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Chinese Covid Lockdowns, Black Economic Dysphoria, Global Crony Capitalism, and the Killing of George Floyd
Introduction.
Out podcast today is titled, Chinese Covid Lockdowns, Black Economic Dysphoria, Global Crony Capitalism, and the Killing of George Floyd, and the podcast is the introduction to a much longer article.
We begin our podcast with the ideological distinction about societal racism revealed in Rush Limbaugh’s discussion with 3 Black media hosts on the Black radio program The Morning Breakfast Club.
Rush explains that he initially sought out the discussion to see if he could find common understanding with Black activists about the killing of George Floyd. Most of his commentary was with one of the three hosts, named Charlamagne tha God, (hereinafter CTG).
The distinction we make, using Rush’s discussion, is the difference between an individualistic perspective and a group-identity collectivist perspective about racism, in the United States.
Those ideological differences are irreconcilable, and we argue that the two ideologies cannot be reconciled, under Madison’s Constitution.
Part of our argument is that the United States, under Madison’s representative republic, ended in the failure of a centralized global elite tyranny, disconnected from the will of the voters.
We make a distinction between the rules of civil procedure in the Constitution of the United States, and the promise of liberty in the American Declaration. The two documents are not connected in Madison’s Constitution.
This is the same distinction between the United States, and the American promise of liberty in the Declaration that Candace Howze writes about in HuffPost.
She states,
“I admit it, the idea of America is super cool. It really sounds amazing and yes, it’s a geographically and culturally influential and beautiful place. But America isn’t really America.”
We agree with her point that the nation of the United States is not the same thing as America.
The founding documents of the new nation were Jefferson’s Declaration, followed by the nation’s first Constitution, The Articles of Confederation, drafted by Thomas Burke, of Hillsborough, N. C., and ratified in 1781. And third, Madison’s Constitution of 1787, followed by the Bill of Rights, in 1791.
Madison organized 38 elites, who met in secret, and executed a quiet coup in replacing the Articles with his Constitution. His rules did not provide a mechanism for citizens to protect their own liberty from the current entrenched elite tyranny.
Only 37 elites signed the Constitution because one elite signed twice, once for himself, and second as a proxy for another elite, not in attendance on the signing day.
Not one common citizen participated in the drafting, and not one common citizen signed the document.
The distinction about the ideology of racism revealed in Rush’s discussion is relevant for the broader distinction in logic between the social construction of reality of socialists and the philosophy of empiricism in Western logic.
In the social construction of reality, the mental image of the cop killing Floyd will never cease to be a useful tool for promoting the socialist agenda because it so perfectly confirms the prior premise that America is a brutal white supremacist society.
We argue that the difference in language and logic between socialists and conservatives is one reason, but not the only reason, why the differences between socialists and conservatives are irreconcilable, under Madison’s Constitution,
As the discussion between Rush and CTG shows, the cultural and moral values of the two-world views, individualism and collectivism, do not connect anywhere. There is no common ideological agreement on the mission of the Nation.
The Black Democrat socialists are correct that the United States must change its economic system, but they are incorrect to argue that the economic change needed is a socialist dictatorship.
The Black socialists will never reject the premise of socialism because their end goal is to replace the existing Constitution with a panel of socialist elites who make judgments about income fairness and justice.
The panel of socialist elites is similar in concept to the non-constitutional authority of Democrat governors to judge what is essential and non-essential, and how long the Covid lockdowns continue.
Rush began his discussion with CTG by making the obligatory genuflection to the murder of Floyd by cops.
Rush states,
“RUSH: ‘Cause I’m fed up with it. (the police killing Black people) I mean, I’m not tolerant of any of them, but I’m fed up with it, Charlamagne. None of this, to me, and I know that you’re gonna disagree with me on this. To me, this is not America.”
CTG responded, not on the topic of the cops killing Floyd, but with a much broader statement about institutional, systemic racism.
CHARLAMAGNE THA GOD: “Oh, no, it’s definitely America.”
