這種關係以及它對這些國家和這些國家的人民的影響，”哈利法說。

In Israel, top Bahrain diplomat says Iran nuke deal fueled violence, chaos

Kingdom’s undersecretary for international relations says JCPOA has caused instability and deaths of innocents; blames Iran for conflicts across the region

By LAZAR BERMAN Today, 6:42 pm

Bahrain's Undersecretary for International Relations Sheikh Abdullah bin Ahmad al Khalifa (c) shakes hands with JCPA President Dore Gold (l) at the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, August 8, 2021 (Lazar Berman/Times of Israel)

Visiting Israel on Sunday, a senior Bahraini diplomat blasted the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, saying that it had fueled violence and unrest across the region and caused the death of innocents.

“What did it leave us with?” Sheikh Abdullah bin Ahmad al Khalifa, Bahrain’s Undersecretary for International Relations, said of the accord at a press briefing at the King David Hotel in Jerusalem. “More crises and more chaos in the region.”

Khalifa said Bahrain had hoped the accord, known officially as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), “would open up a new page for Iran and the region.

“But on the contrary, it has fueled crises across the Middle East. It has increased the number of refugees that have fled into Europe. It has caused more instigation of extremism and hatred in many different regions across the Middle East.”

Khalifa spoke during a four-day visit to Israel during which he will meet the president, prime minister and foreign minister.

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“What we see is, speaking from a Bahraini perspective and the experience of my country with Iran, is continuous interference in domestic affairs in my country,” he continued. “Support of extremism and terrorism, continuous smuggling of arms and explosives and drugs and narcotics.”

Khalifa added that the JCPOA “has caused the death of tens of security forces and innocent civilians and thousands of injured security personnel.”

“What result did we get out of the JCPOA, remind me?” he said. “Was there any good result that came out of it? I do not think so. For us, we haven’t seen it.”

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Fighters with Iran-backed militias in Iraq known as the Popular Mobilization Forces wave Iraqi flags while mourners and family members prepare to bury the body of Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, deputy commander of Iran-backed militias who was killed in a US airstrike in Iraq, during his funeral procession in Najaf, Iraq, January 8, 2020. (Anmar Khalil/AP)

The 2015 accord signed between Tehran and world powers gave Iran relief from international sanctions in exchange for limits on its nuclear program.

The deal was torpedoed in 2018 by then-US president Donald Trump, who unilaterally withdrew from the agreement and imposed punishing sanctions on Iran. In response, Iran has also walked away from many of its commitments under the deal and has been enriching uranium to previously-unseen levels.

Former Iranian president Hassan Rouhani’s government had been holding talks in Vienna since April on bringing Washington back into the agreement. But talks were frozen ahead of new President Ebrahim Raisi taking office last week.

An EU official said Saturday that a resumption of talks is likely in early September.

Like Israeli leaders, Khalifa said that the JCPOA was flawed because it focused only on Iran’s nuclear program: “It disregarded two other prime issues that the region is facing — namely [Tehran’s] ballistic missile program and the malign behavior of Iran… from what we have seen, the malign activities of Iran in the region are continuing.”

Bahraini anti-government protesters clash with police firing tear gas during clashes in Sanabis, Bahrain, Feb. 11, 2013 (AP Photo/Hasan Jamali)

Khalifa related that Bahrain’s King Hamid ibn Isa al Khalida had sent a congratulatory note to Rouhani on the day of the JCPOA’s signing. Two days later, according to Khalifa, Bahraini security forces intercepted an illicit arms shipment from Iran headed for Bahrain.

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“If you look into the crises across the Middle East, you will find one red thread that would go across all those crises,” he said. “You would find an Iranian finger.

“We want to see a stable Iran, a secure Iran, a prosperous Iran, a responsible Iran, a responsible member of the international community,” Khalifa said. “But we haven’t.”

A September Surprise

Bahrain and Israel officially recognized each other with the Abraham Accords normalization agreement at the White House in September 2020. The United Arab Emirates was also part of the agreement. The nations’ mutual enmity with Iran was seen as a driving factor for the deal.

In his Jerusalem briefing, Khalifa addressed the upcoming anniversary of the signing of the Abraham Accords, and hinted that Israel would be pleasantly surprised on that date.

“Hopefully on the 15th of September, there will be some sort of demonstration that there is commitment” by the Biden Administration to the accords, he said with a smile.

From left to right: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, United Arab Emirates Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan and Bahrain Foreign Minister Abdullatif al-Zayani stand on the Blue Room Balcony during the Abraham Accords signing ceremony on the South Lawn of the White House, September 15, 2020, in Washington. (Alex Brandon/AP)

Khalifa added that the current US administration, despite working to return to the nuclear deal, does recognize the importance of dealing with Iranian activities across the region.

He stressed that the US is fully committed to expanding the Abraham Accords. “We heard nothing but full support,” he said.

Bilateral ties between Israel and Bahrain will continue to grow, Khalifa pledged.

“This year there will be a direct line by our national carrier Gulf Air to Tel Aviv,” he said, explaining that the first flight had been slated to take place this past January but was delayed because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

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“We are determined, we are committed,” he stressed. “Hopefully soon we will have Bahrain’s ambassador assuming his post in Israel.”

