Africa World Now Project

From a program held earlier this year ... We invite you to tap into this program that we had earlier this year which featured a public lecture-conversation with Professor Tom Porter, where we explore the rhythms of movement through a robust conversation that examined manifestations of the global dimensions of the Black Freedom Struggle. We paid specific attention to the impact of Black classical music as an amplifying influence of the ideas and trajectory of those engaged in struggle; particularly as they organized programs of freedom rooted in a specific conceptualization of human rights; which were/are directly related to the temporal conditions produced from various forms of colonialism, slavery [chattel et al.], Apartheid, Jim Crow, etc. In this conversation we explored: institution building [Professor Porter’s time with the Antioch Graduate Center in Washington, DC; the King Center and the Institute of Black World]; the role of Black bookstores; Black radicalism; critical knowledge production in, outside, and in spite of the academy; his crew of Black organic intellectuals: Amiri Baraka ... Jack O'Dell ... Robert Rhodes; Samir Amin; Black internationalism; the role of Black radical radio; Africa … Black Classical Music ... and much more!!! Professor Porter is the embodiment of the concept organizer-intellectual; a former member of CORE (the Congress of Racial Equality) ... SNCC (the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) … head of the King Center in Atlanta … former strategist and adviser to Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaign … former Director of Black Studies [Ohio University] … Dean at Antioch Graduate Center in Washington DC ... program director and longtime radio host, jazz critic, sociopolitical theorist [specifically Black radical thought] ... author and organizer. Professor Porter can be firmly placed in the tradition of Black organic intellectuals and political philosophers. We invite you to think with us! Think through us! Think around us! But think nonetheless! Our show was produced today in solidarity with the Native/Indigenous, African, and Afro Descendant communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana, Ayiti, and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all peoples! You can check the video of the program via link in bio! #BlackInternationalism #Africa #BlackClassicalMusic Music: Concerto of Desperado – The Roots African Violet – Terry Callier Promised Land - Omar Sosa Guinea - Don Cherry with Dewy Redman, Charlie Haden, Ed Blackwell John Coltrane – Clifford Jordan Africa Speaks – Guy Warren Africa – John Coltrane Quartet Cristo Redentor - Donald Byrd If there’s Anybody Out There - Hugh Masekela Malkauns – Don Cherry Mr. Roscoe (consider the simultaneous) - Ambrose Akinmusire The Good Fight – Oddisee ["That's Love"; "Want Something Done"; "Contradiction's Maze" (featuring Maimouna Youssef) Why's/Wise – Amiri Baraka

Abdul Alkalimat opens, Dialectics of Liberation: The African Liberation Support Movement with this first-hand observation of the events that led up to and after the African Liberation Movement, he writes: “in just five years, ALSC [African Liberation Support Committee], which began as part of the anti-imperialist movement in support of the national liberation struggles in Africa, became the preeminent context for debates about the development of revolutionary vanguard cadre organization.” Integral to these debates were national discourses that explored the ideological parameters of theories of radical social transformation. Discourses that were part of global discourses, articulating themselves at local levels, as the global economic and political conditions faced by African revolutionaries were a part of the conditions faced by people of African descent all over the world. For Professor Alkalimat, as it is my concurrence, a study of “the ALSC experience enables us to examine the dialectics of how a mass social movement process can transition into an organizational process debating the possibility of revolutionary ideological unity”, within a global order that is primed to violently repress any efforts to challenge its hegemony [1]. Dialectics is an essential concept to utilize, particularly as we enter another phase of racial capitalism’s attempt to reconstitute itself. However, there is a difference in this current phase. Racial capitalism must reconcile itself with its soiled roots, as birthed in violent dispossession, fueled by a philosophy of life guided by a cruel inhumanity coupled with practices of anti-nature that has led us to face ecological catastrophe. When applied to gain clarity on the formation, sustainability – or instability – of a movement, history as a construct becomes a telescope to map a future … a clarifier to understand the intricacies in the reciprocal relationship of human action and inaction … at, in, and around what comes to be known as – decisive moments. As Professor Alkalimat highlights, “dialectics is an important concept. It is the process by which differences within and among different phenomena interact and produce the change by which new developments take place. This is a process of opposites contending and in the process being transformed into something entirely new.” For Professor Alkalimat, “this universal process applies to the historical development of ALSC.” Today, Dialectics of Liberation & the African Liberation Support Movement w/ Abdul Alkalimat. Abdul Alkalimat is a founder of the field of Black Studies and Professor Emeritus at the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign. A lifelong scholar-activist with a PhD from the University of Chicago, he has lectured, taught, and directed academic programs across the U.S., the Caribbean, Africa, Europe, and China. His activism stems, as former chair of the Chicago chapter of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in the 1960s, to a co-founder of the Black Radical Congress in 1998. Our show was produced today in solidarity with the Native/Indigenous, African, and Afro Descendant communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana, Ayiti, and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all peoples! Music: Yam Who? [Raphael Saadiq] - Skyy Can You Feel Me - Spiritual Rework Raphael Saadiq - Skyy, Can You Feel Me [original] Art Ensemble of Chicago - The Spirit Alemu Aga - Mädägäna Zäläsana Bätbaze (About The Futility Of Life) Randy Weston - Khepra Nala Sinephro - Space 8