Rush interprets racism from the individualistic perspective that individual white people are not racists, and CTG interprets the killing from the perspective that the entire white American society is racist.
Rush makes his case by using the individualistic evidence that white DNA does not contain a gene for racism.
Rush: “White supremacy to me means somebody, a white person who thinks that they’re better, that they’re superior, that the white race is superior based on DNA, based on science. White supremacy and white privilege is a catch- all for the way the country was designed. It’s a way of saying that America as constituted will never be fair, will never be not racist. It’s a way of laying the groundwork for getting rid of the Constitution and transforming the country, starting over into something it was never intended to be.”
CTG does not disagree with Rush about getting rid of the Constitution, but counters with a robust condemnation of the capitalist economic system, that he cites as evidence of systemic, institutional racism.
His main point is that the economic system only works for white privileged people, like Rush.
CTG: “I do think America does work, but it works for the people that it was designed to work for. It doesn’t work for everybody else the way it works for you. Let’s not act like there isn’t 40 million people who have filed for unemployment in America, folks that have been sitting around the last three months waiting on stimulus checks, more than 44% of those people have been denied unemployment checks are still waiting on ’em tocome. People of all races are broke. They don’t know where their next meal is coming from.”
Rush bristled at being called a privileged white person, and noted that he had worked hard for his success, and that if he could do it, anyone could achieve success.
RUSH: “Well, it can work for everyone. That’s the point of America, it can for anybody who wants to adapt to it, for anybody who wants to try to take advantage of the unique opportunities that exist in the United States.We’re the only nation that’s ever enshrined the concept of individual liberty and freedom in our founding documents.”
The error in the statement Rush made is to conflate and combine the American promise of liberty, in Jefferson’s Declaration, with Madison’s civil rules of procedure, of the United States, that permanently stacked the economic deck in favor the natural aristocracy, which eventually ended in the crony corporate globalist tyranny.
Madison feared that the majority of common citizens would use their majority voting power to oppress the minority of wealthy citizens, and his rules for the Senate, the Supreme Court, and runaway slaves, were all part of his grand design to overweight the power of the elite against the common citizens.
While Rush can see and condemn the unelected power of the deep state, he cannot bring himself to extend that condemnation to Madison’s rules, which empowered the deep state crony capitalist system of the Republican Party, which is odd because Rush often cites Codevilla’s work on the American ruling class.
Rush provides the right analysis of Codevilla’s ruling class, but he never identifies the actors who make up the deep state ruling class. Those actors are the corporate military industrial complex, the unelected deep state bureaucrats, and the newly enriched technology information companies.
Combined, those actors constitute the crony corporate capitalist class.
Rush states, that from his individualistic perspective, the collectivist notion of white privilege, and its near cousin, white supremacy, does not exist, as it is applied by Black activists to all white people, collectively.
RUSH: “No, wait a minute, I don’t buy into the notion of white privilege. ‘Cause I hate it, we’re all Americans here and I don’t like the fact that you’re (using the term white privilege)”
The two are talking past each other, and their discussion never connects on a common understanding of racism, or the mission of the Nation.
Rush misses CTG’s ideological point entirely. Without the notion of white privilege, CTG cannot make his extended argument that the capitalist system is systemically racist. And, without the ideology of racism, CTG cannot get to his main goal of eradicating the individualism of capitalism.
CTG: “Here’s the thing. I think that we gotta stop acting like white supremacy isn’t done by design, the whole function of systemic racism is to marginalize black people… So, once again, we need people that are willing to dismantle the mechanism of white supremacy, period. This is America’s fault, and the War on Drugs, mass incarceration, segregation, slavery, all of those things are and have been the proverbial knee on the back of black folks’ neck. And ’til somebody’s willing to dismantle the mechanism of white supremacy, nothin’ is gonna change.”
CTG misses Rush’s ideological point entirely. CTG assumes that the current crony capitalist system is the only form of capitalism. Rush is arguing for a free market entrepreneurial economy, but Rush fails to make the distinction between crony capitalism and entrepreneurial capitalism.
