The MAGA and MAHA alliance, not to mention the MAGA base, is in bad shape. Trump himself continues to do some amazing work, but he has moved from supporting the wrong things, mRNA, digital ID, privatized CBDCs, foreign food over American ranchers, and so on. Trump has always been MAGA and America First, but something really seems different and we need to talk about it.

Why is he spending more time attacking MTG than Lindsey Graham? How is that MAGA?

If Trump has ever had a weakness it is the people he surrounds himself with, and that is the best explanation I have at the moment. We know he picked people like Bill Barr and Mike Pence in the past, and my question is whether people like Susie Wiles and Pam Bondi are any better. If it is not them, then what is the problem, because things are not adding up.

That is the heart of this discussion: not a personality fight, but a principle fight.

For years people on our side warned against “infighting” among influencers and grassroots activists. I agreed. I have always tried not to attack my own side.

But what we are seeing now is not a few crank accounts going at each other in comment sections. We are watching the top of the movement start to fracture:

Trump attacking Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (MTG) and Rep. Thomas Massie.

MTG and others responding publicly about threats and rhetoric.

Major pro-Trump influencers like Laura Loomer begging everyone to “stop the infighting” while at the same time taking hard lines on foreign policy fights.

All of these people are, in different ways, MAGA. The question is not whether they are “in the club.” The question is what MAGA even means now.

If the movement forgets its principles, the infighting is a symptom, not the disease.

I use “MAGA” for the political movement and “MAHA” for the medical-freedom, health-freedom alliance that rose up against COVID tyranny and Big Pharma.

At its best, MAGA / MAHA meant:

America First over globalist institutions

Medical freedom and informed consent

Opposition to forced digital control systems

Real justice for corruption and child trafficking

Protecting American workers and producers

So let us ask some hard questions:

Is mRNA MAGA or MAHA?

Is digital ID MAGA?

Are privatized CBDCs and tokenized control systems MAGA?

Is bailing out foreign agriculture while American ranchers struggle MAGA?

Is protecting the powerful from exposure in the Epstein network MAGA?

Those are not side issues. For many of us, they are lines in the sand.

One of the clearest MAHA issues is mRNA.

In 1976, the federal government rolled out a swine flu vaccination campaign. About 24 percent of Americans received the shot before the program was halted. Reports of Guillain–Barré syndrome and at least 25 associated deaths led officials to suspend the program after only a few months.

Compare that to the COVID-19 mRNA rollout:

Pfizer’s own post-authorization safety report (the famous “5.3.6” document, released via FOIA and litigation) recorded 1,223 reported deaths in the first three months after rollout for its vaccine worldwide, based on spontaneous reports to its pharmacovigilance system.

Instead of pulling back, governments around the world expanded mandates, marketing, and pressure.

Whatever you think about causation in any given case, the point is simple:

Any other product with that kind of early safety signal would have been pulled or frozen.

Yet mRNA shots were treated as untouchable. Many of us spent years in the trenches fighting mandates, hospital protocols, and censorship. To then watch a Trump aligned administration continue to praise Operation Warp Speed and keep mRNA on the shelves feels like a betrayal of what MAHA fought for.

You cannot be a medical-freedom movement and pretend this does not matter.

The damage from COVID policy is not only medical, it is legal and structural.

Under the PREP Act, the federal government granted sweeping liability immunity to manufacturers and administrators of COVID-19 countermeasures, including vaccines and certain drugs, so long as they were used under the emergency framework. HHS has repeatedly extended and updated that declaration, maintaining broad protections for these products through at least the end of 2024 for many uses, with some related declarations running even longer.

That means:

Families harmed by protocols or products face nearly impossible legal hurdles.

The system that allowed the worst abuses has not been dismantled.

The people who pushed and profited from this have not been held meaningfully accountable.

If MAGA and MAHA are about justice, then COVID accountability is not optional. It is central.

Another major fault line is digital ID.

The legal scaffold started with the REAL ID Act of 2005, which set federal standards for state-issued driver’s licenses and IDs. In 2020, Congress passed the REAL ID Modernization Act as part of a larger spending bill, and DHS has since issued regulations allowing digital document submission and supporting digital or mobile driver’s licenses that comply with REAL ID standards.

Put simply:

REAL ID creates a nationally standardized identity framework.

The modernization and follow-on regulations open the door to mobile and digital IDs tied directly into federal databases.

That is exactly the kind of infrastructure globalist institutions, including partners of the World Economic Forum, have promoted as part of a broader digital-identity and surveillance ecosystem.

I do not care which party is in power. If you believe in freedom, you should be deeply concerned.

When this framework is being accelerated under a supposedly America First administration, people are right to ask who is advising the president and why are they pushing tools that can easily be used for social control.

Then there is Epstein.

Jeffrey Epstein was a convicted sex offender who pleaded guilty in 2008 in Florida to procuring a minor for prostitution, in a plea deal widely criticized for being far too lenient. In 2019 he was again indicted in New York on federal sex trafficking and conspiracy charges involving underage girls, before dying in custody.