Image: Field Marshal Muthoni wa Kirima In Mau Mau & Nationhood, the editors write: “New states are often declared in the name of peoples not yet aware of their own collective existence. Their heroically unified past and manifest joint destiny have yet to be imagined for them. National imagination follows the state." The myths. The origin stories. The narratives of a real and imagined collective identity are pieced together as a product of the historical experiences of a people, who came to dominant the structures of the newly formed state. Its implementation. Its functions are guiding by a philosophical structure developed and redeveloped to demand the consent of the masses to give legitimacy to the right/s of the ruling class, rights from which all conceptualizations of law and politics henceforth narrowly applied and often stripped from the lower classes. Mapping radical histories, paying attention to the demands that whatever conceptualization of rights that are agreed upon must be applicable to the humanity of the marginalized, where a peculiar form of philosophy of life was imposed upon those who were already THERE, as well as those forced to be THERE. The narratives, the discourses of freedom, liberty, justice, rule of law must be stretched beyond their limit through consistent resistance to their disproportionate limited application and negative impact. Writing in the Preface of the re-release of Mau Mau from Within: An Analysis of Kenya's Peasant Revolt, under a new title, Mau Mau Within: the Story of the Land and Freedom Army, Mĩcere Gĩthae Mũgo suggest that this expanded edition is very significant as it is imperative that we spend time examining the larger context against which to view the movement. Particularly as Kenya suffers from either a self-imposed amnesia, or what she calls “systemically imposed socialized amnesia” especially when it comes to ‘remembering’ ... This suppression and repression of memory over a people’s struggles was/is a lethal weapon in imperialist psychological warfare.” Nevertheless, “fortunately, too, in psychological warfare there is always a dialectically positioned group of intellectuals whom Walter Rodney described as guerilla intellectuals” who are essential for the full liberation of a colonized peoples. This group of intellectuals, due to their function, must also be capable of class suicide. In Kenya, today, there is the very real materialization of this principle, captured in a network of organizers, activist, and thinkers who are commitment to radically restructuring the fundamental relationship of the masses to the structures of the state ... to each other, to the environment, thereby their relationship to the world, the African world. Facilitated by a complementary network of social justice centers, this group of organic intellectuals are mapping the radical histories of Kenya using history as a weapon, fueling the formation of a critical African/a consciousness. Their logical conclusions point to building a sustained resistance to the intentional imposition historical amnesia, a weapon of the imperial. Today, we explore radical histories + the praxis of liberation in Kenya, with Waringa Wahome. Waringa Wahome is an organizer, political theorist, lawyer, member of Mathare Social Justice Center, the Communist Party of Kenya as well as the Kenyan Organic Intellectuals Network. She is a principal organizer of a network that legally support activists and other organizers who are targets of repressive elements of the state. Our show was produced today in solidarity with the Native/Indigenous, African, and Afro Descendant communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana, Ayiti, and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all peoples!

Art — in all manifestations — has purpose. And that purpose is defined by those who are able to pick it up and use it. The spiritual, intellectual, and physical energies that are put into the creation of art are a reflection of the worldview of the artist — of the artist not in an individualistic sense but of the collective energies that culminate into the being that is producing the art — their ancestors, the environment, the community … the material and non-material realities. Amiri Baraka (1987) in his article, Black Art, published in the Black Scholar, suggests that “art … is an expression of life … there would be a few people who would probably contradict that, who might say that life is an expression of art. But … we believe that art is an expression of life … that art, as such, expresses the values of the artist. And as such, it is a manifestation of the artist’s value system.” John Coltrane once said that he wanted to play music that changed the world. I would decode this to mean that he wanted to find the universal melodies that move the human mind, body and spirit to become a vessel of peace and justice. It would also not be misinformed to say that Alice Coltrane appearance in his life was an additional catalyst that pushed him further into spirit music. I thought it was important to contextualize the program that you can access via the link below, which features a conversation with Saul Williams and Anisia Uzeyman, in this way, because to understand their offering, Neptune Frost is to understand the interplay between now moments and futurity, specifically an African/a futurity … is to see how non-material realities are made material. It is to understand that rhythm is indeed the foundation of all creation … and art is the most readily medium available to express rhythm. More importantly it shows us that Africa in all of its multiplicity is the hidden face of god. It is here I quote Cheryl Isheja [and by default, Saul Williams], who plays Neptune in the film: “my truth is encrypted … and yours is easy to read.” What you will hear via the link below is a conversation with Saul Williams and Anisia Uzeyman, where they explore the art of Neptune Frost, through futurity as a lens to understand the processes of exploitation yet see the world beyond it. Saul Williams is a lyricist, singer, songwriter, musician, poet, writer, actor & professional disruptor of normative assumptions of realities. Anisia Uzeyman is a Rwandan director, actress, cinematographer, playwright and a professional disruptor of normative realities, as well. Tap in to Dreamstates. Our show was produced today in solidarity with the Native/Indigenous, African, and Afro Descendant communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana, Ayiti, and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all peoples!

