By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

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Ghana has earned a strong reputation as a stable and peaceful democracy in West Africa (idea.int). Since the adoption of the 1992 Constitution, the country has successfully navigated several peaceful transfers of power (carnegieendowment.org). These achievements stand out in a region that has faced military coups and civil unrest in recent years (idea.int). However, beneath this peaceful surface lies a history of deep economic inequality and rising political tensions (bti-project.org). Voters expressed their frustration with these systemic issues during the December 2024 general election (carnegieendowment.org).

The election resulted in a victory for President John Dramani Mahama and the National Democratic Congress (carnegieendowment.org). This political shift came during a severe cost-of-living crisis that has impacted millions of families (bti-project.org). To address public anger and economic despair, the new administration launched a major social justice agenda (modernghana.com). This agenda aims to dismantle barriers to opportunity and hold bad actors accountable (citinewsroom.com, citinewsroom.com). The two primary initiatives of this agenda are the "No Fees Stress" tertiary education policy and a comprehensive judicial investigation into recent election-related violence (citinewsroom.com, citinewsroom.com).

To comprehend why the new administration has focused on university fees, one must look at the constitutional history of the nation. The legal foundation for educational equity in Ghana is enshrined in Article 38 of the 1992 Constitution (lawsghana.com). Specifically, Article 38(1) mandates that the state must provide educational facilities at all levels (lawsghana.com). Furthermore, Article 38(3) tasks the government with providing equal access to university education, subject to the availability of national resources (up.ac.za). This legal framework establishes education as a fundamental right rather than a privilege for the wealthy (lawsghana.com).

For generations, Black people around the world have engaged in similar struggles to break down economic and racial barriers to learning. These historical efforts are closely linked to the factors that have impacted the educational progress of marginalized communities. In Ghana, as in the United States, the legal promise of equal access often clashed with harsh economic realities (bti-project.org). The current administration is attempting to bridge this long-standing gap by turning constitutional ideals into direct policy (modernghana.com).

Over the past three decades, successive Ghanaian governments have gradually addressed educational access at lower levels (right-to-education.org). In 1995, the state launched the Free Compulsory Universal Basic Education program to secure free primary schooling (academicjournals.org). Decades later, in 2017, the government introduced the Free Senior High School policy to eliminate tuition costs for secondary students (modernghana.com). This initiative successfully caused a massive influx of secondary school graduates (ecofinagency.com).

However, this rapid expansion of secondary education created severe infrastructural challenges (starrfm.com.gh). Classrooms and dormitories became highly congested (starrfm.com.gh). To manage this issue, the state adopted a temporary double-track system that split students into alternating cycles (graphic.com.gh). This system reduced student-teacher contact hours and placed immense physical strain on public schools (modernghana.com). When these graduates finished secondary school, they hit a major financial bottleneck at the university level (ecofinagency.com). Public universities raised user fees by 40 to 90 percent in 2023, forcing thousands of qualified students to abandon their admissions (citinewsroom.com, citinewsroom.com).

To remove this financial bottleneck, President Mahama officially launched the "No Fees Stress" policy in July 2025 in Koforidua (graphic.com.gh). This program guarantees that the state will fully cover the upfront academic and admission fees of all first-year students (citinewsroom.com). The funding applies to public universities, technical universities, colleges of education, and nursing training schools (citinewsroom.com). By early 2026, the Student Loan Trust Fund began distributing these critical funds directly to educational institutions (sltf.gov.gh). This trust fund acts as the primary administrative vehicle for the program (sltf.gov.gh).

Unlike traditional student loans, this allocation is a non-repayable grant designed to ease the immediate cost of entry for new students (sltf.gov.gh). Continuing students do not receive this free waiver (sltf.gov.gh). Instead, they can transition to the Student Loan Plus Initiative, which provides subsidized loans with simplified access (sltf.gov.gh). To promote full academic inclusion, the state provides comprehensive, continuous fee support across all years specifically for students with disabilities (sltf.gov.gh). This balanced approach ensures that existing scholarships and allowances remain intact while creating a pathway for the most vulnerable (sltf.gov.gh).

