2021.08.13 國際新聞導讀-塔利班在阿富汗勢如破竹、以色列準備為5-12歲孩童注射疫苗在等輝瑞的報告、LIKUD聯合黨內部引發對那唐亞胡不滿的聲音、約旦士兵遺體在彈藥山被發掘出來

塔利班進軍阿富汗：他們控制哪些城市？

以下是伊斯蘭激進分子已經淪陷或正在爭奪的省會名單，他們在 2001 年被驅逐後正在努力重新實施嚴格的伊斯蘭法律。

通過路透

2021 年 8 月 12 日 10:59

美國海軍陸戰隊在阿富汗南部的海軍陸戰隊基地前線填充沙袋。

（照片來源：JIM HOLLANDER/REUTERS）

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近幾個月來，隨著美國和其他外國軍隊的撤離， 塔利班叛亂分子在阿富汗各地取得了快速進展。

以下是伊斯蘭激進分子已經淪陷或正在爭奪的省會名單，他們在 2001 年被驅逐後正在努力重新實施嚴格的伊斯蘭法律。阿富汗共有 34 個省。

- 8 月 6 日 - 扎蘭傑。塔利班佔領了南部尼姆魯茲省的城市，這是自 5 月初他們加強對阿富汗軍隊的襲擊以來第一個落入叛亂分子手中的省會。

- 8 月 7 日 - 謝伯格。塔利班宣布他們已經佔領了整個北部的賈茲詹省，包括其首府謝貝爾汗。據報導，該市發生了激烈的戰鬥，政府大樓被叛亂分子佔領。阿富汗安全部隊表示，他們仍在那裡作戰。

- 8 月 8 日 - SAR-E-PUL。叛亂分子控制了北部同名省的首府薩爾普勒。它是三個省級中心中第一個在同一天落下的。

- 8 月 8 日 - KUNDUZ。塔利班武裝分子奪取了這座擁有 27 萬人口的北部城市的控制權，被視為一項戰略戰利品，因為它位於通往礦產資源豐富的北部省份和中亞的門戶。政府軍表示，他們正在抵抗來自軍事基地和機場的叛亂分子。

- 8 月 8 日 - TALOQAN。同樣在北部的塔哈爾省首府在傍晚落入塔利班手中。他們釋放囚犯並迫使政府官員逃離。

- 8 月 9 日 - AYBAK。北部薩曼甘省的首府被塔利班武裝分子佔領。

- 8 月 10 日 - PUL-E-KHUMRI。據居民說，中部省份巴格蘭的首府落入塔利班手中。

- 8 月 11 日 - 法扎巴德。一位省議會成員說，東北部巴達赫尚省的首府在塔利班的控制之下。

- 8 月 12 日 - 加茲尼。一名高級安全官員說，叛亂分子佔領了同名省的首府城市

- 法拉。西部法拉省首府。

- 赫拉特。西部赫拉特省首府。

- 拉什卡加。南部赫爾曼德省首府。

- 坎大哈。南部坎大哈省首府。

Taliban advances in Afghanistan: Which cities do they control?

Following is a list of provincial capitals that have fallen to, or are being contested by the Islamist militants, who are fighting to reimpose strict Islamic law after they were ousted in 2001.

By REUTERS

AUGUST 12, 2021 10:59

US MARINES fill sandbags on the frontlines of a Marine Corps base in southern Afghanistan.

(photo credit: JIM HOLLANDER/REUTERS)

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Taliban insurgents have made rapid advances across Afghanistan in recent months as US and other foreign forces withdraw.

Following is a list of provincial capitals that have fallen to, or are being contested by the Islamist militants, who are fighting to reimpose strict Islamic law after they were ousted in 2001. Afghanistan has 34 provinces in total.

- Aug. 6 - ZARANJ. The Taliban take over the city in Nimroz province in the south, the first provincial capital to fall to the insurgents since they stepped up attacks on Afghan forces in early May.

- Aug. 7 - SHEBERGHAN. The Taliban declare they have captured the entire northern province of Jawzjan, including its capital Sheberghan. Heavy fighting is reported in the city, and government buildings are taken over by the insurgents. Afghan security forces say they are still fighting there.

- Aug. 8 - SAR-E-PUL. The insurgents take control of Sar-e-Pul, capital of the northern province of the same name. It is the first of three provincial centers to fall on the same day.

- Aug. 8 - KUNDUZ. Taliban fighters seize control of the northern city of 270,000 people, regarded as a strategic prize as it lies at the gateway to mineral-rich northern provinces and Central Asia. Government forces say they are resisting the insurgents from an army base and the airport.

- Aug. 8 - TALOQAN. The capital of Takhar province, also in the north, falls to the Taliban in the evening. They free prisoners and force government officials to flee.

- Aug. 9 - AYBAK. The capital of the northern province of Samangan is overrun by Taliban fighters.

- Aug. 10 - PUL-E-KHUMRI. The capital of the central province of Baghlan falls to the Taliban, according to residents.

- Aug. 11 - FAIZABAD. The capital of the northeastern province of Badakhshan is under Taliban control, a provincial council member says.

- Aug. 12 - GHAZNI. The insurgents take over the city, capital of the province of the same name, a senior security officer says

- FARAH. Capital of the western province of Farah.

- HERAT. Capital of Herat province in the west.

- LASHKARGAH. Capital of Helmand in the south.

- KANDAHAR. Capital of Kandahar province in the south.

耶路撒冷輕軌列車挖掘中發現約旦士兵屍體

“他等了我們 54 年，”彈藥山總幹事卡特里·毛茲說。“帶著他所有的裝備站在他的崗位上，決心戰鬥。”

作者：MOSHE COHEN/MAARIV , ALON HACHMON/MAARIV ONLINE

2021 年 8 月 12 日 20:48

彈藥山

（圖片來源：維基共享資源）

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在耶路撒冷彈藥山地區為建造輕軌火車軌道而進行的挖掘工作中，工人們驚訝地發現了一具屍體。

手指上戴著戒指，並伴隨著與約旦軍隊有關的各種文物，屍體被轉移到阿布卡比爾的 L.格林伯格法醫學研究所。經過初步檢查，評估結果表明屍體屬於一名在六日戰爭期間在現場作戰的約旦士兵。

警方隨即對此事展開調查。

“他等了我們 54 年，”彈藥山總幹事卡特里·毛茲在 Facebook 帖子中說。“帶著他所有的裝備站在他的崗位上，決心戰鬥。”

“他可能一直在手指上旋轉金戒指，也許是他家人的禮物。這就是他在最後時刻持有的東西。‘這裡躺著勇敢的約旦戰士’讀到山頭的標誌，一個寫著的標誌在戰爭結束時被傘兵，他無疑加入了他們的行列。

“我們正在接觸歷史，”毛茲補充道。

這不是該地點的建築工程第一次發現約旦戰鬥的殘餘物。幾天前，工人們發現了炸彈碎片，其中一些似乎含有炸藥。

彈藥山是 1967 年六日戰爭期間約旦統治的東耶路撒冷的一個約旦軍隊哨所，在那裡進行了最激烈的戰鬥之一。現在是國家級紀念地。

Body of Jordanian soldier uncovered in dig of Jerusalem's light rail train

"He waited for us 54 years," Ammunition Hill Director-General Katri Maoz said. "Stationed at his post with all of his equipment, determined to fight."

By MOSHE COHEN/MAARIV, ALON HACHMON/MAARIV ONLINE

AUGUST 12, 2021 20:48

Ammunition Hill

(photo credit: Wikimedia Commons)

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During the excavations for the construction of a light-rail train track in the Ammunition Hill region in Jerusalem, workers were astounded to discover a body.

With a ring on his finger and accompanied by various artifacts that were affiliated with the Jordanian army, the body was transferred to the L. Greenberg Institute of Forensic Medicine at Abu Kabir. Following initial exams, the assessments are that the body belongs to a Jordanian soldier who fought at the site during the Six Day War.

Police immediately opened an investigation into the matter.

"He waited for us 54 years," Ammunition Hill Director-General Katri Maoz said in a Facebook post. "Stationed at his post with all of his equipment, determined to fight."

"He may have been twirling the golden ring at his finger, perhaps a gift from his family. That is what he held in his final moments. 'Here lie brave Jordanian fighters' reads the sign at the head of the Hill, a sign written by paratroopers at the end of the war, and he undoubtedly joins their ranks.

"We are touching history," Maoz added.