Khaled Yousef al-Jalahmah was officially appointed Bahrain’s envoy to Israel in June.

“The entire globe today is looking at this relationship and what it bears for the countries and for the people of those countries,” Khalifa said.

預算顯示貝內特-拉皮德政府的目標不是像內塔尼亞胡曾經做過的那樣改變以色列

這種模式太一致了，不可能是巧合：一場戲劇性的危機為變革打開了政治窗口，以色列政府找到了克服它的勇氣

作者：HAVIV RETTIG GUR 今天，早上 5:58

2018 年 4 月 19 日獨立日，時任總理本傑明·內塔尼亞胡和時任教育部長納夫塔利·貝內特（左）在耶路撒冷劇院舉行的年度聖經測驗中。 (Shlomi Cohen/Flash90)

在 2009 年金融危機的陣痛中，巴拉克·奧巴馬 (Barack Obama) 的幕僚長拉姆·伊曼紐爾( Rahm Emmanuel ) 提出了著名的建議，“永遠不要浪費一場好的危機”。他說，讓危機成為變革性政策轉變的煽動者。

這句格言不是從以馬內利開始的。溫斯頓·丘吉爾曾因這種洞察力而受到讚譽。事實上，這是政治的基本真理。顧名思義，危機是舊秩序不再為新條件和威脅提供明確解決方案的時刻，此時困境激增，結果不可知。由於舊秩序的規則和特權的不足以及當下的可怕危險，新的思維方式被引入世界。危機是創造的時刻。

以色列當前的政治時刻也不例外。SARS-CoV-2 到達以色列海岸已經 18 個月了。自以色列首次進入這個重複選舉和政府功能嚴重失調的新時代以來，已經過去了 2.5 年。在動盪中——由於動盪——一代人中最具戲劇性的預算法案現在正被提交給以色列議會。

該法案不僅僅是預算；這是一系列深刻而重要的改革，有可能以重要的方式改變以色列社會。它顛覆了關於以色列國家對其阿拉伯公民的責任的舊思維方式；對長期困擾以色列經濟的結構性障礙採取大錘，從保護主義進口政策到基本主食的國家定價；重新構想以色列的公共交通網絡和環境承諾，包括削減電動汽車的監管和放寬進口規則；使銀行系統面臨更多競爭，尤其是在線和通過移動應用程序；大幅增加衛生和國防開支，同時削減大多數其他方面的開支；

它做了長期以來被認為在政治上不可行的事情，例如提高女性的退休年齡和開放農產品進口市場的競爭。

尚不清楚所有這些戲劇性的改革是否會在該法案的最終版本中保留下來，該版本定於 11 月初在以色列議會進行最後投票。一些最引人注目的改革遭到強烈反對。但即使它被淡化，它仍將構成一代人中最引人注目和最全面的政府和社會改革。在時任財政部長本傑明·內塔尼亞胡 (Benjamin Netanyahu) 提出的 2003 年預算法中，已經過去了 20 年，因為任何人都看到過一項甚至渴望實現此類壯舉的法案。

2021 年 8 月 3 日，財政部長 Avigdor Liberman（右）和農業部長 Oded Forer（中）在 Kibbutz Beeri 訪問以色列農民。（Flash90）

許多人表示驚訝，以色列政府擁有盡可能最窄的議會多數席位，經常與自己爭吵，並且主要由政治新手管理，竟然敢提出如此雄心勃勃的預算。一些人認為，政府非常脆弱可能是其大膽計劃的原因。擔心自己可能不會在任很長時間的部長們更加渴望迅速完成大量工作。

但還有一個更大的現像在起作用，新聯盟中的所有政黨都隱含地認識到，現在席捲該國的危機——重新流行的流行病和過去兩年前所未有的政治僵局的綜合影響——開啟了一場罕見的危機。實現深刻而長期拖延的變革的機會之窗。

當以色列是自己最大的敵人時

它以前發生過。

在 1970 年代，部分是由 1973 年的戰爭和隨之而來的高額國防開支引發的，然後在 1977 年利庫德集團作為以色列執政黨的第一個任期內加速，以色列的經濟進入了緩慢而無情的自由落體。從 1979 年到 1985 年，以色列進入了通貨膨脹失控的時期。數字驚人：1980 年為 133%，第二年為 101%，1984 年為 132%、191% 和 445%。政府處於虧損狀態。梅納赫姆·貝京總理在六年內輪換了四位財政部長，每人的任務都是扶正這艘船，但每一次都使船的狀況比他們發現的更糟。

1977 年，新當選的梅納赫姆·貝京總理（右）從即將卸任的伊扎克·拉賓總理手中接過工作。來自以色列國家圖書館普利茲克家族國家攝影收藏的丹·哈達尼檔案館（照片：IPPA 工作人員）

以色列在此期間兩次更換其貨幣，1980 年放棄里拉轉而使用謝克爾，然後在 1985 年放棄謝克爾轉而使用新謝克爾，新貨幣的價值是通過從它所取代的謝克爾上刪除三個零來確定的。