Two days after his conversation with CTG, Rush had an opportunity to reflect on the significance of his call with one of his callers, named Sherry. Rush reverts to his earlier, individualistic interpretation of white supremacy.
Rush: “White supremacy to me means somebody, a white person who thinks that they’re better, that they’re superior, that the white race is superior based on DNA, based on science.I think, Sherry, that white supremacy is another name for hate. And it’s an umbrella under which a number of guilty traits that are alleged to part of being white. It’s a way of laying the groundwork for getting rid of the Constitution and transforming the country, starting over into something it was never intended to be. That’s really what the ultimate purpose of all of these terms is, I believe.”
Rush is correct in his assessment of the end goal of the socialist Black activists, like CTG, is to use the hatred of racism as a weapon to eradicate the Constitution and replace it with a socialist dictatorship.
CTG is correct in his analysis that Madison’s Constitution stacked the deck in favor of the natural aristocracy. CTG is incorrect to argue that the main economic issue to be solved in the United States is racism.
The bigger war to be fought by the Black activists is over the disappearing Black middle class, and fighting against the global corporate, and deep state elites, who use Madison’s rules to distort the flow of economic benefits to themselves.
The bigger issue for CTG to solve, is what type of economic system generates fair economic outcomes for Black people, while preserving individual freedom.
The statement by CTG that the economic system only works for white supremacists, like Rush, needs to be revised slightly. The U. S. economic system only works for Black people when the benefits of economic growth and prosperity are fairly distributed to them, as reward for their work.
The solution to racism is the same as it has always been, since Jefferson’s Declaration: a fair economic system where all individuals are treated as equals, and obtain their just rewards.
Or, to paraphrase the political slogan of agrarian populists, in the 1880s, who confronted the same set of unfair policies as Blacks do today: Equal Rights For All. Special Privileges for None. (Equal Rights For All. Special Privileges for None. Re-examining the Agrarian Arguments Against a Centralized American Government, Laurie Thomas Vass, GabbyPress. 2017.
The solution to racism is more democracy, and more economic freedom, at the most local level of government, not more globalist, centralized tyranny, under Madison’s flawed document.
Oddly, CTG is great at pointing out the flaws in the existing political system, but woefully deficient in offering a compelling economic alternative to crony capitalism for the Black middle class to achieve individual freedom and success.
In the Black social construction of reality, CTG adopts a Pollyanna economic myth that the existing crony capitalist economic structure can be modified to function, like Chinese Communist state capitalism, and that racism will disappear when the agents of government take wealth from the rich and give to the poor.
And, to help CTG imagine that fair economic system, it is not a communist dictatorship of the proletariat. We cite the historical example of Durham’s Black Wall Street, in the 1920s, as the goal of Black economic freedom to achieve financial success.
The most fair economic system that generates fairness and freedom is called competitive free market entrepreneurialism. (The American Millennial Attraction to Socialism. Laurie Thomas Vass. GabbyPress. 2020).
We conclude that the competitive free market entrepreneurial economy cannot be obtained under the existing Constitution, because the ideology of racism, as a tool of Democrat socialists, prohibits authentic discussion between people like Rush Limbaugh and CTG about a better economic system.
This podcast is the introduction of a much longer article, available at the clpnewsnetwork.com
The other sections of the longer article include:
Section 1. The Origins of Modern Racism in the United States.
Section 2. Black Economic Dysphoria Under Global Corporate Capitalism and the Covid Lockdowns.
Section 3. Globalism and the Killing of George Floyd.
Conclusion: Re-connecting a New Constitution to the Principles of Liberty in the Declaration.
The full text and audio of the most recent podcast is available for free at clpnewsnetwork.com. The entire historical text and audio archive of all the CLP News Network podcasts are available for an annual subscription of $30.
I am Laurie Thomas Vass, and this podcast is a copyrighted production of the CLP News Network.