This is not the first time the construction work at the site has revealed remnants from the Jordanian fighting. Several days ago, workers uncovered bomb shards, some of which appeared to contain explosives.

Ammunition Hill was a Jordanian army post in the Jordanian-ruled East Jerusalem during the Six Day War of 1967, upon which one of the fiercest battles was fought. It is now a national memorial site.

如果沒有更多的兩國解決方案，那又如何？- 觀點

遇到和平：這不是一個國家或兩個國家的膚淺論點；未來的政治解決方案可能會復雜得多。

作者：格松巴斯金

2021 年 8 月 12 日 07:00

一名男子手持巴勒斯坦國旗。一種狀態不是一種選擇。

（圖片來源：RAHIM KHATIB/FLASH90）

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上週 Dana Weiss 對 Channel 12 的 Ohad Hemo（巴勒斯坦事務記者）的精彩採訪讓我感到困擾。

很少有報導巴勒斯坦的以色列記者真正了解以色列隔壁正在發生的事情，因為他們花時間並努力深入巴勒斯坦社會。Hemo 是那些走遍各地並會見真人的人之一，而不僅僅是巴勒斯坦權力機構的幾位領導人。赫莫深入整個約旦河西岸，就像他多年前在加沙所做的那樣。他以誠實的聲音與各行各業的人交談，尋求真正傾聽和聆聽我們的鄰居所說的話。

令我困擾的是他的結論。他的結論是正確的，即我們可能已經錯過了成功達成兩國解決方案的機會，儘管他繼續提倡這一點。

他的第二個結論是，如果沒有兩國解決方案，我們注定要在這片土地上共同生活，在他看來，這是一場災難。他在採訪中多次重申，以色列人和巴勒斯坦人完全不同，價值觀和態度不同，永遠無法共同生活。

這就是為什麼在他對兩國解決方案的願景中，根據我對他所說的話的理解，以色列人和巴勒斯坦人必須完全分離。這就是困擾我的地方；赫莫的觀點反映了仍然支持兩國解決方案的大多數以色列人（不到一半的以色列人）。

“我們在這裡，他們在那裡”的概念是該過程失敗的原因之一。基於圍牆和柵欄的和平不是和平。但赫莫一再發言，擔心兩國解決方案已經落後於我們，我們悲慘的現實是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人彼此糾纏在一起，用他的話來說，這是不可能的。

我同意 Hemo 的觀點，即兩國解決方案可能不再可行。許多巴勒斯坦人，其中包括兩國解決方案的領導人和堅定擁護者，經常說：“我們（巴勒斯坦人）通過接受兩國解決方案做出了歷史性的妥協，在該方案中，我們的國家將佔據巴勒斯坦的 22%。這不是我們的第一選擇，但由於以色列拒絕了巴解組織最初提出的建立一個世俗民主國家的想法，我們同意在我們認為是我們歷史土地的 78% 的土地上接受以色列。但以色列拒絕了兩國解決方案，並繼續在本應是我們國家的土地上建造定居點。以色列拒絕承認巴勒斯坦人民在部分土地上擁有一個獨立主權國家的權利。現在我們回到起點。

在約旦河和地中海之間有兩個民族，數量或多或少。有一個沒有民主的一國現實，這片土地上有 50% 的人被佔領。巴勒斯坦人永遠不會接受這一點，以色列人也不應該接受。現在我們必須弄清楚如何分享這片土地。我們已經生活在赫莫恐懼地描述的現實中。但在我看來，這不是悲劇。這並非不可能。我們並沒有那麼不同——我們猶太人和巴勒斯坦人。我們現在需要做的是開始改變我們的心態，明白我們可以生活在一起，我們可以學習分享這片土地。

這不是一個國家或兩個國家的膚淺論點；未來的政治解決方案可能會比這複雜得多。我們需要找到政治解決方案，使我們所有人都能在領土上表達我們的身份。我們需要將自己從占領和控制中解放出來。我們需要為共享這片土地的所有人爭取平等。我們需要發現彼此的人性——Hemo 從他對阿拉伯和巴勒斯坦文化的深入了解中非常了解這一點。我們相似多於不同。我們都來自與親密家庭有著密切聯繫的社會。我們兩個社會都與我們的宗教有著非常密切的聯繫。作為一個世俗的猶太人，就像赫莫一樣，我希望我們的社會少一點宗教色彩，少一點傳統，少一點重男輕女，多一點自由和世俗。目前，

衝突中的社會往往是宗教的。以色列在過去幾年變得更加虔誠，巴勒斯坦也是如此。多年來，我注意到我的一些巴勒斯坦朋友現在每天祈禱五次，並見證他們如何隨著時間的推移變得更加虔誠或傳統。

我與巴勒斯坦人並肩工作了 40 多年，雖然我們來自不同的文化，但我經常覺得我與一些世俗的巴勒斯坦朋友的共同點比我與一些宗教猶太朋友的共同點要多得多。在以色列社會中，我們在面對身份問題時面臨挑戰。我們的社會非常分裂，社會、政治和經濟差距很難縮小。以色列社會的分歧不僅僅存在於宗教和非宗教之間。德系猶太人和米茲拉希猶太人之間存在差距。有特拉維夫州，然後是耶路撒冷。有右派和左派——還有更多。巴勒斯坦社會也非常分裂和多樣化，不僅在法塔赫和哈馬斯之間。有以色列公民的巴勒斯坦人，西岸人，加沙人，城市居民，

我們有很多工作要做，以在我們兩個社會內部以及我們兩個社會之間建立更多的凝聚力。基於完全分離的猶太人和巴勒斯坦人之間永遠不會有和平。猶太人和巴勒斯坦人想要和平生活，但和平的現實不會建立在忽視生活在這片土地上的其他人的基礎上。正如 Hemo 所描述的那樣，消除對前景的恐懼是一場悲劇，首先要改變我們的思維定勢，並認識到我們這個時代最大的挑戰是跨越鴻溝。無論在未來的某個時候找到何種政治解決方案，我們的未來都將建立在這樣一種理解之上：我們將始終生活在多樣化和復雜的社會中，因此我們必須培養一種意識，即我們都是建設共享社會的合作夥伴。

If no more two-state solution, then what? - opinion

ENCOUNTERING PEACE: THIS IS not a shallow argument of one state or two states; the political solutions of the future will probably be much more complex.

By GERSHON BASKIN

AUGUST 12, 2021 07:00

A MAN holds a Palestinian flag. One state is not an option.

(photo credit: RAHIM KHATIB/FLASH90)

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I was troubled by the wonderful interview of Channel 12’s Ohad Hemo (correspondent on Palestinian affairs) by Dana Weiss this past week.

There are few Israeli journalists covering Palestine who really understand what’s going on next door to Israel because they take the time and make the effort to go deep into Palestinian society. Hemo is one of those who goes all over and meets real people, not just a few leaders from the Palestinian Authority. Hemo goes deep inside all over the West Bank, as he did years ago in Gaza. He speaks to people from all walks of life with an honest voice, seeking to really listen and hear what our neighbors have to say.

What troubles me are his conclusions. He is spot on regarding his conclusion that we have probably missed the opportunity to successfully reach a two-state solution, although he continues to advocate it.

His second conclusion is that in the absence of a two-state solution we are doomed to live together in this land and, in his view, that is a disaster. He repeated several times in the interview that Israelis and Palestinians are completely different, have different values and attitudes and will never be able to live together.

That is why, in his vision for the two-state solution, according to my understanding of what he said, Israelis and Palestinians must reach total separation. This is what is troubling to me; Hemo’s opinion reflects the majority of Israelis who still support the two-state solution (which is fewer than half of Israelis).

The concept of “us here and them there” is one of the reasons why the process failed. Peace based on walls and fences is not peace. But Hemo spoke repeatedly in fear that the two-state solution is behind us and our tragic reality is that Israelis and Palestinians are stuck with each other and that is, in his words, impossible.

I agree with Hemo that the two-state solution is probably no longer viable. Many Palestinians, among them leaders and strong advocates of the two-state solution, often say: ‘We (the Palestinians) made a historic compromise by accepting the two-state solution in which our state would be on 22% of Palestine. This was not our first choice, but because Israel rejected the idea of one secular democratic state that the PLO originally proposed, we agreed to accept Israel on 78% of what we believed to be our historic land. But Israel rejected the two-state solution and continued to build settlements on the land that was supposed to be our state. Israel refused to recognize the Palestinian people’s right to have an independent sovereign state on part of the land. Now we go back to the beginning.’