轉變最終出現在 1984 年的選舉中，選舉結束了一個由輪值總理組成的民族團結的權力分享政府。工黨的 Shimon Peres 排名第一，兩年後緊隨其後的是 Likud 的 Yitzhak Shamir。利庫德集團政治家伊扎克莫代被任命為財政部長。與在他之前的一系列短命財政部長不同，在佩雷斯的支持下，莫戴想得很遠。

到 1985 年，通貨膨脹率已超過 1,000%。緊急情況終於變得巨大到足以將強大的利益集團和政治黨派之爭擱置一旁，這些利益集團和政治黨派偏見此前阻礙了可以挽救以色列經濟的各種深度改革。

這是一個非凡的時刻。1985 年的以色列人以一種 20 年前以色列人不知道的方式知道他們可以安全地遠離外部敵人。但隨著通貨膨脹危機的消退，政府的改革努力一再被證明是徒勞的，他們開始懷疑以色列自己是否沒有成為自己最大的敵人。

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1985 年的伊扎克·莫代（Nati Harnik，GPO）

只有當危機變得足夠嚴重時，佩雷斯和莫代才發現自己跨黨派和諧地工作。工黨領導的政府最終說服工會接受工資凍結和主要行業接受價格控制，公共支出可能大幅削減，以色列銀行借錢彌補赤字的能力可能被定為非法，許多長期以來被視為政治官僚特權的國有公司終於可以私有化了。

這場危機的根源不僅僅是 1973 年戰爭不可避免的後果，以色列領導人開始明白。它是由一個更深、更古老的結構性問題驅動的。長期由國家主義理論家和機構管理的經濟效率低下已經到了臨界點，1984 年的佩雷斯-沙米爾政府明智地利用這個機會與舊的經商方式徹底決裂。

結果取得了巨大的成功：通貨膨脹率在兩年內下降到 20%，增長恢復，到 1990 年代初俄語移民潮開始時，以色列經濟正朝著當今的穩定和增長水平邁進。

莫代的改革對以色列未來的實力和繁榮的重要性再怎麼誇大也不為過。以色列銀行依法擺脫了政府的控制，使其能夠制定獨立於政府即時現金流需求的貨幣政策。通過私有化，政府對廣大經濟領域的鐵腕控制鬆動，開創了一個在 1990 年代和 2000 年代加速發展的先例。但也許最深刻的是，社會主義者和自由主義者之間的舊爭論得到了解決，以自由市場為導向的經濟政策從 1985 年開始成為判斷政府支出的基準。

1988 年 3 月 15 日，時任總理伊扎克·沙米爾（左）和時任外交部長西蒙·佩雷斯在耶路撒冷薩赫公園舉行的 Mimouna 慶祝活動上。（Nati Harnik/政府新聞辦公室）

自殺式炸彈襲擊者和航空公司私有化

然後它又發生了。

2000 年 10 月開始的第二次起義今天在海外鮮為人知。學者和智庫分析師經常寫下關於以巴衝突的厚書，幾乎沒有提及這一事件。但對於以色列人和巴勒斯坦人來說，無論是實時還是隨後的二十年，這是一個灼熱的分水嶺事件，顛覆了假設並深刻地改變了雙方對對方的看法。

它引發了以色列政治的危機，特別是在左翼，政治體系尚未從中恢復。它使以色列人和巴勒斯坦人陷入前所未有的經濟暴跌。

人們普遍認為，2000 年之前的巴勒斯坦經濟深深地融入並依賴於以色列經濟——並因此而蓬勃發展。那時，以色列人可以安全地在巴勒斯坦城市旅行，並且養成了購買更便宜的巴勒斯坦商品和服務的習慣，從汽車零件到牙科，每年價值數億美元。加上海外遊客，他們在傑里科的賭場每年減少 50 億美元，相當於巴勒斯坦 GDP 的 10% 以上。奧斯陸時期，巴勒斯坦的失業率從近 25% 下降到 10%。大約 150,000 名巴勒斯坦人，或將近五分之一的巴勒斯坦就業人員，在以色列從事工作，他們的工資高於巴勒斯坦經濟。巴勒斯坦人是當時受教育程度最高的阿拉伯人，

2017 年 2 月 18 日，巴勒斯坦人在加沙城加沙地帶一家新室內購物中心的美食廣場購買快餐。（美聯社照片/ Khalil Hamra）

巴勒斯坦經濟需要以色列蓬勃發展。這在今天和當時一樣真實，在佔領下和在巴勒斯坦國一樣真實，對今天的巴勒斯坦理論家和對上一代的理論家來說同樣令人惱火。

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但至少在那個時候，以色列的經濟也需要巴勒斯坦人。隨著與以色列的貿易變得越來越富有，巴勒斯坦人成為以色列產品的熱切消費者，以色列每年向巴勒斯坦出口約 17 億美元，佔以色列出口總額（不包括鑽石）的 7%。巴勒斯坦勞工推動了以色列的農業和建築業。

第二次起義的爆發扭轉了這些趨勢，以相互關聯的方式深深地傷害了雙方。用以色列經濟的話來說，一個繁榮的免稅貿易區正在推動巴勒斯坦人不斷向上發展並幫助推動以色列經濟增長，在恐怖浪潮和由此產生的宵禁和檢查站制度中，突然變成了“戰區”。分析師 Sever Plocker。

