Germany helped destroy the Tsar in Russia. What happened next?

England helped destroy the Nazis in Germany. What happened next?

~ Harrison H. Smith

Smith is missing part of the framework — the ontology — that can explain why those data points exist — and that framework has been actively suppressed for over a century in the practice of EpiWar™️.

The origins of World War I and World War II are an EpiWar™️ zone.

The official histories — produced by Oxford-trained, Rhodes ‘Scholar’ court propagandists, funded by the Rockefeller and Carnegie foundations, distributed through publishing houses aligned with Anglo-American institutional interests — were written to conceal.

The suppression by the Anglo-American Establishment was active and executed with malice aforethought. Harry Elmer Barnes, who presented archival evidence that Germany sought to prevent war in 1914, was denounced as a German agent and had his books pulled from distribution. That is EpiWar™️.

Into this EpiWar™️ zone, a lineage of independent scholars has been doing the forensic work that institutional history refused to do. Carroll Quigley, the Georgetown historian who gained access to the secret papers of the Rhodes-Milner Group, named the network the “Anglo-American Establishment” — a coordinated nexus of banking dynasties, political strategists, and media institutions centered in the City of London and extending through Wall Street, whose objective was imperial consolidation through economic dominance. Quigley documented it. He may not have fully grasped what he was releasing.

Macgregor and O’Dowd built on Quigley’s foundation and reconstructed the full operational architecture. Their book, Two World Wars and Hitler, demonstrates that both wars were phases of a well-planned and designed process — instruments of restructuring through which Anglo-American capital was applied to redraw boundaries, reallocate debt, and eliminate rival industrial powers. The Milner Group engineered them.

Guido Preparata supplies the geopolitical framework. Drawing on Halford Mackinder’s Heartland thesis, Preparata shows that the deepest strategic fear of Anglo-American power was German-Russian economic integration — a Eurasian bloc that would render maritime empire obsolete.

Both world wars, on this reading, were preventive actions against that possibility. Preparata also recovers the figure of Alexander Helphand, known as Parvus — the revolutionary financier who served as the operational bridge between German military intelligence and the Bolshevik movement, and who appears again in the background architecture surrounding Hitler’s rise.

Antony Sutton followed the money. His documentation of Wall Street’s financing of the Bolshevik Revolution, through William Boyce Thompson, the Morgan-controlled Guaranty Trust Company, and the American Red Cross Mission, as a covert transfer mechanism. His conclusion is the key that unlocks the apparent paradox: the financiers were not Marxists. They were monopolists. A centralized statist regime is a captive market. The revolution was not Communist versus Capitalist. It was the London and New York capitalists wearing a red mask like Mexican wrestlers.

Richard Poe traces the British intelligence fingerprints on the revolutionary movement itself, documenting how Ambassador George Buchanan and Lord Alfred Milner worked to pressure the Tsar’s abdication — not to end the war, but to keep Russia in it under more manageable leadership. The February events were not a spontaneous proletarian uprising. They were a palace coup with Anglo-American architects.

This is the framework Smith’s tweets are missing. Lenin traveled with tons of gold backing him. The questions beg: who financed the train, or where, when, and how the destination had been decided decades earlier, in the drawing rooms of the Cecil Rhodes network, in the vaults of the City of London, and in the coordinated silence of a hundred academic departments that knew better than to ask.

What follows is the historiography that Smith’s praxis misses.

The 1917 Russian Revolution

Examining the historiography of the 1917 Russian Revolution reveals a profound methodological schism between authors who emphasize socio-economic decay and those who allege that Anglo-American financial and intelligence networks deliberately orchestrated the uprisings. In their historiographical critique, Jim Macgregor and Gerry Docherty assert that British academic historians operate as “court chroniclers” who propagate falsehoods to obscure imperial ambitions. These authors reject the consensus that the February 1917 Revolution emerged as a spontaneous proletarian uprising. Instead, they argue that agents representing a “Secret Elite” of Anglo-American oligarchs provided bribes to workers’ leaders at the Putilov armaments factory in Petrograd to initiate the strikes. Macgregor and Docherty state that the conspirators designed this operation to depose Tsar Nicholas II in order to maintain Russia in the conflict against Germany, as the Tsar had reportedly considered negotiating a separate peace.