Between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea there are two peoples, more or less in equal numbers. There is a one-state reality without democracy and with occupation for 50% of the people on this land. Palestinians will never accept this, nor should Israelis. Now we have to figure out how to share this land. We are already living in the reality that Hemo described with fear. But in my view, it is not a tragedy. It is not impossible. We are not so different – us Jews and Palestinians. What we need to do now is to begin to change our mindset and understand that we can live together and we can learn to share this land.

THIS IS not a shallow argument of one state or two states; the political solutions of the future will probably be much more complex than that. We need to find political solutions that enable all of us to have territorial expressions of our identity. We need to liberate ourselves from occupation and control. We need to strive for equality between all people sharing this land. We need to discover the humanity in each other – something Hemo knows quite well from his deep knowledge of Arabic and of Palestinian culture. We are more similar than we are different. We both come from societies with strong connections to close families. Both of our societies have very strong affinities for our religions. As a secular Jew, as is Hemo, I wish that our societies were less religious, less traditional, less patriarchal and more liberal and secular. For now, both Israeli and Palestinian societies are on the far end of the pendular cycle known in many conflict zones whereby the further away the conflict is from peace the more

religious the societies in conflict tend to be. Israel has become more religious over the past years, as has Palestine. I have noticed over the years how some of my Palestinian friends now pray five times a day and testify how they have become more religious or traditional over time.

I have spent more than 40 years working side by side with Palestinians, and although we come from different cultures I often feel that I have much more in common with some of my secular Palestinian friends than I do with some of my religious Jewish friends. Within Israeli society we have challenges in confronting issues of identity. Our society is very divided with social, political and economic gaps that are very difficult to narrow. The cleavages in Israeli society are not just between religious and non-religious. There are the gaps between Ashkenazi and Mizrahi Jews. There is the state of Tel Aviv and then there is Jerusalem. There is the Right and the Left – and more. Palestinian society is also very divided and diverse, not only between Fatah and Hamas. There are Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, West Bankers, Gazans, city dwellers, villagers, Hebronites and people from the north of the West Bank, Bedouin, Christians, Druze, Muslims, refugees, those who returned from the diaspora after Oslo and more.

We have a lot of work to do to build more cohesion both within our two societies and then also between our two societies. There will never be peace between Jews and Palestinians based complete separation. Jews and Palestinians want to live in peace but the reality of peace will not be based on ignoring the other people living on this land. Removing the fear from our prospect as described by Hemo as a tragedy begins with changing our mind set and recognizing that the biggest challenge of our times is to reach across the divide. Whatever political solution is found at some time in the future, our future will be built on the understanding that we will always live in diverse and complex societies and from that we must develop a sense that we are all partners in building a shared society.

FDA 預計本週將批准 COVID 疫苗加強注射

預計 FDA 將在接下來的 48 小時內發布關于冠狀病毒疫苗助推器的公告，但時間可能會改變。

作者：海莉·科恩

2021 年 8 月 12 日 08:22

美國食品和藥物管理局被提名為修改輝瑞和Moderna Covid-19疫苗週四緊急使用授權，使免疫力低下的人群獲得第三劑量，NBC新的小號 報導。

據多位消息人士透露，預計將在接下來的 48 小時內宣布這一消息，但時間可能會發生變化。

預計拜登政府將在 9 月為所有接種疫苗的美國人推出 Covid-19 疫苗加強策略。

7 月 12 日，以色列開始為免疫系統嚴重減弱的人提供加強注射。 Petah Tikva 的 Rabin 醫學中心-Beilinson Campus 和 Clalit Health Services 進行的研究的初步結果表明，向免疫功能低下的患者註射第三劑冠狀病毒疫苗可顯著提高他們產生抗體的能力。

FDA 此舉將是美國首次批准額外劑量。

FDA expected to authorize COVID vaccine booster shots this week

An FDA announcement on coronavirus vaccine boosters is expected within the next 48 hours, but the timing could move.

By HALEY COHEN

AUGUST 12, 2021 08:22

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The Food and Drug Administration is slated to amend the emergency use authorizations for the Pfizer and the Moderna Covid-19 vaccines Thursday to allow immunocompromised people to get a third dose, NBC News reported.

The announcement is expected within the next 48 hours, but the timing could move, according to multiple sources.

The Biden administration is anticipated to put out a Covid-19 vaccine booster strategy for all vaccinated Americans in September.

On July 12, Israel began to offer a booster shot for people with a severely weakened immune system. Preliminary results from research conducted by the Rabin Medical Center-Beilinson Campus in Petah Tikva and Clalit Health Services has shown that administering a third coronavirus vaccine shot to immunocompromised patients significantly increases their ability to produce antibodies.

The FDA move would be the first authorization of an additional dose in the US.

Bennett 要求輝瑞 CEO 加快對 12 歲以下兒童的疫苗審批

總理辦公室表示，阿爾伯特·布爾拉 (Albert Bourla) 致力於“盡其所能”推進這一進程並擴大資格

通過TOI人員今天，下午 6:59

總理 Naftali Bennett（左）和輝瑞首席執行官 Albert Bourla。(複合/AP)

總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 週四與輝瑞 (Pfizer) 首席執行官阿爾伯特·布爾拉 (Albert Bourla) 進行了交談，並敦促他加快監管部門批准這家製藥巨頭針對 12 歲以下人群的 COVID-19 疫苗的審批。

據總理辦公室稱，布爾拉告訴貝內特，他非常重視這個問題，並將盡其所能加快這一進程。

PMO 補充說，兩人還討論了以色列向 60 歲以上人口分發第三劑加強注射的問題。

輝瑞此前曾表示，預計將在 9 月為 5 至 11 歲的兒童申請。據該公司稱，稍後開始測試的兩個年齡較小的兒童組的結果應該會在 10 月或 11 月公佈。

美國疫苗製造商 Moderna 上個月表示，預計到今年年底或 2022 年初，將有足夠的數據來申請美國食品和藥物管理局對年幼兒童的授權。

同樣在 7 月，一位不願透露姓名的 FDA 官員告訴 NBC 新聞，對 12 歲以下兒童接種 COVID-19 疫苗的緊急授權最早可能會在今年冬天到來。

說明：2021 年 1 月 3 日，一名小男孩在耶路撒冷的疫苗中心接受了冠狀病毒注射。（Shalva）

目前，輝瑞 BioNTech 疫苗正在根據緊急使用授權進行分發，該授權可以在 COVID-19 危機結束後撤銷。該公司在 5 月宣布，它正在尋求 FDA 的全面批准，這將允許該疫苗留在市場上並直接出售給客戶。

緊急使用授權目前僅適用於 12 歲以上的人，因為該公司正在尋求 FDA 的批准，以向 2-11 歲的兒童接種其 COVID-19 疫苗。

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今年 3 月，輝瑞和競爭對手 Moderna 都啟動了針對 12 歲以下兒童的疫苗試驗。據 NBC 報導，預計結果將在秋季由 FDA 審查。

據 FDA 官員稱，該機構正在為 12 歲以下兒童尋求至少四到六個月的安全隨訪數據。對於成年人來說，只需要兩個月就可以獲得緊急批准。

2021 年 8 月 3 日，總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 陪同他的母親 Myrna 接受 COVID-19 加強注射。 (Kobi Gideon/GPO)

NBC 表示，要獲得 FDA 的全面批准，至少需要六個月的隨訪數據。

以色列衛生官員建議只為 12 歲以下患有既往疾病的兒童接種疫苗，如果他們感染 COVID-19，可能會使他們處於危險之中。

週四早些時候，貝內特指示健康維護組織準備擴大運動，從下週開始向年輕的以色列人接種第三劑 COVID-19 疫苗。

希伯來語媒體報導稱，下週助推器將擴大到 50 人及以上，不久之後可能會擴大到 40 人及以上。

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在以色列約 930 萬人口中，超過 580 萬人至少接種了一劑疫苗，近 540 萬人接種了兩劑。

上個月底，以色列向 60 歲及以上的公民推出了第三劑疫苗。從那以後，超過 715,000 人接受了第三次加強注射。

以色列希望加強注射能盡快開始顯示結果，並在病毒的超傳染性三角洲變種迅速傳播的情況下減緩嚴重病例數量的增長。

PM’s office says Albert Bourla committed to working ‘to the best of his ability’ to move the process along and expand eligibility

By TOI STAFFToday, 6:59 pm

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Prime Minister Naftali Bennett (left) and Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla. (Composite/AP)

Prime Minister Naftali Bennett spoke on Thursday with Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla and urged him to speed up regulatory approval of the pharmaceutical giant’s COVID-19 vaccine for those under the age of 12.