如此重要的支點如此之大，以至於許多像普洛克這樣的以色列分析家，對巴勒斯坦人在和平希望和前所未有的經濟繁榮向大規模暴力的轉變感到震驚，推測第二次起義是由亞西爾·阿拉法特“故意決定”推動的，以“破壞他所看到的”作為約旦河西岸和加沙地區穩定和繁榮的危險跡象”，這種繁榮可能會破壞他的專制統治，並使他的革命議程擱置一旁。

在巴勒斯坦人中，失業率幾乎立即翻了兩番，高達 40%，而巴勒斯坦勞動力供應的減少被國際貨幣基金組織引用為導致以色列在 2000 年後急劇衰退的主要因素。以色列和巴勒斯坦消費者從其他人的視野中消失了. 旅遊業是聖地價值數十億美元的產業，它在綠線兩側崩潰。以色列銀行估計，僅在 2002 年第二次起義高峰期的暴力事件，以色列就損失了其 GDP 的 3.8%。檢查站和路障在西岸和加沙隨處可見，扼殺了巴勒斯坦的內部經濟。害怕自殺性爆炸的以色列人遠離公共場所，長時間清空商場和市場。長期的不確定性使投資枯竭。以色列的窮人絕對人數增長了 22%。

巴勒斯坦人受經濟衰退的影響更大，因為他們的經濟規模要小得多，而且他們對以色列的依賴遠大於以色列對他們的依賴。但是，在自殺式爆炸和其他恐怖襲擊活動中，以色列人仍然經歷了有史以來最嚴重的衰退，到 2002 年，這是連續第三年沒有結束的跡象。

正是在這場自 1980 年代惡性通貨膨脹以來最嚴重的經濟緊急情況中，本傑明·內塔尼亞胡（Benjamin Netanyahu），當時已經是前總理，帶著革命者的信心大步邁進，接受了危機，並重塑了以色列經濟。

作為 2003 年阿里爾沙龍的財政部長，內塔尼亞胡的第一個行動是宣布以色列的經濟困境不是由起義造成的，而是“一個較小的商業部門必須養活和支持龐大且不斷擴大的公共部門的系統”。以色列政府支出佔經濟的比重是世界上最高的，該國中產階級的稅收負擔也是如此。國有壟斷企業扼殺了能源和基礎設施行業。內塔尼亞胡認為，以色列自己的政府造成的經濟損失遠遠超過法塔赫和哈馬斯的自殺式炸彈襲擊者。

為了應對這一挑戰，他提出了他的“經濟復甦計劃”，該計劃大大減少了福利支出，包括對大部分 Haredi 社區依賴的大家庭的兒童補貼，提高退休年齡，降低稅收並加快拋售到數百家政府所有公司的私營部門，包括 El Al 航空公司。

這是一個非凡的時刻：內塔尼亞胡利用第二次起義的經濟衰退對以色列經濟中最深層次的結構性問題發起了猛烈抨擊，從基礎設施壟斷到公共部門支出。

2002 年 10 月 10 日，本傑明·內塔尼亞胡從耶路撒冷動物園的一輛小火車上走下來。 (Flash90)

內塔尼亞胡在 2003 年遇到的緊急情況——三年多來每週在公共汽車和比薩店發生的自殺性爆炸引發的經濟衰退——與改革無關。但與 1985 年一樣，這場危機是公眾和政府官僚機構需要接受深刻變革的心理重組。它平息了憤怒，削弱了特殊利益集團的決心。它打開了窗戶。

1985、2003、2021

今天的內塔尼亞胡不是 2003 年的激進改革者。自從他 2009 年重新進入總理辦公室以來，很少有根本性改革取得進展。內塔尼亞胡財政部長渴望重大變革，而內塔尼亞胡總理總是讚成穩定。在此後的十年中，即使是 2011 年的生活成本抗議活動也幾乎沒有導致內塔尼亞胡政府的政策發生變化。無數問題，從阿拉伯社區的經濟邊緣化和暴力，到對進口商品的價格上漲過度監管，再到主要大都市中心交通擁堵的日益惡化，幾乎都沒有得到解決。改革很少推進，實施的也更少。

到現在。直到納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 和亞爾·拉皮德 (Yair Lapid) 組成脆弱、搖搖欲墜、危機四伏的政府。

本屆政府推進的改革很少與大流行或重複選舉的政治危機有關。本屆政府對這些長期挑戰的認真關注，無論是大流行還是潛在的政治僵局，都不會結束。

2021 年 8 月 4 日，Amigor 退休住所的一名居民從耶路撒冷的紅大衛盾會工人那裡接受了第三劑 COVID-19 疫苗。（Yonatan Sindel/Flash90）

也不確定這些改革——如果這個狹隘的聯盟確實能夠在 11 月之前通過它們成為法律——將被證明與莫代在 1985 年或內塔尼亞胡在 2003 年進行的變革一樣有效和有益。

