Introduction.

Our podcast today is the introduction to a much longer article titled, Counting the Constitution as a COVID Death.

Our podcast uses the CDC distinction made in counting Covid deaths, as it applies to the death of the U. S. Constitution. The Constitution did not die because of Covid, it died with Covid.

The Constitution was already sick, with underlying medical conditions, and resided in a nursing home for old republics.

The Constitution had a weakened immune system, which reduced its ability to withstand an attack from a virulent virus called socialism.

We argue that the Nation is evenly divided between Democrat socialists, who want more socialism, and conservatives, who want nothing to do with socialism.

The broad framework of the differences are individualism versus collectivism, and globalism versus national sovereignty.

Victor Davis Hanson writes,

          “Progressives believe the story of America has most often been one of           discrimination, original sin, and a need for constant repentance and           reparations for a flawed past… Red- and blue-state America was already           divided before the covid epidemic hit. Globalization had enriched the           East    Coast and West Coast corridors but hollowed out much in between.”

Conservatives reject entirely this starting socialist premise about slavery, but endorse Hanson’s interpretation about globalization as one of the irreconcilable differences with socialists..

We do not argue about the credibility or legitimacy of the socialist Covid panic arguments. The socialists are using the Covid public relations panic to promote their desire to implement socialism, and their arguments reveal the stark contrast in ideology with conservatives.

We use the issues raised by the Covid panic to argue that the ideological differences are irreconcilable, and that there is no common language or cultural values that can bridge the differences.

We argue that the current Constitution, of 1787, is incapable of resolving the ideological split because the Constitution is founded on balancing the financial interests between social classes, not on resolving ideological differences between collectivism and individualism.

Madison drafted the Constitution under the assumption that the citizens, both rich and poor, would always value national sovereignty over foreign sovereignty. The death knell of the Constitution sounded when both political parties embraced globalism over national sovereignty.

Madison assumed, as did John Adams, that a national core moral value of individual liberty could be taken for granted, and that the main issue to solve in his constitutional rules was the class conflict between the natural aristocracy and common citizens.

Madison feared the collective voting power of the common citizens, and drafted his rules to avoid the outcome of a tyrannical majority of common citizens from oppressing the virtuous minority of wealthy citizens.

As a result of Madison’s fear of common citizens, the citizens have no constitutional mechanism to overcome the tyranny of the Covid lockdown of socialist governors.

As a result of his focus on checking and balancing financial interests, Madison left out entirely the mechanism for citizens to defend their own liberty, if the minority of wealthy citizens ever gained monopoly power in the government.

His Constitution ended in a centralized tyrannical minority using the Covid panic to oppress the common citizen majority. The only peaceful way out of this conflict is to divide the nation into two new nations.

Madison disconnected his Preamble from the principles of liberty in Jefferson’s Preamble in the Declaration, and it is a myth in recounting the history of America to combine and conflate the ideology of the two documents.

“We hold these truths as self evident,” is not the moral equivalent of “in order to create a more perfect union.”

Adams explained that Madison’s Constitution would only work if the citize