Bourla told Bennett he views the issue with great importance and will work to the best of his ability to speed up the process, according to the Prime Minister’s Office.

The pair also discussed Israel’s distribution of third dose booster shots to its over-60 population, the PMO added.

Pfizer has previously said it expects to apply in September for children ages 5 through 11. Results for two younger age groups that began testing a little later should be available by October or November, according to the company.

Fellow United States vaccine maker Moderna said last month that it expects to have enough data to apply for US Food and Drug Administration authorization in younger kids by late this year or early 2022.

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Also in July, an unnamed FDA official told NBC News that emergency authorization for COVID-19 vaccines to be administered to children under the age of 12 may come as early as this coming winter.

Illustrative: A young boy receives the coronavirus shot at a vaccine center in Jerusalem, on January 3, 2021. (Shalva)

Currently, the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine is being distributed under an emergency use authorization, which can be revoked when the COVID-19 crisis ends. The company announced in May that it was seeking full FDA approval, which would allow the vaccine to remain on the market and be sold to customers directly.

The emergency use authorization only applies to those over 12 for now, as the company is seeking approval from the FDA to administer its COVID-19 vaccine to children aged 2-11.

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In March, both Pfizer and competitor Moderna launched trials of their vaccines for children under 12. The results, which will be reviewed by the FDA, are expected in the fall, according to NBC.

According to the FDA official, the agency is seeking at least four to six months of safety follow-up data for children under 12. For adults, only two months were required to receive emergency approval.

Prime Minister Naftali Bennett accompanies his mother, Myrna, as she gets a COVID-19 booster shot, on August 3, 2021. (Kobi Gideon/GPO)

For full FDA approval, at least six months of follow-up data is required, NBC said.

Israeli health officials have recommended only vaccinating children under 12 who suffer from preexisting conditions that may put them at risk if they contract COVID-19.

Earlier on Thursday, Bennett instructed health maintenance organizations to prepare to expand the campaign to administer a third dose of the COVID-19 vaccine to younger Israelis starting next week.

Hebrew-language media reports said the booster shot drive will be expanded to those 50 and up next week, and possibly to those 40 and up soon after.

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Out of Israel’s population of some 9.3 million, over 5.8 million have received at least one vaccine dose, and nearly 5.4 million have gotten two.

At the end of last month, Israel rolled out a third vaccine shot to citizens aged 60 and up. Over 715,000 have been administered a third booster shot since.

Israel hopes the booster shot will begin to show results soon and slow the growth in the number of serious cases amid the rapid spread of the super-contagious Delta variant of the virus.

前部長和MKs抨擊前總理沒有放棄領導權，注定他們會遭到反對；米里·雷格夫（Miri Regev）說，是時候讓黨擺脫德系猶太人作為領導者了

通過沙洛姆耶路莎米 今天，上午 11:40

2021 年 6 月 14 日，新政府宣誓就職後的第二天，本傑明·內塔尼亞胡在耶路撒冷議會與右翼反對黨成員交談。（美聯社照片/ Maya Alleruzzo）

利庫德集團的一些高級成員，其中包括前部長，對前總理本雅明內塔尼亞胡將他們帶入反對派表示憤怒，越來越多的人談論起義反對他。

利庫德集團議員和前部長以色列卡茨本周公開攻擊內塔尼亞胡和國防部長本尼甘茨，指責他們未能通過預算。

“以色列卡茨很沮喪，”財政部長阿維格多·利伯曼本週表示。“有一天他對我肆無忌憚，另一天對他的黨主席 [內塔尼亞胡]，另一天對本尼·甘茨（Benny Gantz）。”

利伯曼是在卡茨最近一次攻擊財政部之後發表評論的，當時財政部曾在卡茨的領導下，聲稱利伯曼正在使用他制定的計劃，現在正在為這些計劃尋求信譽。

但卡茨並不是唯一一個感到沮喪的利庫德集團高級成員。其他一些人也試圖打破背景噪音，但不知道如何去做——幾十年來一直在等待利庫德集團領導的政客們，但看不到這種情況很快就會發生。

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他們看到他們的政黨在政府而不是反對派中的想法越來越遠，而反對聯盟的鬥爭，經過長時間的隔夜阻撓，並沒有改變任何東西。

利庫德集團 MK Israel Katz 在 2021 年 7 月 22 日在以色列南部拉馬特內蓋夫舉行的地方當局首腦會議上發表講話。 (Flash90)

他們幾乎一致承認預算將在 11 月 4 日的最後期限前通過，這意味著當前的聯盟將繼續存在，他們注定要在很長一段時間甚至幾年內反對。

週二，他們中的一些人第一次聽到內塔尼亞胡是導致他們陷入這種境地的人，因此他是應該付出代價的人。

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談話發生在利庫德集團主要活動家拉米泰益的女兒的成人禮上，他因涉嫌參與第 3000 號潛艇事件而被起訴，該事件圍繞以色列數十億謝克爾的大規模賄賂計劃的指控展開從德國造船廠購買海軍艦艇。

泰益是時任能源部長尤瓦爾·施泰尼茨以及前聯盟領導人大衛·阿姆薩勒姆和大衛·比坦的前政治顧問。

幾乎所有利庫德集團議員和前部長都出席了蝙蝠成人禮，包括卡茨、米里·雷格夫、斯坦尼茨、尤利·埃德爾斯坦、阿姆薩勒姆和亞里夫·萊文，他們都坐在主桌旁。

雖然內塔尼亞胡本人不在場，但他是談話的主要話題，沒有保鏢、助手或司機在聽，黨內的高級成員覺得他們可以暢所欲言，《以色列時報》希伯來語姊妹網站 Zman Yisrael，學會了。

一位前高級部長說，“我們不是坐在政府裡，而是坐在婚禮上。”

這位前部長的論點圍繞著內塔尼亞胡未能通過預算以阻止甘茨按照其聯盟協議的要求成為總理，因為這是唯一一種情況，如果重新舉行選舉，內塔尼亞胡將不必辭去總理職務. 聯盟協議規定，如果為期兩年的 2020-21 年預算未能通過，選舉將自動進行。

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“我們今天都應該成為部長，只有內塔尼亞胡必須搬家，”另一位前部長說。“多麼可怕的錯誤。我們是傻逼。我不知道為什麼我們同意幫助實現這種[情況]。”

一位部長抨擊內塔尼亞胡拒絕將黨的領導權交給卡茨，卡茨希望組建政府並讓黨繼續執政。卡茨說上個月，他不會有任何問題放在一起繼上次選舉中右翼聯盟，不得不放棄內塔尼亞胡黨的領導，而不是惜敗派的反對。

“內塔尼亞胡願意將這份工作交給 [總理] 納夫塔利·貝內特、吉迪恩·薩爾和其他任何人，”一位前部長說。“只是對我們任何人都沒有。他看不到我們中的任何人與他一起從利庫德集團晉升到更高的職位。他怕自己受到威脅。

“這不是關心利庫德集團的領導人；他是一位關心自己的領導者，”部長指責道。

在一份報告的背景下，坐在桌旁的人還談到了一位議員所說的“內塔尼亞胡的貪婪”稱，反對派領導人和他的妻子最近以標價的一小部分住在海法一家酒店的總統套房。內塔尼亞胡否認他知道他收到了折扣並支付了差價。

一位高級利庫德集團 MK 得出結論，最終會轉向內塔尼亞胡，因為“預算就像錘子一樣，也是利庫德集團的分水嶺。”

“如果內塔尼亞胡留下，我認為將會有一場大起義，我們將知道它從哪裡開始。這就是當前的氣氛，我們在反對 Keren Barak 的投票中看到了這一點，他本可以獲勝並成為我們在司法任命委員會的代表，”立法者說。

得到內塔尼亞胡支持的巴拉克在無記名投票中被 MK Orly Levy-Abekasis 擊敗，成為該黨司法任命委員會的候選人，此舉被廣泛視為對反對派領導人的打擊。Levy-Abekasis 然後輸了了擔任該小組反對派立法代表的投票。

比坦週三表示，該黨“屬於反對派，前部長們不知道他們的立場。” 儘管他支持內塔尼亞胡，但比坦領導了反對巴拉克的投票，當他被反對派領導人傳喚譴責時，比坦告訴內塔尼亞胡，“我會繼續批評你。”

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與此同時，雷格夫在定於週五全文發表的一次採訪中告訴 Yedioth Ahronoth 報，是時候改變利庫德集團的領導層了，應該遠離德系猶太人。

Miri Regev 於 2021 年 4 月 12 日在耶路撒冷。 (Olivier Fitoussi/Flash90)

Regev 指出，在該國存在的 73 年中，儘管大多數利庫德集團成員屬於長期被邊緣化的社區，但以色列的大多數高級職位尚未由 Mizrahi（或“東方”）猶​​太人擔任.