這裡的要點更簡單。與那些年一樣，這場更廣泛的危機以一種過於一致而無法巧合的模式將政治體係從舒適的舊習慣和假設中解放出來，為在以色列政治生活中很少出現的深度改革打開了政治窗口。

簡而言之，這就是以色列的經驗：深刻的危機總是帶有一線光明的希望。危機打開了一扇窗，政治領導層可以利用它。

Budget shows Bennett-Lapid gov’t aims to transform Israel, as Netanyahu once did

It’s a pattern too consistent to be coincidence: A dramatic crisis opens the political window for change, and Israeli governments find the courage to step through it

By HAVIV RETTIG GUR Today, 5:58 am

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Then-prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and then-education minister Naftali Bennett (left) at the annual Bible Quiz at the Jerusalem Theatre on Independence Day, April 19, 2018. (Shlomi Cohen/Flash90)

In the throes of the 2009 financial meltdown, Barack Obama’s chief of staff Rahm Emmanuel famously advised to “never allow a good crisis go to waste.” Let the crisis, he said, be the instigator for a transformative policy shift.

The aphorism didn’t begin with Emmanuel. Winston Churchill was once credited with the insight. Indeed, it’s a basic truth of politics. A crisis, by definition, is a moment when the old order no longer provides clear solutions to new conditions and threats, when predicaments proliferate and outcomes are unknowable. From the inadequacy of the old order’s rules and privileges and from the dire peril of the moment, new ways of thinking are introduced into the world. A crisis is a moment of creation.

Israel’s current political moment is no exception to that rule. It’s been 18 months since SARS-CoV-2 arrived on Israel’s shores. It’s been 2.5 years since Israel first embarked on this new era of repeat elections and deeply dysfunctional governments. And amid the turmoil – because of the turmoil — the most dramatic budget bill in a generation is now headed to the Knesset.

This bill is no mere budget; it’s a collection of deep and consequential reforms with the potential to change Israeli society in important ways. It upends the old ways of thinking about the Israeli state’s responsibility for its Arab citizens; takes a sledgehammer to structural obstructions that have long plagued the Israeli economy, from protectionist import policies to state price-setting on basic staples; reimagines Israel’s public transportation network and environmental commitments, including slashing regulation and easing import rules on electric vehicles; opens the banking system to more competition, especially online and via mobile apps; dramatically increases spending on health and defense while cutting expenditures on most other things; and promises a major overhaul and streamlining of governmental red tape in a plan officials are trying to sell to the public as a “regulatory revolution.”

It does things long deemed politically unfeasible, such as raising the retirement age for women and opening the agricultural import market to competition.

It’s not clear that all those dramatic reforms will survive to the bill’s final version slated to come up for a final vote in the Knesset in early November. Opposition to some of the most dramatic reforms has been fierce. But even if it is watered down, it will still constitute the most dramatic and comprehensive set of governmental and social reforms in a generation. It’s been two decades, in the 2003 budget law advanced by then-finance minister Benjamin Netanyahu, since anyone has seen a bill that even aspires to such feats.

Finance Minister Avigdor Liberman, right, and Agriculture Minister Oded Forer, center, visiting Israeli farmers at Kibbutz Beeri, August 3, 2021. (Flash90)

Many have expressed surprise that an Israeli government that holds the narrowest possible Knesset majority, bickers constantly with itself, and is largely managed by political neophytes could have dared to put forward such an ambitious budget. Some have suggested that the government’s very fragility may be responsible for its bold plans. Ministers who fear they may not remain in office for very long are all the more eager to accomplish a great deal quickly.

But there’s a larger phenomenon at work, too, an implicit grasp by all parties in the new coalition that the crisis that now grips the country — the combined effects of the resurgent pandemic and the past two years of unprecedented political deadlock — has opened a rare window of opportunity for effecting profound and long-delayed change.

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When Israel was its own worst enemy

It’s happened before.

In the 1970s, partly sparked by the 1973 war and high defense spending in its wake and then accelerating after 1977 during Likud’s first term as Israel’s ruling party, Israel’s economy entered a slow, implacable freefall. From 1979 to 1985, Israel entered a period of runaway inflation. The numbers were staggering: 133% in 1980, followed by 101% the following year, then 132%, 191% and 445% in 1984. The government was at a loss. Prime Minister Menachem Begin cycled through four finance ministers in six years, each tasked with righting the ship, each leaving it in worse shape than they found it.

Newly elected PM Menachem Begin, right, receives his job from outgoing PM Yitzhak Rabin, 1977. From the Dan Hadani Archive, The Pritzker Family National Photography Collection, National Library of Israel (Photo: IPPA Staff)

Israel replaced its currency twice in that period, jettisoning the lira in favor of the shekel in 1980, then abandoning the shekel in 1985 in favor of the new shekel, with the new currency’s value set by erasing three zeroes off the shekel it replaced.

The turnaround finally came in the 1984 election, which ended in a national-unity power-sharing government with a rotating prime minister. Labor’s Shimon Peres went first, to be followed by Likud’s Yitzhak Shamir two years later. Likud politician Yitzhak Modai was appointed finance minister. Unlike the succession of short-lived finance ministers who came before him, Modai, backed by Peres, thought big.

