Nadezhda Krupskaya, a prominent Bolshevik and Lenin's wife, was a leading theorist on education in the early Soviet Union. Her writings emphasize the critical role of education in building socialism and fostering class consciousness among the working masses. Krupskaya advocated for a polytechnical education system that combined academic learning with practical skills to prepare individuals for productive labor and active participation in society.

She critiqued the bourgeois education system for perpetuating class divisions and sought to replace it with a system that emphasized collective values, critical thinking, and the integration of intellectual and manual labor. Krupskaya believed in the transformative power of education to eradicate illiteracy and empower the proletariat, making it a cornerstone of revolutionary change.

Her contributions laid the foundation for Soviet educational policy, focusing on egalitarian access, the alignment of education with socialist ideals, and the creation of a new type of individual committed to collective progress.

Sen Katayama’s The Labor Movement in Japan is a pivotal work analyzing the development of the labor movement in Japan during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Katayama examines the rapid industrialization of Japan following the Meiji Restoration and its impact on the working class. He highlights the harsh conditions faced by laborers, including long hours, low wages, and lack of protections, which laid the groundwork for organized resistance.

Katayama traces the emergence of Japan’s trade unions, workers’ strikes, and early socialist movements, emphasizing their struggles against repression by the state and the capitalists. He also discusses the challenges posed by Japan’s militaristic and imperialistic tendencies, which sought to suppress labor movements in favor of nationalist and capitalist goals.

The text advocates for the international solidarity of workers and the adoption of socialist principles to overcome exploitation and build a more equitable society. Katayama’s work is a critical document in understanding the intersection of labor, socialism, and imperialism in Japan’s history.

Joseph Stalin’s 1952 work, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, addresses the theoretical and practical issues of socialist economic development in the Soviet Union. Stalin explores the transition from socialism to communism, the role of commodity-money relations in a socialist economy, and the need for centralized planning to overcome contradictions inherited from capitalist systems. He emphasizes the importance of advancing heavy industry as the backbone of socialist construction while ensuring the gradual elimination of class distinctions.

Mao Zedong’s commentaries on Stalin’s text, written later, engage critically with Stalin’s conclusions, particularly on the persistence of contradictions under socialism. Mao highlights the dialectical nature of socialist development, emphasizing that contradictions between the people and the state, as well as within the productive forces and relations, continue to exist and drive progress even after the overthrow of capitalism. Mao underscores the necessity of continued class struggle, self-criticism, and vigilance against revisionism to achieve a fully communist society.

Together, the text and Mao’s commentaries provide an in-depth examination of socialist economics, illustrating both Stalin’s theoretical rigor and Mao’s focus on the dynamic, ongoing nature of revolutionary practice.

This work, published in 1948, serves as a response to Western narratives about the origins and development of World War II. Stalin critiques the portrayal of the Soviet Union as complicit in starting the war due to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, emphasizing that the USSR's actions were defensive measures aimed at delaying Nazi aggression and securing its borders. The text accuses Western powers, particularly Britain and France, of appeasement policies that emboldened Hitler, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, which Stalin describes as a betrayal of collective security.

The essay asserts that the USSR was a steadfast advocate for anti-fascist unity and exposes what Stalin perceives as a deliberate distortion of history by capitalist nations to deflect their own culpability. It frames the Soviet Union as a victim of slander and highlights its pivotal role in defeating fascism, calling for vigilance against historical revisionism that undermines the sacrifices of the Soviet people. Stalin's polemic is both a defense of Soviet foreign policy and a broader ideological critique of Western imperialism.

Stalin's *"Marxism and the National Question"* (1913) addresses the role of national identity within the context of Marxist theory, emphasizing how the national question intersects with class struggle and the path to socialism. Stalin defines a nation as a historically constituted, stable community of people with a common language, territory, economic life, and culture. He argues against both the forced assimilation of national groups and the reactionary nationalism that prioritizes national identity over class solidarity.

Stalin critiques bourgeois nationalists for exploiting nationalism to divide workers and prevent class consciousness, while also rejecting cosmopolitanism that ignores the significance of national cultures. He advocates for the self-determination of nations, including the right to secession, as a means to foster unity among proletarian movements by resolving national grievances. However, he insists that the ultimate goal is the unification of workers across nations into a single socialist system, transcending national divisions.

The essay provided a theoretical foundation for the Bolshevik approach to nationalities, combining support for national self-determination with a broader commitment to proletarian internationalism.

"Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder by Vladimir Lenin is a critique of certain ultra-left tendencies within the international communist movement during the early 20th century. Lenin addresses "left-wing" factions that reject participation in parliamentary politics, trade unions, and alliances with non-communist forces, arguing that these positions are immature and counterproductive.