“這裡出了點問題，必須改變利庫德集團才能改變它。只有利庫德集團，”雷格夫說。“沒有米茲拉希總理，這是真的。但也要看看利庫德集團的高級成員——他們都是德系猶太人：比比 [內塔尼亞胡]、[尼爾]巴爾卡特、[約阿夫]加蘭特、卡茨。”

巴爾卡特和卡茨以及埃德爾斯坦都表示有興趣在未來接管該黨的領導權。

然而，在成人禮上，一些利庫德集團成員對內塔尼亞胡起義的言論潑了冷水，

“在內塔尼亞胡組建政府失敗後，這些英雄在哪裡？” 一個說。“那他們為什麼不站出來把他趕下台呢？內塔尼亞胡是在等待阿里爾·沙龍離開這個職位，還是站起來把他趕出去（2005 年）？”

Ex-ministers and MKs slam former PM for not relinquishing leadership, dooming them to opposition; Miri Regev says time for party to move away from Ashkenazi men as leaders

By SHALOM YERUSHALMI Today, 11:40 am

Benjamin Netanyahu speaks to right-wing opposition party members a day after a new government was sworn in, at the Knesset in Jerusalem, June 14, 2021. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)

A number of senior members of the Likud party, among them former ministers, have expressed anger at former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu for leading them into the opposition, with increasing talk of an uprising against him.

Likud lawmaker and former minister Israel Katz publicly attacked both Netanyahu and Defense Minister Benny Gantz this week, blaming them for the failure of their short-lived power-sharing government to pass a budget.

“Israel Katz is frustrated,” Finance Minister Avigdor Liberman said this week. “One day he rags on me, another day on his party chairman [Netanyahu], another day on Benny Gantz.”

Liberman made the comments after Katz’s latest attack on the Finance Ministry, once under Katz’s leadership, claiming that Liberman was using plans he had drawn up and was now seeking credit for them.

But Katz is not the only senior Likud member who is frustrated. Several others are also trying to break through the background noise but don’t know how to do so — politicians who have been waiting for decades to assume the Likud party leadership, but don’t see that happening any time soon.

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They see the idea of their party being in the government rather than the opposition moving further and further away, and the struggles against the coalition, with long hours of overnight filibusters, are not changing anything.

Likud MK Israel Katz speaks during a Conference of Heads of Local Authorities, in Ramat Negev, southern Israel, July 22, 2021. (Flash90)

They almost unanimously admit that the budget will pass by the November 4 deadline, meaning the current coalition will survive and they are doomed to a long period, perhaps even years, in opposition.

On Tuesday, some of them were heard for the first time alleging that Netanyahu was the man who led them into this situation, and that therefore he is the one who should pay the price.

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The conversation took place at the bat mitzvah of the daughter of key Likud activist Rami Taib, who has been indicted for his alleged role in Case 3000, the submarine affair, which revolves around allegations of a massive bribery scheme in Israel’s multi-billion-shekel purchase of naval vessels from a German shipbuilder.

Taib is a former political adviser to then-energy minister Yuval Steinitz, as well as to former coalition leaders David Amsalem and David Bitan.

The bat mitzvah was attended by almost all Likud lawmakers and former ministers, including Katz, Miri Regev, Steinitz, Yuli Edelstein, Amsalem and Yariv Levin, all sitting at the main table.

Then-prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu with Yuli Edelstein and Yariv Levin at the Likud party faction meeting at the Knesset on April 30, 2019 (Noam Revkin Fenton/Flash90)

Although Netanyahu himself was not there, he was a main topic of conversation, and without bodyguards, aides or drivers listening in, the senior members of the party felt they were able to speak freely, Zman Yisrael, The Times of Israel’s Hebrew sister site, has learned.

One former senior minister said that “instead of sitting in government we are sitting at weddings.”

The former minister’s argument revolved around Netanyahu’s failure to pass a budget so as to prevent Gantz from becoming prime minister as required in their coalition deal, as this was the sole scenario under which Netanyahu would not have to step aside as premier if new elections were called. The coalition agreement stated that if a two-year 2020-21 budget failed to pass, elections would automatically take place.

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“We all should be ministers today, with only Netanyahu having to move,” said another former minister. “What a terrible mistake. We are suckers. I don’t know why we agreed to help bring about this [situation].”

One minister attacked Netanyahu’s refusal to hand over the reins of the party leadership to Katz, who wanted to form a government and keep the party in government. Katz said last month that he would have had no problem putting together a right-wing coalition following the last elections, had Netanyahu relinquished the party leadership instead of dooming the faction to the opposition.

“Netanyahu was willing to give the job to [Prime Minister] Naftali Bennett, to Gideon Sa’ar, to anyone else,” said one former minister. “Just not to any of us. He could not see any of us moving up through the Likud ranks alongside him to a more senior position. He was afraid he would be threatened.

“This is not a leader who cares about Likud; he is a leader who cares about himself,” the minister charged.

Those sitting at the table also talked about what one lawmaker termed “Netanyahu’s greediness,” in the context of a report that the opposition leader and his wife recently stayed in the presidential suite of a Haifa hotel for a fraction of the listed price. Netanyahu denied he knew he had received the discount and had since paid the difference.

A senior Likud MK concluded that the tables would eventually be turned on Netanyahu because “the budget is like a hammer blow and is also a watershed for Likud.”

“If Netanyahu stays, I think there will be a general uprising and we will know where it began. This is the current atmosphere and we saw it in the vote against Keren Barak, who could have won and been our representative on the Judicial Appointments Committee,” the lawmaker said.

Barak, who was backed by Netanyahu, was defeated by MK Orly Levy-Abekasis in a secret ballot to be the party’s nominee for the Judicial Appointments Committee, in a move widely seen as a blow to the opposition leader. Levy-Abekasis then lost the vote to serve as the legislative representative of the opposition on the panel.

Bitan said Wednesday that the party “is in the opposition and former ministers don’t know where they stand.” Despite his support for Netanyahu, Bitan led the vote against Barak and when he was summoned by the opposition leader for a reprimand, Bitan told Netanyahu that “I will continue to criticize you.”

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Regev, meanwhile, in an interview set to be published in full on Friday, told the Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper that it was time for a change in the Likud party’s leadership, which should move away from Ashkenazi men.

Miri Regev in Jerusalem, on April 12, 2021. (Olivier Fitoussi/Flash90)

Regev noted that in the 73 years of the country’s existence, most senior roles in Israel have yet to be held by a Mizrahi (or “Eastern”) Jew, despite the fact that the majority of Likud party members belong to the long-marginalized community.

“Something is wrong here, and Likud must be changed to change it. Only Likud,” Regev said. “There has been no Mizrahi prime minister, this is true. But also look at the senior members of Likud — all of them are Ashkenazi men: Bibi [Netanyahu], [Nir] Barkat, [Yoav] Gallant, Katz.”

Barkat and Katz, along with Edelstein, have shown an interest in taking over the leadership of the party in the future.

However, at the bat mitzvah, some Likud members poured cold water on the talk of an uprising against Netanyahu,

“Where were these heroes after Netanyahu failed to form a government?” one said. “Why then did they not stand up to oust him? Did Netanyahu wait for Ariel Sharon to vacate the post, or did he stand up to throw him out [in 2005]?”