By 1985, inflation was headed past the 1,000% mark. The emergency had finally grown gargantuan enough to push aside the powerful interests and political partisanship that had previously prevented the kinds of deep reforms that could rescue the Israeli economy.

It was an extraordinary moment. Israelis in 1985 knew they were safe from their external enemies in a way that Israelis 20 years earlier had not known. But as the inflation crisis wore on and the government’s reform efforts repeatedly proved fruitless, they began to wonder if Israel itself hadn’t become its own worst enemy.

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Yitzhak Modai in 1985 (Nati Harnik, GPO)

It was only when the crisis became sufficiently acute that Peres and Modai found themselves working harmoniously across party lines; that a Labor-led government finally brought itself to brow-beat the labor unions into accepting salary freezes and major industries into accepting price controls, that public spending could be drastically cut, that the Bank of Israel’s ability to lend money to cover deficits could be made illegal, and that many government-owned companies long treated as the special preserve of political apparatchiks could finally be privatized.

The crisis wasn’t, at its root, merely the unavoidable aftermath of the 1973 war, Israeli leaders came to understand. It was driven by a deeper and older structural problem. The inefficiencies of an economy long managed by statist ideologues and institutions had reached the breaking point, and the Peres-Shamir government of 1984 was wise enough to take advantage of the opportunity to make a clean break with the old ways of doing business.

The result was an unmitigated success: inflation dropped to 20% within two years, growth resumed, and the Israeli economy was humming along toward present-day levels of stability and growth by the time the Russian-speaking immigration wave began in the early 1990s.

It is hard to exaggerate the importance of Modai’s reforms to Israel’s future strength and prosperity. The Bank of Israel was freed from government control by law, enabling it to set monetary policy independent of the government’s immediate cash-flow needs. The government’s iron grip on vast swaths of the economy was shaken loose through privatization, setting a precedent that would accelerate throughout the 1990s and 2000s. But perhaps most profoundly, the old debates between socialists and liberalizers were settled, and free-market-oriented economic policy became the baseline for judging government spending from 1985 onward.

Then-prime minister Yitzhak Shamir (left) and then-foreign minister Shimon Peres at a Mimouna celebration at Sacher Park in Jerusalem, March 15, 1988. (Nati Harnik/Government Press Office)

Suicide bombers and airline privatizations

Then it happened again.

The Second Intifada that began in October 2000 is little remembered today overseas. Scholars and think tank analysts routinely pen thick books on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with barely a mention of the event. But for Israelis and Palestinians, both in real time and for the two decades that have followed, it was a searing, watershed event that upended assumptions and profoundly changed how each side viewed the other.

It sparked a crisis in Israeli politics, especially on the left, from which the political system has yet to recover. And it plunged Israelis and Palestinians into an economic nosedive unseen before or since.

It’s commonly understood that the Palestinian economy before 2000 was deeply integrated into and dependent on the Israeli economy — and was flourishing because of it. Israelis could safely travel in Palestinian cities in those days and had developed a habit of buying cheaper Palestinian goods and services, from car parts to dentistry, valued at hundreds of millions of dollars annually. Together with overseas tourists, they dropped half a billion dollars annually, equal to over 10% of the Palestinian GDP, at Jericho’s casino. Palestinian unemployment dropped in the Oslo years from nearly 25% to 10%. About 150,000 Palestinians, or nearly a fifth of employed Palestinians, held jobs in Israel earning higher salaries than could be found in the Palestinian economy. Palestinians were the most highly educated Arab people at the time, constituting double-digit percentages of Hebrew University’s student body, and Palestinian per capita income was the highest of any non-oil-producing Arab country.

Palestinians buy fast food from the food court in a new indoor shopping mall in the Gaza Strip, in Gaza City, Feb. 18, 2017. (AP Photo/ Khalil Hamra)

The Palestinian economy needs Israel to thrive. That’s as true today as it was then, as true under occupation as it will be in a Palestinian state, and as galling to today’s Palestinian ideologues as it was to the ideologues of a generation ago.

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But Israel’s economy needed the Palestinians, too, at least in those days. As they grew wealthier from trade with Israel, Palestinians became eager consumers of Israeli products, with some 1.7 billion dollars in Israeli exports to the PA annually, or 7% of total Israeli exports excluding diamonds. Palestinian labor drove the Israeli agriculture and construction industries.

The onset of the Second Intifada reversed those trends, hurting both sides deeply and in interconnected ways. A flourishing customs-free trading area that was pushing Palestinians ever upward and helping to drive Israeli economic growth was suddenly, in the terror wave and the resulting regime of curfews and checkpoints, transformed into “a war zone,” in the words of Israeli economic analyst Sever Plocker.

So great was the pivot that many Israeli analysts like Plocker, flabbergasted by the Palestinian turn amid peace hopes and unprecedented economic flourishing toward massive violence, speculated that the Second Intifada was driven by a “deliberate decision” by Yasser Arafat “to undermine what he saw as dangerous signs of stabilization and prosperity in the West Bank and Gaza,” the sort of prosperity that might undermine his authoritarian rule and sideline his revolutionary agenda.