Richard Poe supports this elite orchestration thesis, describing the February events as a “palace coup.” Poe documents that the British Ambassador, George Buchanan, and Lord Alfred Milner manipulated Grand Dukes and liberal politicians to pressure the Tsar to abdicate. In contrast, Carroll Quigley presents a conflicting perspective, arguing that the February revolution occurred because of immense military losses, governmental incompetence, and the semistarvation of the 1916–1917 winter, which eroded loyalty and led the Petrograd garrison to refuse orders to suppress striking workers These authors diverge in their analytical frameworks: Poe and Macgregor/Docherty rely on diplomatic diaries, intelligence memos, and financial records to trace covert interventions, whereas Quigley analyzes macro-societal demographics, military exhaustion, and institutional decay to explain state vulnerability.

The authors uniformly identify external facilitation as critical to the planning and execution of the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917. MacGregor, Docherty, and Poe document the transit of exiled revolutionaries back to Russia. German authorities, coordinated by Alexander Helphand (Parvus) and Foreign Secretary Arthur Zimmermann, transported Vladimir Lenin from Switzerland via a “sealed train” to Petrograd. Concurrently, United States President Woodrow Wilson and British intelligence operatives intervened to secure Leon Trotsky’s release from Canadian detention and provide his transit documentation.

Antony Sutton details the financial execution of the revolution, providing documentation that Wall Street financiers — specifically William Boyce Thompson and the Morgan-controlled Guaranty Trust Company — utilized the American Red Cross Mission as a covert mechanism to transfer funds to the Bolsheviks. Sutton states that these financiers did not share Marxist ideology but sought to secure a captive, monopolistic post-war market in Russia by aligning with a centralized statist regime. Quigley contextualizes the October execution differently, noting that the Bolsheviks represented a ruthless minority who seized power by disseminating propaganda promising peace and land to a population the Provisional Government had neutralized by failing to exit the war.

The documentary evidence conclusively supports the transit of revolutionaries and the transfer of foreign capital, while the assertion that these external inputs solely initiated the uprisings remains a point of historical debate. Ultimately, the revolution functioned as an alliance of statists — financiers and revolutionaries — aligned to create a world system of financial control in private hands.

Now is the Moment to Pay the Most Attention

This is the moment when the evidence is becoming harder to suppress. The sealed train, the Wall Street gold, the Red Cross mission, and the abdication engineered from London — these are no longer fringe claims. They are documented. The scholars who recovered them paid professionally and personally for doing so. Their work is now available to anyone willing to read it.

Which is precisely why discipline matters now more than ever.

The temptation, when a suppressed history finally surfaces, is to reach for the nearest categorical explanation. To assign the machinery of these events to a people, a bloodline, a faith — some group defined by immutable characteristics rather than by the specific choices of specific men operating through specific institutions. That temptation is not just morally wrong. It is analytically wrong. It collapses the precision that this evidence demands and hands the court chroniclers exactly the instrument they need to bury the work again.

The actual perpetrators have names. They have addresses. They have institutional affiliations, banking relationships, correspondence records, and paper trails. The Milner Group is not a metaphor. The City of London is not an abstraction. The Morgan-controlled Guaranty Trust Company ran transactions that Sutton traced to the ledger, and it continues to this day as J.P. Morgan Chase. That bank, and all of its holdings, are the ill-gotten gains of the most vile war criminals in history, whose epistemicide makes any claim of ‘Holocaust’ pale by comparison.

Epstein is just the latest version of a criminal bankster cartel that started both world wars and has been laughing all the way to the bank for over a century while dancing on the graves of hundreds of millions of people.

Without J.P. Morgan, Kuhn & Loeb, Goldman-Sachs, Warburg, there is no Soviet Union, no Federal Reserve Bank, no Nazi Germany, no Holocaust, no Cold War, no Korea, no Vietnam, no market panics, no Covid-19, no Epstein.

J.P. Morgan might as well be named Rothschild USA; that’s the EpiWar™️ game.

Follow the money.

Follow the yellow brick road.

This is what Christian πραΰς requires at this moment in history — the controlled discipline to hold the full scope before releasing the arrow. To follow the evidence to the individual perps and their shadowy machinations, not to the group characteristics that make for a simpler story and a more dangerous one.

The revolution of 1917 was not the work of a people. It was the work product of a network of British and American corporations. Corporations that have stockholders and boards. Stockholders and boards have names. The names are on the record. The treasure they stole and the blood they spilled are debts that need to be repaid to the world.

That is where the arrow points, not to the Middle East, but to the City of London, Wall Street, and their hidey-holes in Switzerland, the Vatican, the Caribbean, Singapore, Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Jerusalem.

They are all in on it.

All of them. Getting us to focus on one ethnic group is a game that they have been playing for thousands of years. Wall Street is a lot closer than Jerusalem.

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