隨著黎巴嫩的崩潰，真主黨變得更加膽大妄為

黎巴嫩正越來越深地陷入經濟和社會的黑洞，雖然真主黨無法倖免於這場危機，但它仍然能夠玩火攻擊以色列。

作者：安娜·阿羅海姆

2021 年 8 月 12 日 19:56

5 月，真主黨領導人哈桑·納斯魯拉 (Hassan Nasrallah) 的支持者聚集在黎巴嫩與以色列邊境附近的摩托車車隊中，紀念“抵抗和解放日”。

（照片來源：AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS）

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一周前，火箭警報警報器提醒以色列人注意黎巴嫩崩潰的危險：膽大的真主黨向以色列北部發射了20 枚火箭。

黎巴嫩和敘利亞邊界沿線的以色列北部社區，包括 Ein Kuniya、Neveh Ativ 和 Snir，靠近黎巴嫩和敘利亞北部邊界，發射了火箭警報器。

鐵穹導彈防禦系統攔截了 10 枚火箭，其中 6 枚落在黎巴嫩邊境多夫山附近的空地上。其他人落入黎巴嫩境內。

火箭發射是自 5 月以來的第六次此類事件，但迄今為止，這是真主黨稱其發射的最嚴重也是第一次。

黎巴嫩國家的崩潰在以色列國防軍中被視為對什葉派恐怖組織的製約因素，但在火箭發射前不到一個月給予記者的評估現在已經動搖了。

在一次演講中，真主黨秘書長哈桑·納斯魯拉警告以色列不要認為該組織過於關注黎巴嫩的內部危機。它仍然有 130,000-150,000 枚火箭和導彈瞄準以色列，準備在下達命令時發射。

黎巴嫩正越來越深地陷入經濟和社會的黑洞，雖然真主黨無法倖免於這場危機，但它仍然能夠玩火攻擊以色列。

但它聲稱保衛的國家正在瓦解，數月來嚴重的燃料短缺導致加油站排長隊，家庭難以將食物擺上餐桌，該國的供水系統瀕臨崩潰，基本藥物耗盡。

貝魯特曾被稱為“中東的巴黎”，但隨著發電機的電力耗盡，貝魯特陷入了數小時的黑暗之中。

儘管黎巴嫩已經一年多沒有政府，但該國的統治政治精英逃避了各種形式的責任——無論是去年致命的貝魯特港爆炸還是該國的局勢。

伴隨著這種混亂，真主黨已經介入以填補空白。

這個由伊朗支持的團體擁有巨大的政治和軍事實力，是黎巴嫩南部事實上的統治者。但該組織也被視為該國災難性局勢的原因之一，黎巴嫩南部的居民不再對他們對真主黨的憤怒保持沉默。

當向以色列開火的牢房駛過 Hasbaya 區 Shwaya 的 Druze 村時，攝像頭上看到居民們停下了卡車，並用力強迫其中的人上車。其中一名後來被以色列國防軍確認為 Ali Kajak，據說他不屬於黎巴嫩什葉派恐怖組織。

在周日的彌撒中，黎巴嫩有影響力的馬龍派天主教宗主教 Bechara Boutros Al-Rai 敦促黎巴嫩軍隊“為了黎巴嫩而對抗真主黨。

“我們呼籲與國際部隊一起負責南部安全的黎巴嫩軍隊控制整個南部土地……防止從黎巴嫩領土發射導彈，而不是為了以色列的安全，而是黎巴嫩的安全，”黎巴嫩國家通訊社援引他的話說。

但黎巴嫩武裝部隊感受到了經濟崩潰的壓力，甚至減少了在該國南部的巡邏，以配給燃料。儘管 LAF 已被 IDF 視為邊界沿線的約束力量，但它也不能倖免於真主黨的壓力。

以色列國防軍高級軍官告訴耶路撒冷郵報，雖然他們不認為 LAF 是他們的敵人，但某些元素肯定與真主黨合作。

一個明顯的例子是向以色列開火的所有四名真主黨恐怖分子——包括 Kajak——以及他們使用的移動火箭發射器和卡車被釋放。《今日東方》援引一名黎巴嫩軍官的話說，他們是根據法官的命令獲釋的。

法院甚至沒有等一個星期。

納斯魯拉說，該組織採取行動保護黎巴嫩，這就是它上週對以色列發動襲擊的原因。

其他五輪火箭發射導致以色列向發射場發射砲彈進行報復。即使在“無名巴勒斯坦團體”向基里亞特什莫納鎮發射三枚火箭後，以色列國防軍發射了 100 多枚砲彈，該團體也能夠坐下來接受它。

但是，當以色列空軍襲擊了一條巴勒斯坦團體使用過的道路時，這對真主黨來說太過分了。

真主黨的許多能力及其大部分基礎設施都與黎巴嫩的民用基礎設施交織在一起。儘管以色列在第二次黎巴嫩戰爭期間沒有攻擊黎巴嫩的基礎設施，但以色列官員一再警告說，民用基礎設施現在是以色列空軍打擊的合法目標。

納斯魯拉在談到空襲時說：“幾天前發生的事情非常危險，而且這種事態發展已經 15 年沒有發生了。”

“對以色列空襲的反應必須迅速，否則它就會失去價值，”他繼續說道，並補充說火箭彈幕“旨在鞏固威懾力量。”

但是，在以色列國防軍或真主黨看來，這種“威懾方程式”不僅僅是脆弱的。這就是為什麼以色列國防軍沒有對大規模火箭齊射進行報復，至少沒有公開報復。

在總理納夫塔利·貝內特、國防部長本尼·甘茨、以色列國防軍參謀長中將舉行的形勢評估期間。Aviv Kohavi 和其他高級官員，很可能考慮過嚴厲的回應。

但由於國際社會現在關注伊朗以及火箭發射前一周發生的對默瑟街的致命襲擊，以色列明白其安全機動的空間有限。

伊朗仍然是以色列的主要焦點，它希望國際社會了解伊朗在繼續加速其核計劃的過程中對整個世界構成的威脅。

但不僅如此。隨著黎巴嫩繼續崩潰，以色列發現自己處於一個更加動蕩的戰場，其中一個陣線的升級——無論是加沙地帶的哈馬斯、敘利亞還是西岸——可能會導致其他陣線的爆發。

在周三訪問以色列國防軍北部司令部期間，甘茨警告說，雖然以色列願意向其北部鄰國提供援助，但它仍與北部鄰國處於正式交戰狀態，但它不會接受沿邊界的持續攻擊。

“黎巴嫩的危機是毀滅性的。以色列國呼籲國際社會援助黎巴嫩。我們也願意提供幫助。但是，我們不會讓黎巴嫩的悲劇越過邊界進入以色列，”他說，並補充說：“我們很清楚真主黨企圖以犧牲黎巴嫩公民的安全和生計為代價來利用局勢——在直接影響下伊朗。”

以色列和真主黨都公開聲明，他們不尋求升級。儘管如此，只需要一枚火箭或一次空襲就可以摧毀邊境沿線 15 年的相對平靜，並使該地區陷入一場致命的戰爭。

As Lebanon crumbles, Hezbollah becomes even more emboldened

Lebanon is falling deeper and deeper into an economic and social black hole, and while Hezbollah is not immune to that crisis, it is still able to play with fire and attack Israel.

By ANNA AHRONHEIM

AUGUST 12, 2021 19:56

SUPPORTERS OF Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah gather in a convoy of motorbikes marking ‘Resistance and Liberation Day’, near the Lebanese border with Israel, in May.

(photo credit: AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS)

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It’s been a week since rocket-warning sirens alerted Israelis to the dangers of the collapse of Lebanon: a salvo of 20 rockets fired by an emboldened Hezbollah toward northern Israel.

Rocket-warning sirens were activated in northern Israeli communities along the Lebanese and Syrian borders, including Ein Kuniya, Neveh Ativ, and Snir, near the northern border with Lebanon and Syria.

The Iron Dome missile defense system intercepted 10 rockets, with six falling in open areas near Mount Dov on the Lebanese border. The others fell inside Lebanon.

The rocket fire was the sixth such event since May but by far the most serious and the first time that Hezbollah said that it had fired.

THE CRUMBLING of the Lebanese state was seen in the IDF as a restraining factor against the Shi’ite terrorist group, but that assessment given to reporters less than a month before the rocket fire has now been shaken.

In a speech, Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah warned Israel against thinking that the group is too preoccupied with Lebanon’s internal crisis. It still has its arsenal of 130,000-150,000 rockets and missiles aimed at Israel, ready to fire when the order is given.

Lebanon is falling deeper and deeper into an economic and social black hole, and while Hezbollah is not immune to that crisis, it is still able to play with fire and attack Israel.

But the country that it claims to defend is disintegrating, with months of severe fuel shortages prompting long lines at gas stations, families struggling to put food on the table, the country’s water system on the verge of collapse and essential medications running out.