View all episodes
By CLP News Network with Laurie Thomas VassIntroduction.
Out podcast today is titled, Chinese Covid Lockdowns, Black Economic Dysphoria, Global Crony Capitalism, and the Killing of George Floyd, and the podcast is the introduction to a much longer article.
We begin our podcast with the ideological distinction about societal racism revealed in Rush Limbaugh’s discussion with 3 Black media hosts on the Black radio program The Morning Breakfast Club.
Rush explains that he initially sought out the discussion to see if he could find common understanding with Black activists about the killing of George Floyd. Most of his commentary was with one of the three hosts, named Charlamagne tha God, (hereinafter CTG).
The distinction we make, using Rush’s discussion, is the difference between an individualistic perspective and a group-identity collectivist perspective about racism, in the United States.
Those ideological differences are irreconcilable, and we argue that the two ideologies cannot be reconciled, under Madison’s Constitution.
Part of our argument is that the United States, under Madison’s representative republic, ended in the failure of a centralized global elite tyranny, disconnected from the will of the voters.
We make a distinction between the rules of civil procedure in the Constitution of the United States, and the promise of liberty in the American Declaration. The two documents are not connected in Madison’s Constitution.
This is the same distinction between the United States, and the American promise of liberty in the Declaration that Candace Howze writes about in HuffPost.
She states,
“I admit it, the idea of America is super cool. It really sounds amazing and yes, it’s a geographically and culturally influential and beautiful place. But America isn’t really America.”
We agree with her point that the nation of the United States is not the same thing as America.
The founding documents of the new nation were Jefferson’s Declaration, followed by the nation’s first Constitution, The Articles of Confederation, drafted by Thomas Burke, of Hillsborough, N. C., and ratified in 1781. And third, Madison’s Constitution of 1787, followed by the Bill of Rights, in 1791.
Madison organized 38 elites, who met in secret, and executed a quiet coup in replacing the Articles with his Constitution. His rules did not provide a mechanism for citizens to protect their own liberty from the current entrenched elite tyranny.
Only 37 elites signed the Constitution because one elite signed twice, once for himself, and second as a proxy for another elite, not in attendance on the signing day.
Not one common citizen participated in the drafting, and not one common citizen signed the document.
The distinction about the ideology of racism revealed in Rush’s discussion is relevant for the broader distinction in logic between the social construction of reality of socialists and the philosophy of empiricism in Western logic.
In the social construction of reality, the mental image of the cop killing Floyd will never cease to be a useful tool for promoting the socialist agenda because it so perfectly confirms the prior premise that America is a brutal white supremacist society.
We argue that the difference in language and logic between socialists and conservatives is one reason, but not the only reason, why the differences between socialists and conservatives are irreconcilable, under Madison’s Constitution,
As the discussion between Rush and CTG shows, the cultural and moral values of the two-world views, individualism and collectivism, do not connect anywhere. There is no common ideological agreement on the mission of the Nation.
The Black Democrat socialists are correct that the United States must change its economic system, but they are incorrect to argue that the economic change needed is a socialist dictatorship.
The Black socialists will never reject the premise of socialism because their end goal is to replace the existing Constitution with a panel of socialist elites who make judgments about income fairness and justice.
The panel of socialist elites is similar in concept to the non-constitutional authority of Democrat governors to judge what is essential and non-essential, and how long the Covid lockdowns continue.
Rush began his discussion with CTG by making the obligatory genuflection to the murder of Floyd by cops.
Rush states,
“RUSH: ‘Cause I’m fed up with it. (the police killing Black people) I mean, I’m not tolerant of any of them, but I’m fed up with it, Charlamagne. None of this, to me, and I know that you’re gonna disagree with me on this. To me, this is not America.”
CTG responded, not on the topic of the cops killing Floyd, but with a much broader statement about institutional, systemic racism.
CHARLAMAGNE THA GOD: “Oh, no, it’s definitely America.”