Among Palestinians, unemployment quadrupled almost immediately to as high as 40%, while the loss of the Palestinian labor supply was cited by the IMF as a major factor driving the steep recession in Israel after 2000. Israeli and Palestinian consumers vanished from the others’ horizons. Tourism, a multi-billion-dollar industry in the Holy Land, crashed on both sides of the Green Line. The Bank of Israel estimated that the violence in 2002 alone, at the height of the Second Intifada, cost Israel 3.8% of its GDP. Checkpoints and roadblocks went up everywhere in the West Bank and Gaza, choking the internal Palestinian economy. Israelis fearful of suicide bombings stayed away from public spaces, emptying malls and markets for long stretches. Extended uncertainty dried up investment. The absolute number of poor in Israel grew by 22%.

Police and paramedics inspect the scene after a suicide bomber blew himself up on a rush-hour bus near the Jerusalem neighborhood of Gilo during the Second Intifada, on June 18, 2002. (Flash90/File)

The Palestinians suffered more from the economic downturn since their economy was much smaller and their dependence on Israel far greater than Israel’s dependence on them. But the Israelis were nevertheless experiencing their sharpest-ever recession amid a campaign of suicide bombings and other terror attacks that by 2002 was in its third consecutive year with no end in sight.

It was into that maelstrom, amid the worst economic emergency since the hyperinflation of the 1980s, that Benjamin Netanyahu, by then already a former prime minister, strode with the confidence of a revolutionary, embraced the crisis — and reshaped the Israeli economy.

As Ariel Sharon’s finance minister from 2003, Netanyahu’s first act was to declare that Israel’s economic troubles weren’t caused by the intifada, but by “a system in which a smaller business sector must feed and support an enormous and expanding public sector.” Israeli government spending as a share of the economy was among the highest in the world, as was the tax burden on the country’s middle class. State-run monopolies had the energy and infrastructure industries in a chokehold. Israel’s own government, Netanyahu argued, was inflicting far more economic harm than the suicide bombers of Fatah and Hamas.

To answer that challenge, he presented his “Economic Recovery Plan,” which dramatically reduced welfare spending, including child subsidies for large families on which large parts of the Haredi community depended, raised the retirement age, lowered taxes and expedited the sell-off to the private sector of hundreds of government-owned companies, including the El Al airline.

It was an extraordinary moment: Netanyahu used the economic downturn of the Second Intifada to launch a broadside on the deepest structural problems in the Israeli economy, from infrastructure monopolies to public-sector spending.

Benjamin Netanyahu steps out from a small train at Jerusalem’s zoo on October 10, 2002. (Flash90)

The emergency Netanyahu encountered in 2003 — a recession sparked by suicide bombings detonating weekly on buses and in pizzerias over three-plus years — had nothing to do with the reforms. But as in 1985, the crisis was the psychic shakeup that the public and the government bureaucracy needed to accept deep change. It silenced outrage and weakened the resolve of special interests. It opened the window.

1985, 2003, 2021

Today’s Netanyahu is not the radical reformer of 2003. Few fundamental reforms have moved forward since he reentered the prime minister’s office in 2009. Where Finance Minister Netanyahu hungered for momentous transformations, Prime Minister Netanyahu invariably favored stability. Even the 2011 cost-of-living protests produced almost no policy changes from Netanyahu’s governments in the decade since. Countless problems, from economic marginalization and violence in the Arab community to price-hiking overregulation of imports to the steadily worsening blight of traffic jams in the major metropolitan centers, have gone mostly unaddressed. Few reforms were advanced, and fewer still were implemented.

Until now. Until the formation of the fragile, ever-teetering, crisis-born government of Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid.

Very few of the reforms being advanced by this government have anything to do with the pandemic or the political crisis of repeat elections. Neither the pandemic nor the underlying political deadlock will be ended by the serious attention this government is giving to those longstanding challenges.

A resident of the Amigor retirement residence receives her third COVID-19 vaccine dose from a Magen David Adom worker in Jerusalem on August 4, 2021. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Nor is it certain that the reforms — if, indeed, this narrow coalition manages to pass them into law by November — will prove as effective and beneficial as the changes wrought by Modai in 1985 or Netanyahu in 2003.

The point here is simpler. As in those years, in a pattern too consistent to be coincidence, the broader crisis liberated the political system from comfortable old habits and assumptions, opening a political window for deep reforms that comes but rarely in Israeli political life.

That’s the Israeli experience in a nutshell: Profound crises always carry a brightly shining silver lining. The crisis opens a window, and it’s up to the political leadership to take advantage of it.