**This program is part of a collaboration between Africa World Now Project and the Institute of Race Relations and its journal of Race & Class, based in London, where we engage in transnational dialogue that intentionally disrupts dominant discourses around racial oppression. **These programs are designed to inform the ways we think about the persistent and evolutionary nature of global racial oppression in order to develop an analysis to radically and systematically address it. Sophia Siddiqui in Racing the nation: towards a theory of reproductive racism, examines the “notion of reproduction, both biological and social, in relation to new forms of political and popular racism in Europe wherein the family and breeding to keep the nation white and ‘native’ are now centre stage. Whilst certain women’s reproductive capacities are being incentivised for nationalist ends, this goes alongside a rollback in reproductive rights as well as a series of exclusions aimed at those marked as demographic threats – migrants, Muslims and, increasingly, LGBTQ people. She demonstrates how migrant women, who are vilified as breeders who could threaten the purity of the nation, are essential to maintain the traditional nuclear family under capitalism, through caring for the young and old, but simultaneously denied their rights as workers and mothers.” This intervention provides a “framework to understand how, in different countries and political contexts of Europe, ‘native’ women’s reproductive capacities are being incentivized for nationalist ends and how those same rights (to have children and family life) for minority migrant women are being restricted, whilst the hyper-exploitation of their labour is simultaneously essential to care for the young, sick and elderly of the nation under ‘advanced’ capitalism.” I engage Sophia to explore the relationship with anti-blackness, specifically examining how the historical processes of creating the other are maintained in Europe today through a pattern that situates women now at the nexus of both defining the nation and also maintaining it, whilst excluding those who do not conform.” Sophia Siddiqui is Deputy Editor of Race & Class. As well as assisting the editors and managing the production of Race & Class, Sophia is the coordinator of Institute of Race Relations News. She writes and lectures on anti-racist feminism, both historically and in the present-day. Her most recent publication, the topic of our current engagement is titled, ‘Racing the nation: towards a theory of reproductive racism’.

Image: IG @artxman / [email protected] /#artxman African/a peoples have engaged in a particular form and function of knowledge production — active knowledge production — in, around, outside and in spite of … academia for centuries. Always together. Always in community. In commons; often and always creating, intentionally and unintentionally a maroon space, an undercommons ... for more: https://medium.com/@africaworldnowproject/of-black-studies-black-study-the-function-of-futurity-in-africana-studies-514b7f1b2977 In addition to being a member of the Africa World Now Project collective, Josh Myers is an Associate Professor of Africana Studies in the Department of Afro-American Studies at Howard University. He is the author of We Are Worth Fighting For: A History of the Howard University Student Protest of 1989 (NYU Press, 2019) and, recently released, Cedric Robinson: The Time of the Black Radical Tradition (Polity, 2021), as well as the editor of A Gathering Together Literary Journal. His research interests include Africana intellectual histories and traditions, Africana philosophy, musics, and foodways as well as critical university studies, and disciplinarity. His work has been published in Critical Ethnic Studies Journal, The Journal of African American Studies, The Journal of Pan African Studies, The African Journal of Rhetoric, The Human Rights and Globalization Law Review, Liberator Magazine, Global African Worker, Pambazuka, and Burning House Press, among other literary spaces. His current book project, Of Black Study, has been submitted and will soon be published with Pluto Press (2022). This program was produced, and presented to you, in solidarity with the Native/Indigenous, African, and Afro Descendant communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana, Ayiti, and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all peoples!