Ghislaine Maxwell has since been convicted of sex trafficking and related crimes.

In other words:

The existence of a trafficking network is not speculative. It is a matter of public record.

Multiple victims have testified about powerful men being involved; public documents and investigative reporting have linked Epstein to a wide range of elites, even if not all are accused of crimes.

So when any political leader suggests that the Epstein scandal or related files are basically a “Democrat hoax,” the base is not going to buy it.

Child trafficking is not a hoax.

If MAGA means anything morally, it must mean standing firmly against child exploitation, no matter which donors, friends, or political allies get exposed.

Trump’s biggest weakness has never been his instincts on the podium. It has been the people around him:

Bill Barr, who oversaw a Justice Department that refused to seriously go after COVID misconduct or deep corruption.

Mike Pence, who never lifted a finger to question disastrous COVID policies from our own bureaucracy.

Now power-brokers who reportedly control calendar, access, and messaging.

For example, reporting and public filings show that Mercury Public Affairs, where Susie Wiles has been a senior figure, has represented Pfizer and other major corporate clients, and is owned by the Omnicom Group, a partner of the World Economic Forum.

At the same time, you have political allies like Pam Bondi, who as Florida attorney general was in office during critical years of Epstein-related activity in Palm Beach and later became a high-profile Trump defender. Public scrutiny has long focused on how much law enforcement and prosecutors really did, or did not do, about Epstein in that era.

I am not accusing anyone of specific crimes here. What I am saying is simple:

If your gatekeepers and confidants are tied into Big Pharma, WEF-adjacent networks, or old-guard political machines, do not be surprised when your policies drift away from what the base actually believes.

That is what it feels like right now.

Within our own movement, arguments over Israel have become a major distraction.

Some insist that any criticism of the current Israeli government is “anti-Israel” or even anti-Jewish. Others point out that:

It is possible to support Israel’s right to exist and defend itself

While still criticizing specific leaders, such as Benjamin Netanyahu, or specific policies, including alleged cooperation with Qatar in channeling funds that later benefited Hamas.

My view is straightforward:

I support Jewish people, Christians, and anyone who wants to live peacefully.

I support Israel as a country.

That does not mean I must endorse Netanyahu or any other particular administration.

Most importantly, I believe our movement needs to refocus on American domestic issues:

mRNA and medical tyranny

Digital IDs and financial control systems

Election integrity

Corruption in our own agencies

If foreign policy fights become a pretext to silence legitimate concerns about those core issues, then we are not doing America First anymore.

Let us talk briefly about Sen. Bill Cassidy.

Cassidy, a physician turned senator from Louisiana, has been a consistent defender of the vaccine status quo and has received significant contributions from the pharmaceutical and health-care industries over his political career.

When CDC advisers review questions about vaccine schedules, including concerns about aluminum adjuvants or the timing of hepatitis B shots for newborns, Cassidy responds with the usual line:

“The vaccine is safe. These ingredients have been shown to be safe.”

Yet:

Hepatitis B in infants is primarily a risk if the mother is infected or if the baby faces exposure through blood or sexual contact later on.

Aluminum adjuvants remain controversial in the literature, with ongoing debate over long-term accumulation and potential neurotoxicity, especially with repeated early-life exposure.

Again, the point is not that every vaccine is bad. The point is that rubber-stamping pharma talking points while ignoring honest questions is exactly what MAHA rose up against.

So when a senator like Cassidy becomes the face of “trust the schedule,” and that same political universe is embraced while people like MTG or Massie are attacked, medical-freedom conservatives see it as proof that someone is selling out to pharma interests.

Toward the end of this discussion, I highlight comments from Trump attorney Peter Ticktin. He describes how experts who examined certain voting machines reported finding components that could enable remote connectivity, and how the system responded by changing laws and criminalizing the review.

Without getting lost in technical weeds, there is a simple, non-partisan principle here:

If you want people to trust elections, you must allow full transparency.

That means:

Allowing independent forensic examination of hardware and software

Protecting whistleblowers, not jailing them

Updating laws to clarify access, not retroactively criminalize it

Instead, we have secrecy and punishment for people who ask questions. That is not how you restore confidence. That is how you erode it.

Here is where I land.

MAGA and MAHA must return to principle.

No to mRNA and coerced biomedical experimentation.

No to digital IDs that can enable surveillance and social credit.

No to privatized CBDC-style control systems over your money.

Yes to accountability for COVID, pharma corruption, and child trafficking networks.

We can support Trump on what he does right and oppose him where he is wrong.

The problem is bigger than “the left.”

The base will not show up for a movement that betrays its own red lines.

I still believe America can be made great again. I still believe in the people who stood up against lockdowns, mandates, censorship, and corruption.

But to get there, we must be honest:

The infighting is a symptom.

The drift on core issues is the disease.

The cure is courage, truth, and a return to first principles, regardless of which “side” it embarrasses.

That is the conversation we need to have, and we need to have it now.

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