Beirut, once dubbed “the Paris of the Middle East,” is plunged into darkness for hours as generators run out of power.

Though Lebanon has been without a government for over a year, the country’s ruling political elite escapes from all forms of accountability – be it for last year’s deadly Beirut Port blast or the situation of the country.

And with that chaos, Hezbollah has stepped in to fill the void.

The Iranian-backed group has immense political and military strength and is the de facto ruler of south Lebanon. But the group is also seen as one of the causes of the country’s devastating situation, and residents in south Lebanon are no longer silent about their anger toward Hezbollah.

As the cell that fired at Israel drove through the Druze village of Shwaya, Hasbaya district, residents were seen on camera stopping the truck and violently forcing the occupants into a car. One of them, later identified by the IDF as Ali Kajak, is heard saying that he does not belong to the Lebanese Shi’ite terrorist group.

And during his Sunday mass, Lebanon’s influential Maronite Catholic Patriarch Bechara Boutros Al-Rai urged Lebanon’s army to “confront Hezbollah for the sake of Lebanon.

“We call upon the Lebanese army, which is responsible with the international forces for the security of the south, to take control of the entire lands of the south… to prevent the launching of missiles from Lebanese territory, not for the sake of Israel’s safety, but, rather, for the safety of Lebanon,” he was quoted as saying by Lebanon’s National News Agency.

But the Lebanese Armed Forces is feeling the pressure from the economic collapse, and has even reduced its patrols in the south of the country in order to ration fuel. Though LAF has been seen by the IDF as a restraining force along the border, it is not immune to Hezbollah’s pressure.

Senior IDF officers have told The Jerusalem Post that while they don’t consider the LAF their enemy, there are certain elements that definitely collaborate with Hezbollah.

One clear example was the release of all four Hezbollah terrorists who had fired on Israel – including Kajak – along with the mobile rocket launcher and the truck they used. A Lebanese army official was quoted by L’Orient Today as saying that they had been released on the order of a judge.

The courts didn’t even wait a week.

Nasrallah said that the group acts to protect Lebanon, and that’s why it carried out the attack against Israel last week.

The other five rounds of rocket fire led to Israel retaliating by firing artillery shells toward the launch sites. Even when the IDF fired over 100 artillery shells after “unnamed Palestinian groups” fired three rockets toward the town of Kiryat Shmona, the group was able to sit back and take it.

But, when the Israel Air Force struck a road that had been used by the Palestinian groups, that was too much for Hezbollah.

Many of Hezbollah’s capabilities and much of its infrastructure are intertwined with the civilian infrastructure of Lebanon. And though Israel refrained from striking Lebanese infrastructure during the Second Lebanon War, Israeli officials have warned repeatedly that civilian infrastructure is now a legitimate target for IAF strikes.

“What happened days ago was very dangerous and a development that did not happen for 15 years,” Nasrallah said, referring to the airstrikes.

“It was necessary for the response to the Israeli airstrike to be quick, or else it would have lost its value,” he continued, adding that the rocket barrage “was aimed at consolidating the equation of deterrence.”

But that “equation of deterrence,” as seen by the IDF or Hezbollah, is more than fragile. And that’s why the IDF did not retaliate, at least not overtly, for the massive rocket salvo.

During situational assessments held by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, Defense Minister Benny Gantz, IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Aviv Kohavi and other senior officials, it’s likely that harsh responses were considered.

But with the international community focused right now on Iran and the deadly attack against the Mercer Street that happened a week before the rocket fire, Israel understood that it had limited space to safely maneuver.

Iran remains Israel’s main focus, and it wants the international community to understand the threat Iran poses to the entire world as it continues to accelerate its nuclear program.

But it’s not only that. As Lebanon continues to crumble, Israel is finding itself in a much more volatile theater, where an escalation with one front – be it Hamas in the Gaza Strip or Syria or even the West Bank – will likely cause a flare-up on other fronts.

During a tour of the IDF’s Northern Command on Wednesday, Gantz warned that while Israel is willing to provide aid to its northern neighbor, with which it is still officially at war, it would not accept continued attacks along the border.

“The crisis in Lebanon is devastating. The State of Israel calls on the international community to aid Lebanon. We are also willing to provide assistance. However, we will not let the tragedy in Lebanon cross the border into Israel,” he said, adding: “We are well aware of Hezbollah’s attempts to exploit the situation at the expense of the safety and livelihoods of Lebanese citizens – under the direct influence of Iran.”

Both Israel and Hezbollah have publicly declared that they do not seek an escalation. Nevertheless, it takes only one rocket or one airstrike to destroy the 15 years of relative quiet along the border and send the region into a deadly war.

是什麼驅使黎巴嫩少數民族反對真主黨？

黎巴嫩在什葉派統治數十年之後分崩離析，黎巴嫩其他地區再次聞到軟弱的味道。

作者：AMOTZ ASA-EL

2021 年 8 月 12 日 19:36

上週，黎巴嫩馬龍派大主教 Bechara Boutros al-Rahi 在災難週年紀念日主持了一場悼念貝魯特港爆炸遇難者的彌撒。

（照片來源：AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS）

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我們的未來就像銀行業的蘇伊士運河”，一位自豪的黎巴嫩財政部長皮埃爾·埃德曾告訴《紐約時報》。

那是 1965 年的冬天，這個仍然被譽為中東瑞士的國家到處都是遊客，他們擠滿了滑雪勝地、美食餐廳、豪華賭場和豪華酒店。

在這個鍍金的黎巴嫩經營著一百家不同的銀行，其中包括強大的美國、瑞士和法國公司。遍布 64 家夜總會，放蕩的貝魯特是保守的阿拉伯世界的拉斯維加斯、芝加哥和紐約，這是一個充滿活力的大都市，大筆資金在那裡存入、借出和消費，就像現在在特拉維夫和迪拜一樣。

那是那時。現在，雪松之地是阿拉伯亞特蘭蒂斯，被政治衰敗、經濟災難和民族絕望淹沒。

這就是黎巴嫩村民上週在 18 公里外的德魯茲鎮 Chouya 阻止真主黨恐怖分子乘坐火箭發射卡車抵達的背景。梅圖拉東北部。一天結束時，眼珠子哈桑·納斯魯拉 (Hassan Nasrallah) 說：“如果我們能從我們的家中瞄準選定的區域，我們就可以，但我們想瞄準以色列的特定區域。”

拿破崙不用去想，從不同的什葉派城鎮也可以進行同樣的測距，不用馬基雅維利也能意識到，納斯魯拉從德魯茲人的村莊開火是希望讓以色列的報復打擊其他人的羊群。

這就是黎巴嫩的運作方式，一個氏族、教派和部落超過社會、民族和國家的國家，以至於里拉已成為無法供應電力、燃料和麵包的政府的紙幣，更不用說工作。

專家們現在想知道德魯茲的反應可能會導致什麼。雖然在短期內很重要，但從長遠來看並不重要，因為黎巴嫩的拯救不在於其宗派結構的重新排列，而在於它的消失。

黎巴嫩德魯茲的宗派決鬥歷史可以追溯到 1860 年，當時這個山區人口屠殺了馬龍派基督徒，1983 年德魯茲軍隊佔領了數十個馬龍派村莊並殺害了大約 1,500 名基督徒，這種不和再次爆發。

這兩個社區後來和解了，但他們仍然配備了傳感器，可以告訴他們另一個少數群體何時可能被毆打。這就是德魯茲人在 1983 年襲擊基督徒的原因，也是 1982 年基督徒襲擊巴勒斯坦人的原因。

現在，黎巴嫩在經歷了數十年的什葉派霸道後分崩離析，黎巴嫩其他地區再次聞到了軟弱的味道。

這就是讓那些德魯茲村民與納斯魯拉的槍手對抗的原因，這也是馬龍教宗主教 Bechara Boutros al-Rahi 上週日呼籲將黎巴嫩南部轉移到黎巴嫩軍隊指揮部“並防止從黎巴嫩領土發射導彈”的原因。

在黎巴嫩這樣說話需要膽量，甚至比族長在他之前呼籲真主黨加入他的社區宣布黎巴嫩“中立”時表現出的膽量還要大，這個想法對納斯魯拉來說就像槍支管制對國民黨一樣令人愉快步槍協會。