Moshe Etzion，88 歲，在兒子 Ze'ev 逝世週年紀念日自殺

由伊曼紐爾·費邊今天，下午 5:21

Moshe Etzion 在他兒子 Ze'ev Etzion 的照片前講話，他於 2014 年死於加沙火箭彈襲擊。（埃什科爾地區委員會）

88 歲的 Moshe Etzion 是 Ze'ev Etzion 失去親人的父親，他在 2014 年戰爭期間被加沙的火箭彈炸死，週日在他兒子的希伯來文週年紀念日在他兒子的墓地結束了自己的生命。

Etzion 一家住在靠近加沙地帶邊境的 Kibbutz Nirim 南部。

Moshe Etzion 週日清晨離開了他的家，在他幾個小時沒有回來後，當局開始對他進行搜查。

埃什科爾地區委員會說，他被發現死在基布茲兒子的墳墓旁邊。明天他將被埋葬在尼里姆。

他的兒子 Ze'ev，也被稱為 Zevik，在 2014 年戰爭期間是基布茲的當地安全官員，也是一名急救醫生和救護車司機。

Ze'ev 於 2014 年 8 月 26 日喪生，當時哈馬斯發射的迫擊砲彈落在基布茲，彈片擊中了他。根據猶太曆法，他逝世七週年是在星期天。

Kibbutz Nirim 安全負責人 Ze'ev Etzion（屏幕截圖：第 2 頻道）

尼里姆襲擊發生在以色列和巴勒斯坦代表商定的停火生效前一小時，以色列南部城鎮和社區遭到猛烈轟炸。

基布茲在周日的一份聲明中說：“摩西不僅在他兒子的喪親之痛中勇敢地站起來，而且在他作為大屠殺倖存者的生活環境中也勇敢地站起來。” “自從澤維克死後，摩西一直沉浸在無休止的努力中，因為他相信並在數十個地方和事件中講述了澤維克的遺產。

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“對於摩西來說，澤維克的死是又一次打擊，也是命運將他視為本國猶太人復興的一部分的又一次考驗，他決心昂首挺胸，”它補充說。

去年，Etzion 家族出版了一本書——“永遠在路上”——以紀念摩西，描述了他從克拉科夫的童年、西伯利亞的飢荒、穿越德黑蘭到以色列的旅程，並最終在尼里姆定居的生活故事。

Moshe Etzion 與他的家人寫的關於他的生平的書一起出現。（埃什科爾地區委員會）

“今天這條路走到了盡頭。Kibbutz Nirim 與 Etzion 家族一起哀悼，”該鎮說。

Eshkol 地區委員會補充說，Moshe 是社區中的知名人物，“是 Eshkol 深受愛戴和重視的成員。象徵著給予的價值觀、對人類和國家的愛。”

國防部長本尼·甘茨（Benny Gantz）表示，埃齊翁之死的消息是“毀滅性的和悲慘的”。

“沒有任何言語可以安慰一個為兒子哀悼的父親。我發自內心並代表安全機構向他的家人表示哀悼，”甘茨在周日晚上發推文說。

Moshe Etzion, 88, takes his own life on anniversary of death of son Ze’ev, a local security chief in Kibbutz Nirim killed in the final hours of the war

By EMANUEL FABIANToday, 5:21 pm

Moshe Etzion speaks before an image of his son, Ze'ev Etzion, who died from Gaza rocket fire in 2014. (Eshkol Regional Council)

Moshe Etzion, 88, the bereaved father of Ze’ev Etzion who was killed by rocket fire from Gaza during the 2014 war, took his own life at the gravesite of his son on the Hebrew anniversary of his death on Sunday.

The Etzion family lived in the southern Kibbutz Nirim, near the border with the Strip.

Moshe Etzion left his home early Sunday morning, and after he did not return for a number of hours, authorities launched a search for him.

He was found dead next to the grave of his son in the kibbutz, the Eshkol Regional Council said. He is to be buried tomorrow in Nirim.

His son Ze’ev, also known as Zevik, was a local security officer for the kibbutz during the 2014 war, as well as an emergency medic and ambulance driver.

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Ze’ev was killed on August 26, 2014, when a Hamas-launched mortar shell landed in the kibbutz and shrapnel hit him. The seventh anniversary of his death fell on Sunday, according to the Jewish calendar.

Kibbutz Nirim security chief Ze’ev Etzion (screen capture: Channel 2)

The Nirim attack came amid a fierce bombardment of the towns and communities of southern Israel in the hour before a ceasefire agreed upon by Israeli and Palestinian representatives took effect.

“Moshe stood bravely not only in bereavement [of his son] but also in the circumstances of his life as a Holocaust survivor,” the kibbutz said in a statement on Sunday. “Since Zevik’s death, Moshe had been immersed in an endless effort to be worthy of Zevik’s legacy as he believed and recounted at dozens of places and events.

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“For Moshe, Zevik’s death was another blow and another test that fate presented him as part of the revival of the Jewish people in its country, and he was determined to stand with his head held high,” it added.

Last year, the Etzion family published a book — “Always on the Road” — in Moshe’s honor which described his life story from early childhood in Krakow, famine in Siberia, the journey to Israel through Tehran, and eventually settling in Nirim.

Moshe Etzion is seen with the book his family wrote on his life story. (Eshkol Regional Council)

“Today the road is at its end. Kibbutz Nirim mourns with the Etzion family,” the town said.

The Eshkol regional council added that Moshe was a known figure in the community, “a beloved and valued member in Eshkol. A symbol of the values ​​of giving, the love of humanity and the country.”

Defense Minister Benny Gantz said the news of Etzion’s death was “devastating and tragic.”

“There are no words that can comfort a father who mourns his son. From the bottom of my heart and on behalf of the security establishment, I send condolences to his family,” Gantz tweeted on Sunday evening.

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