Introduction. 

Out podcast today is titled, Chinese Covid Lockdowns, Black Economic Dysphoria, Global Crony Capitalism, and the Killing of George Floyd, and the podcast is the introduction to a much longer article.

We begin our podcast with the ideological distinction about societal racism revealed in Rush Limbaugh’s discussion with 3 Black media hosts on the Black radio program The Morning Breakfast Club. 

Rush explains that he initially sought out the discussion to see if he could find common understanding with Black activists about the killing of George Floyd. Most of his commentary was with one of the three hosts, named Charlamagne tha God, (hereinafter CTG). 

The distinction we make, using Rush’s discussion, is the difference between an individualistic perspective and a group-identity collectivist perspective about racism, in the United States. 

Those ideological differences are irreconcilable, and we argue that the two ideologies cannot be reconciled, under Madison’s Constitution. 

Part of our argument is that the United States, under Madison’s representative republic, ended in the failure of a centralized global elite tyranny, disconnected from the will of the voters. 

We make a distinction between the rules of civil procedure in the Constitution of the United States, and the promise of liberty in the American Declaration. The two documents are not connected in Madison’s Constitution. 

This is the same distinction between the United States, and the American promise of liberty in the Declaration that Candace Howze writes about in HuffPost. 

She states, 

          “I admit it, the idea of America is super cool. It really sounds amazing and    yes, it’s a geographically and culturally influential and beautiful place. But     America isn’t really America.” 

We agree with her point that the nation of the United States is not the same thing as America. 

The founding documents of the new nation were Jefferson’s Declaration, followed by the nation’s first Constitution, The Articles of Confederation, drafted by Thomas Burke, of Hillsborough, N. C., and ratified in 1781. And third, Madison’s Constitution of 1787, followed by the Bill of Rights, in 1791.

 

Madison organized 38 elites, who met in secret, and executed a quiet coup in replacing the Articles with his Constitution. His rules did not provide a mechanism for citizens to protect their own liberty from the current entrenched elite tyranny.

 

Only 37 elites signed the Constitution because one elite signed twice, once for himself, and second as a proxy for another elite, not in attendance on the signing day.

 

Not one common citizen participated in the drafting, and not one common citizen signed the document.

 

The distinction about the ideology of racism revealed in Rush’s discussion is relevant for the broader distinction in logic between the social construction of reality of socialists and the philosophy of empiricism in Western logic.

 

In the social construction of reality, the mental image of the cop killing Floyd will never cease to be a useful tool for promoting the socialist agenda because it so perfectly confirms the prior premise that America is a brutal white supremacist society.

 

We argue that the difference in language and logic between socialists and conservatives is one reason, but not the only reason, why the differences between socialists and conservatives are irreconcilable, under Madison’s Constitution,

 

As the discussion between Rush and CTG shows, the cultural and moral values of the two-world views, individualism and collectivism, do not connect anywhere. There is no common ideological agreement on the mission of the Nation.

 

The Black Democrat socialists are correct that the United States must change its economic system, but they are incorrect to argue that the economic change needed is a socialist dictatorship.

 

The Black socialists will never reject the premise of socialism because their end goal is to replace the existing Constituti