Rush interprets racism from the individualistic perspective that individual white people are not racists, and CTG interprets the killing from the perspective that the entire white American society is racist.
Rush makes his case by using the individualistic evidence that white DNA does not contain a gene for racism.
Rush: “White supremacy to me means somebody, a white person who thinks that they’re better, that they’re superior, that the white race is superior based on DNA, based on science. White supremacy and white privilege is a catch- all for the way the country was designed. It’s a way of saying that America as constituted will never be fair, will never be not racist. It’s a way of laying the groundwork for getting rid of the Constitution and transforming the country, starting over into something it was never intended to be.”
CTG does not disagree with Rush about getting rid of the Constitution, but counters with a robust condemnation of the capitalist economic system, that he cites as evidence of systemic, institutional racism.
His main point is that the economic system only works for white privileged people, like Rush.
CTG: “I do think America does work, but it works for the people that it was designed to work for. It doesn’t work for everybody else the way it works for you. Let’s not act like there isn’t 40 million people who have filed for unemployment in America, folks that have been sitting around the last three months waiting on stimulus checks, more than 44% of those people have been denied unemployment checks are still waiting on ’em tocome. People of all races are broke. They don’t know where their next meal is coming from.”
Rush bristled at being called a privileged white person, and noted that he had worked hard for his success, and that if he could do it, anyone could achieve success.
RUSH: “Well, it can work for everyone. That’s the point of America, it can for anybody who wants to adapt to it, for anybody who wants to try to take advantage of the unique opportunities that exist in the United States.We’re the only nation that’s ever enshrined the concept of individual liberty and freedom in our founding documents.”
The error in the statement Rush made is to conflate and combine the American promise of liberty, in Jefferson’s Declaration, with Madison’s civil rules of procedure, of the United States, that permanently stacked the economic deck in favor the natural aristocracy, which eventually ended in the crony corporate globalist tyranny.
Madison feared that the majority of common citizens would use their majority voting power to oppress the minority of wealthy citizens, and his rules for the Senate, the Supreme Court, and runaway slaves, were all part of his grand design to overweight the power of the elite against the common citizens.
While Rush can see and condemn the unelected power of the deep state, he cannot bring himself to extend that condemnation to Madison’s rules, which empowered the deep state crony capitalist system of the Republican Party, which is odd because Rush often cites Codevilla’s work on the American ruling class.
Rush provides the right analysis of Codevilla’s ruling class, but he never identifies the actors who make up the deep state ruling class. Those actors are the corporate military industrial complex, the unelected deep state bureaucrats, and the newly enriched technology information companies.
Combined, those actors constitute the crony corporate capitalist class.
Rush states, that from his individualistic perspective, the collectivist notion of white privilege, and its near cousin, white supremacy, does not exist, as it is applied by Black activists to all white people, collectively.
RUSH: “No, wait a minute, I don’t buy into the notion of white privilege. ‘Cause I hate it, we’re all Americans here and I don’t like the fact that you’re (using the term white privilege)”
The two are talking past each other, and their discussion never connects on a common understanding of racism, or the mission of the Nation.
Rush misses CTG’s ideological point entirely. Without the notion of white privilege, CTG cannot make his extended argument that the capitalist system is systemically racist. And, without the ideology of racism, CTG cannot get to his main goal of eradicating the individualism of capitalism.
CTG: “Here’s the thing. I think that we gotta stop acting like white supremacy isn’t done by design, the whole function of systemic racism is to marginalize black people… So, once again, we need people that are willing to dismantle the mechanism of white supremacy, period. This is America’s fault, and the War on Drugs, mass incarceration, segregation, slavery, all of those things are and have been the proverbial knee on the back of black folks’ neck. And ’til somebody’s willing to dismantle the mechanism of white supremacy, nothin’ is gonna change.”
CTG misses Rush’s ideological point entirely. CTG assumes that the current crony capitalist system is the only form of capitalism. Rush is arguing for a free market entrepreneurial economy, but Rush fails to make the distinction between crony capitalism and entrepreneurial capitalism.