顯然，曾經統治黎巴嫩的少數派精神領袖普遍認為，黎巴嫩的經濟衰退、金融崩潰和政治癱瘓是納斯魯拉及其伊朗經營者的錯。

從黎巴嫩近代的統治方式來看，現在開始聚集的是其他社區的政治圍攻，希望鎮壓什葉派的統治，以免它成為納斯魯拉心目中的霸權。

這就是上世紀基督教霸權所發生的事情，也是本世紀遜尼派統治發生的事情，當時自 1960 年代以來最有效的黎巴嫩總理拉菲克·哈里裡在貝魯特市中心被殺。

因此，納斯魯拉麵臨的壓力勢必會增加並導致黎巴嫩政治的典型混合談判、癱瘓和暴力。它最終可能會削弱什葉派的影響力，但它不會拯救黎巴嫩，黎巴嫩將繼續被現代阿拉伯悲劇的三大幽靈：帝國主義、部落主義和原教旨主義所困擾。

自 1958 年黎巴嫩總統卡米爾·夏蒙（Camille Chamoun）邀請美國入侵以來，黎巴嫩一直是其他人民戰爭的戰場，因為擔心他的國家會被新成立的阿拉伯-埃及聯盟接管。

黎巴嫩隨後被敘利亞接管，黎巴嫩是大敘利亞的一部分，後來黎巴嫩與伊朗的相遇讓位於，因為它是伊斯蘭帶的一部分，阿亞圖拉將伸向中東。

這一切可能發生在黎巴嫩的原因是部落和信仰聯盟的內在不團結，外國勢力很容易相互對抗。

當前的政治體制將立法機構分為 11 個不同的宗教團體，每個團體都有固定數量的立法者。選民只能在這個預設結構內選出候選人，而總統永遠是基督徒，總理永遠是遜尼派，議會議長永遠是什葉派。

這是一個政治卡特爾，它不鼓勵功績，並尊崇使宗派領導權由父親傳給兒子的部落主義，就像遜尼派哈里裡派、德魯茲朱姆布拉特派和基督教杰馬耶斯派、夏蒙派和弗蘭吉派一樣。黎巴嫩因此成為一個相互不信任、不合為一個國家、也不能作為一個國家運作的諸侯國的彙編。

為了站穩腳跟，黎巴嫩人必須擺脫這種制度，讓任何選民選舉任何公民擔任任何職務。只有到那時，當它成為所有公民的真正國家時，黎巴嫩才能開始漫長的建國之路，恢復其失去的繁榮，並恢復其領導人在海底領導的亞特蘭蒂斯號。

www.MiddleIsrael.net

作者的暢銷書Mitzad Ha'ivelet Ha'yehudi（猶太愚人行軍，Yediot Sefarim，2019 年）是一部從古代到現代的猶太人領導權的修正主義歷史。

What drives pushback against Hezbollah from Lebanon's minorities?

With Lebanon falling apart after decades of Shi’ite domineering, the rest of Lebanon is smelling weakness yet again.

By AMOTZ ASA-EL

AUGUST 12, 2021 19:36

LEBANESE MARONITE Patriarch Bechara Boutros al-Rahi last week leads a mass in memory of the victims of the Beirut Port explosion on the anniversary of the disaster.

(photo credit: AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS)

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Our future is as the Suez [Canal] of banking” a proud Lebanese finance minister Pierre Edde once told The New York Times.

It was winter 1965, and the country that was still celebrated as the Switzerland of the Middle East was brimming with tourists who packed its ski resorts, gourmet restaurants, glitzy casinos and luxury hotels.

A hundred different banks operated in that gilded Lebanon, including powerful American, Swiss and French firms. Studded with 64 nightclubs, licentious Beirut was a conservative Arab world’s Las Vegas, Chicago and New York, an electrifying metropolis where big money was deposited, lent and spent the way it now is in Tel Aviv and Dubai.

That was then. Now the Land of the Cedars is the Arab Atlantis, drowned by political decay, economic disaster and national despair.

This is the backdrop against which Lebanese villagers last week blocked Hezbollah terrorists who arrived with a rocket-launching truck in Chouya, a Druze town 18 km. northeast of Metulla. By day’s end, an eye-rolling Hassan Nasrallah canted: “If we could target the selected area from our homes, we would have, but we wanted to target a specific area in Israel.”

It takes no Napoleon to figure that the same ranging could have been done from a variety of Shi’ite towns, and it takes no Machiavelli to realize that in firing from a Druze village Nasrallah was hoping to make Israel’s retaliation hit someone else’s flock.

That is how things work in Lebanon, a country where clan, sect and tribe outweigh society, nation and state, so much so that the lira has become the paper money of a government that fails to supply electricity, fuel and bread, not to mention jobs.

Experts now wonder where the Druze response might lead. While important in the short term, in the long run it doesn’t matter because Lebanon’s salvation lies not in its sectarian structure’s rearrangement, but in its disappearance.

LEBANON’S DRUZE have a history of sectarian duels harking back to 1860, when this mountainous population slaughtered Maronite Christians, a feud that re-erupted in 1983 when Druze forces overran dozens of Maronite villages and killed some 1,500 Christians.

The two communities later reconciled, but they remain equipped with the sensors that tell them when another minority might be ripe for a beating. That is what made the Druze attack the Christians in 1983, and that is what made the Christians attack the Palestinians in 1982.

Now, with Lebanon falling apart after decades of Shi’ite domineering, the rest of Lebanon is smelling weakness yet again.

That is what made those Druze villagers confront Nasrallah’s gunners, and that is what made Maronite Patriarch Bechara Boutros al-Rahi call last Sunday for the transfer of southern Lebanon to the Lebanese Army’s command “and to prevent the launching of missiles from Lebanese territory.”

It takes guts to talk this way in Lebanon, even more guts than the patriarch displayed in his previous calls on Hezbollah to join his community in declaring Lebanon “neutral,” an idea that to Nasrallah is about as agreeable as gun control is to the National Rifle Association.

Clearly, the spiritual leader of the minority that once dominated Lebanon voices widespread feelings that Lebanon’s economic demise, financial meltdown and political paralysis are the fault of Nasrallah and his Iranian operators.

Judging by the way Lebanon has been run in recent generations, what will now begin to gather is a political siege by the other communities in the hope of suppressing the Shi’ite domination, lest it become the hegemony Nasrallah has in mind.

That is what happened last century to the Christian hegemony and that is what happened this century to the Sunni domination that was evolving when Rafik Hariri, the most effective Lebanese prime minister since the 1960s, was slain in downtown Beirut.

The pressure on Nasrallah is therefore set to grow and generate Lebanese politics’ typical mixture of negotiation, paralysis, and violence. It may ultimately diminish Shi’ite clout, but it won’t save Lebanon, which will continue to be haunted by the modern Arab tragedy’s three ghosts: Imperialism, tribalism, and fundamentalism.

LEBANON HAS been a battleground for other people’s wars since 1958, when its president, Camille Chamoun, invited an American invasion, fearing his country’s takeover by the newly formed Arab-Egyptian union.

Lebanon’s subsequent takeover by Syria, for which Lebanon was part of Greater Syria, later made way for Lebanon’s encounter with Iran, for which it is part of the Islamist belt the ayatollahs are out to stretch across the Middle East.

The reason all this could happen to Lebanon is the inherent disunity of a confederation of tribes and faiths that foreign powers so easily pit against each other.

The current political system parcels the legislature among 11 odd religious groups, granting each a fixed number of lawmakers. Voters can only elect candidates within this preset structure, while the president is always a Christian, the prime minister is always Sunni, and the speaker of parliament is always Shi’ite.

It is a political cartel that discourages merit and enshrines the tribalism that makes sectarian leadership pass from father to son, as it did with the Sunni Hariris, the Druze Jumblatts and the Christian Gemayels, Chamouns and Frangiehs. Lebanon thus became a compilation of princedoms that live in mutual mistrust, do not add up to a nation and fail to function as a state.

To stand on their feet, the Lebanese must shed this system and let any voter elect any citizen for any office. Only then, when it becomes a true state of all its citizens, will Lebanon be able to start the long march to nationhood, to the restoration of its lost prosperity and to the retrieval of the Atlantis that its leaders have led undersea.

www.MiddleIsrael.net

The author’s bestselling Mitzad Ha’ivelet Ha’yehudi (The Jewish March of Folly, Yediot Sefarim, 2019), is a revisionist history of the Jewish people’s leadership from antiquity to modernity.

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