While the education policy addresses economic exclusion, the administration must also confront major security challenges. Although Ghana has avoided military coups, its election seasons have faced rising political polarization (apsanet.org). This intense competition gave rise to political vigilante groups associated with the major political parties (cdsafrica.org). These groups consist largely of young, unemployed citizens who are recruited to protect party interests during campaigns (cdsafrica.org). Over time, these factions became highly organized and frequently engaged in voter intimidation and violent clashes (cdsafrica.org).

The persistent threat of these groups led to the passage of the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act of 2019, which officially outlawed political vigilantism (lawsghana.com). However, the law did not entirely stop the violence (cddgh.org). During the 2024 general election, monitors recorded 24 violent incidents on election day alone (clingendael.org). This struggle to protect citizens from state and political excesses mirrors global movements for human rights. In the United States, Black communities have fought similar battles against systemic violence and oppression, keeping alive the critical fights over justice and freedom that define the African diaspora.

Historically, perpetrators of election-related violence in Ghana have enjoyed broad impunity (apsanet.org). For example, during the 2019 Ayawaso West Wuogon by-election, armed security operatives shot and injured several citizens (cddgh.org). The state established the Emile Short Commission of Inquiry to investigate this incident (cddgh.org). Under Article 278 of the Constitution, the commission recommended national security reforms and the prosecution of culpable officers (cddgh.org). However, the previous administration issued a White Paper that rejected key prosecution recommendations, drawing sharp criticism from legal experts (cddgh.org).

This legacy of impunity continued during the 2020 elections, where clashes resulted in at least eight deaths and no prosecutions (iwpr.net). To break this cycle, President Mahama ordered a forensic investigation into the 2020 and 2024 cycles (citinewsroom.com). By late 2025, the investigation identified 21 culpable individuals, including state security personnel and civilian party loyalists (citinewsroom.com). The Attorney General is actively prosecuting these suspects, with several individuals currently on trial in the High Court (citinewsroom.com). The government has also promised financial compensation for the victims and their families (citinewsroom.com).

The current social justice initiatives in Ghana are not isolated events. They are connected to the historic struggle for Black liberation across the globe. After gaining independence in 1957, President Kwame Nkrumah established Ghana as a global hub for Black self-determination (oerproject.com). Nkrumah invited prominent civil rights leaders, including W.E.B. Du Bois, to live in Ghana and help build the new nation (oerproject.com). This historic alliance directly inspired the fight against racial segregation in the United States (explaininghistory.org). Both struggles share a deep commitment to addressing historical racial injustices and state-sanctioned violence (fpif.org).

Today, Ghana continues to lead transnational efforts by hosting the "Year of Return" and advocating for global reparations (mfa.gov.gh). These modern initiatives connect directly with the African American call for racial justice and systemic equality. By linking education rights to political accountability, Ghana is actively pursuing a comprehensive vision of progress. This effort mirrors the historical journey of Black workers who fought for economic justice against heavy odds.

Funding these major social programs is a massive challenge due to the fragile economy. In 2023, Ghana secured a 3 billion dollar bailout package from the International Monetary Fund to stabilize its finances (imf.org). To restore debt sustainability, IMF programs usually mandate strict fiscal discipline and austerity measures (globalpolicy.org). These measures include freezing public sector wages, capping hiring, and cutting public spending (globalpolicy.org). Such fiscal constraints historically limit a government's ability to fund and expand public programs like free higher education (globalpolicy.org).

To overcome this obstacle, the government allocated 499.8 million Cedis in the 2025 national budget for the "No Fees Stress" policy (norvanreports.com). Rather than relying on foreign loans, the state is financing this initiative domestically (norvanreports.com). They achieved this by uncapping the Ghana Education Trust Fund, securing a protected revenue stream for higher education (ghanaweb.com). The annual cost of the program is projected at 350 million Cedis, making the domestic budget allocation sufficient to support the rollout (norvanreports.com). This strategic funding model allows Ghana to prioritize social justice while maintaining fiscal responsibility (norvanreports.com).

Darius Spearman is a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College, where he has been teaching for over 20 years. He is the founder of African Elements, a media platform dedicated to providing educational resources on the history and culture of the African diaspora. Through his work, Spearman aims to empower and educate by bringing historical context to contemporary issues affecting the Black community.