Two days after his conversation with CTG, Rush had an opportunity to reflect on the significance of his call with one of his callers, named Sherry. Rush reverts to his earlier, individualistic interpretation of white supremacy.
Rush: “White supremacy to me means somebody, a white person who thinks that they’re better, that they’re superior, that the white race is superior based on DNA, based on science.I think, Sherry, that white supremacy is another name for hate. And it’s an umbrella under which a number of guilty traits that are alleged to part of being white. It’s a way of laying the groundwork for getting rid of the Constitution and transforming the country, starting over into something it was never intended to be. That’s really what the ultimate purpose of all of these terms is, I believe.”
Rush is correct in his assessment of the end goal of the socialist Black activists, like CTG, is to use the hatred of racism as a weapon to eradicate the Constitution and replace it with a socialist dictatorship.
CTG is correct in his analysis that Madison’s Constitution stacked the deck in favor of the natural aristocracy. CTG is incorrect to argue that the main economic issue to be solved in the United States is racism.
The bigger war to be fought by the Black activists is over the disappearing Black middle class, and fighting against the global corporate, and deep state elites, who use Madison’s rules to distort the flow of economic benefits to themselves.
The bigger issue for CTG to solve, is what type of economic system generates fair economic outcomes for Black people, while preserving individual freedom.
The statement by CTG that the economic system only works for white supremacists, like Rush, needs to be revised slightly. The U. S. economic system only works for Black people when the benefits of economic growth and prosperity are fairly distributed to them, as reward for their work.
The solution to racism is the same as it has always been, since Jefferson’s Declaration: a fair economic system where all individuals are treated as equals, and obtain their just rewards.
Or, to paraphrase the political slogan of agrarian populists, in the 1880s, who confronted the same set of unfair policies as Blacks do today: Equal Rights For All. Special Privileges for None. (Equal Rights For All. Special Privileges for None. Re-examining the Agrarian Arguments Against a Centralized American Government, Laurie Thomas Vass, GabbyPress. 2017.
The solution to racism is more democracy, and more economic freedom, at the most local level of government, not more globalist, centralized tyranny, under Madison’s flawed document.
Oddly, CTG is great at pointing out the flaws in the existing political system, but woefully deficient in offering a compelling economic alternative to crony capitalism for the Black middle class to achieve individual freedom and success.
In the Black social construction of reality, CTG adopts a Pollyanna economic myth that the existing crony capitalist economic structure can be modified to function, like Chinese Communist state capitalism, and that racism will disappear when the agents of government take wealth from the rich and give to the poor.
And, to help CTG imagine that fair economic system, it is not a communist dictatorship of the proletariat. We cite the historical example of Durham’s Black Wall Street, in the 1920s, as the goal of Black economic freedom to achieve financial success.
The most fair economic system that generates fairness and freedom is called competitive free market entrepreneurialism. (The American Millennial Attraction to Socialism. Laurie Thomas Vass. GabbyPress. 2020).
We conclude that the competitive free market entrepreneurial economy cannot be obtained under the existing Constitution, because the ideology of racism, as a tool of Democrat socialists, prohibits authentic discussion between people like Rush Limbaugh and CTG about a better economic system.
This podcast is the introduction of a much longer article, available at the clpnewsnetwork.com
The other sections of the longer article include:
Section 1. The Origins of Modern Racism in the United States.
Section 2. Black Economic Dysphoria Under Global Corporate Capitalism and the Covid Lockdowns.
Section 3. Globalism and the Killing of George Floyd.
Conclusion: Re-connecting a New Constitution to the Principles of Liberty in the Declaration.
The full text and audio of the most recent podcast is available for free at clpnewsnetwork.com. The entire historical text and audio archive of all the CLP News Network podcasts are available for an annual subscription of $30.
I am Laurie Thomas Vass, and this podcast is a copyrighted production of the CLP News Network.