Lenin emphasizes the importance of tactical flexibility and the need for communists to engage with existing political and social structures to win over the working class. He critiques the ultra-left for dismissing these as "compromises," asserting that successful revolution requires understanding the material conditions and using every available opportunity to advance the proletarian cause.

Through historical examples, including the success of the Bolsheviks in Russia, Lenin demonstrates how engagement with diverse groups and strategic compromises were essential in building the revolutionary movement. He warns that dogmatic approaches can isolate communists from the masses and weaken the revolutionary struggle.

The work is both a defense of Marxist pragmatism and a guide to revolutionary strategy, emphasizing the need for discipline, adaptability, and connection with the broader working-class movement. It remains a key text for understanding Leninist approaches to revolutionary politics.

The Civil War in France by Karl Marx is a detailed analysis of the Paris Commune of 1871, which Marx identifies as the first example of the working class taking political power. Written as an address to the International Workingmen's Association, Marx celebrates the Commune as a revolutionary government that sought to dismantle the capitalist state and replace it with a system of direct proletarian rule.

Marx critiques the French bourgeoisie and their collaboration with the Prussian state to suppress the Commune, framing the conflict as a class struggle between the exploitative bourgeoisie and the emancipatory proletariat. He praises the Commune's measures, such as abolishing standing armies, separating church and state, and ensuring workers' control over production. Marx also highlights the Commune's democratic structure, which sought to eliminate hierarchical governance by making officials accountable and recallable.

Though the Commune was brutally suppressed, Marx views it as a critical lesson for future revolutions, emphasizing the necessity of dismantling the bourgeois state apparatus and replacing it with a new form of governance rooted in proletarian self-organization. The text remains a foundational work in Marxist theory, illustrating the potential and challenges of workers' revolutions.

The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky by Vladimir Lenin is a scathing critique of Karl Kautsky, a prominent Marxist theorist who opposed the Bolshevik Revolution. Lenin accuses Kautsky of betraying Marxism by siding with bourgeois democracy over the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.

Lenin defends the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917 as a necessary step toward establishing socialism. He critiques Kautsky for misrepresenting Marx's views on the state, particularly the idea that the working class must dismantle the bourgeois state apparatus and replace it with a dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin argues that Kautsky's preference for parliamentary democracy ignores the class realities of capitalist society, where true democracy for workers is impossible under the domination of the bourgeoisie.

The work emphasizes the importance of revolutionary action, the role of the soviets (workers' councils) as organs of proletarian democracy, and the necessity of suppressing counter-revolutionary forces. Lenin portrays Kautsky as a defender of reformism and compromise, contrasting this with the Bolshevik commitment to the revolutionary transformation of society. The text is both a defense of the October Revolution and a broader critique of opportunism within the socialist movement.

The Right to Be Lazy & Other Studies by Paul Lafargue is a provocative critique of the capitalist work ethic and a defense of leisure as essential to human liberation. Lafargue, a Marxist theorist and son-in-law of Karl Marx, argues that the obsession with productivity and overwork is not a virtue but a form of oppression imposed by capitalism.

In the titular essay, Lafargue dismantles the glorification of labor and the "right to work," showing how they serve to perpetuate exploitation and alienation. He contrasts this with the need for leisure, creativity, and enjoyment, which capitalism suppresses by prioritizing profit over human well-being. Lafargue advocates for reduced working hours, communal ownership of production, and a society where technological advancements are used to liberate people from toil rather than deepen their exploitation.

The collection also includes essays that explore themes like social inequality, class struggle, and the contradictions of capitalist systems. Lafargue's biting wit and utopian vision make the work both a sharp critique of industrial society and a call to reimagine human purpose beyond endless labor. His ideas challenge readers to question whether the pursuit of work serves humanity—or enslaves it.

The re-conquest of Ireland as envisioned by James Connolly was a revolutionary project to reclaim Ireland not just from British colonial rule but from capitalist exploitation. Connolly, a Marxist and leader of the Irish labor movement, argued that true Irish independence required the establishment of a socialist republic. He believed that political freedom without economic emancipation would leave Ireland dominated by native capitalists, merely replacing foreign oppressors with domestic ones.

Connolly tied Ireland's liberation to the working class, asserting that they alone could bring about a society based on equality and solidarity. His vision of re-conquest included nationalizing resources, abolishing private ownership of land, and building a classless society. He saw the fight for Irish freedom and socialism as inseparable, encapsulated in his leadership of the Irish Citizen Army, which united workers and nationalists in armed struggle.

Connolly's ideals came to prominence during the Easter Rising of 1916, where he and his comrades sought to ignite a revolution. Although the rebellion was suppressed, and Connolly was executed, his vision for a socialist Ireland remains influential in Irish political thought. For Connolly, the re-conquest of Ireland was not simply about reclaiming territory but about creating a just and equitable society free from oppression.