Image: John Biggers, Band of Angels: Weaving the Seventh Word, 1992-93 According to the Dogon, “in the beginning before anything existed there was the Supreme Being, Amma. Amma existed in the form of an egg divided into four parts by four bones [the clavicles], which were joined together. Apart from the egg, nothing existed, for Amma rested on nothing. The four arts of the egg represented the four elements: water, air, fire, and Earth. So, the fundamental elements already existed in the egg in embryo form. In the egg Amma had designed the world before it was created” [51]. Ultimately, Amma created the world through the creation of the signs and likewise will destroy it through the destruction of the signs …” [53]. We share this creation story, in part, for a number of reasons, but primarily because it is aligned with the assertion in Chukwunyere Kamalu’s, The Word at Face Value: An Abridged Account of Dogon cosmology, that “mainstream scholarship on the cosmological world of the Dogon of Mail in West Africa, has become a battleground over what an African people can and cannot know” [11]. Dr. Nubia Kai asserts that, “myths in Africa are similar to what Joseph Campbell calls “living myths.” He uses living myths to distinguish them from the connotative usage of myth meaning “a lie.” Living myths signifies the opposite of the connotative construct. J.J. Bacofen argues that the origins of history can only be revealed through myth since in myth “lies the beginning of all development.” Dr. Kai, quoting W.T. Stevenson, further explains the primacy of mythological discourse. According to Stevenson, “the essential character of our personal and social lives are shaped by myth, or it is by the power of particular myths which determine by way of determining our fundamental presuppositions, the way we shape our cultural, social, political, and economic lives. We do nothing of significance which is not informed by myth in a fundamental way, and the more significant our act, the more this is true. It is the symbols within the context of myth which give rise to all thought [Kai, A River of Prophecy: Constructing a Sacred History of African Americans]. Mythic symbolism attempts to explain the spiritual nature of peoples and their inseparable connection to a universal order. Therefore, if someone wishes to pervert an idea, the most effective means is to reverse the sacred symbols or icons associated with the idea or ideas [Kai, A River of Prophecy: Constructing a Sacred History of African Americans]. Today, AWNP’s Tasneem Siddiqui sits down with Dr. Nubia Kai, to explore the relationship between myth & its continuities in sacred + secret histories. Nubia Kai received a Ph.D. in African historical literature and film from Howard University, an MA degree in African Languages and Literature from the University of Wisconsin. Her work has been published in Black Scholar; Black World; Essence Magazine; Black American Literature Forum; Catalyst; Obsidian; Moving Out, Journal of Black Poetry; Left Curve; Journal of African Literature Association, Black Camera: International Film Journal; Journal of African American History, to name a few. Her book, Kuma Malinke Historiography: Sundiata Keita to Almamy Samori Toure, is an extensive study of the mythology, epics, poetry, and expository narratives of the Mali Empire. She has been an ardent researcher of comparative religion, anthropology, mythology, and Africana studies for over thirty years. Professor Kai is also a poet, novelist, and playwright who has received a number of awards, including two National Endowment for the Arts Awards, six DC Commission on the Arts Awards, and the Larry Neal Writers Competition. She has two collections of poetry, Peace of My Mind and Solos, a collection of fables, The Sweetest Berry on the Bush, and an historical novel, I Spread My Wings And I Fly.

Amadou Hampâté Bâ, quoting his teacher Tierno Bokar, suggest that “writing is one thing and knowledge is another. Writing is the photograph of knowledge but is not knowledge itself” [A. Hampâté Bâ, The Living Tradition, General History of Africa Vol. 1: 166]. According to Hampâté Bâ, “the world’s earliest archives or libraires were the brains of men [and I must add women] … The written word is not without thought. The written word without being refined through action and interaction which is articulated through nommo is without power. Without nommo – the African conceptualization of the energy within the spoken word, the power that carries an energy that produces all life and influences everything is the principle upon which the world of meaning is built – power is debased [Nommo, Encyclopedia of African Religion, 2009]. According to Hampâté Bâ, “In African traditions … the spoken word had, beyond its fundamental moral value, a sacred character associated with its divine origin ... an exceptional conductor of magic, grand vector of 'ethereal' forces, it was not to be treated lightly. Contrary to what some may think, African oral tradition is not limited to stories and legends or even to mythological and historical tales, and the ‘griot’ – what Bâ calls a wandering minstrel/poet as conceptualized by the French – is far from being its one and only qualified guardian and transmitter. What does all of this point to … for what purpose … and to what ends does this introductory exploration provide our current engagement that you will hear next … how does it connect? The simplicity of the answer is found in understanding its complexity. The simple answer is that it provides a frame within which we can identify and extract the multiple points where spirit and Black resistance converge, whether it is evident as the spark of the Haitian Revolution or found interwoven in the vibrations of John Coltrane’s Love Supreme … deeper levels of spirit and Black resistance all always converging. While the complexity is found in our willingness to map its evolution and stand in its genealogy as it is sparked across space and time, evolving itself as it propels African/a peoples to intrinsically seek liberation … It is this space in between space, it is of spirit and Black liberation … one of the many places we can explore and utilize this ancient the praxis of nommo. AWNP’s Tasneem Siddiqui recently sat down with Youssef Carter to discuss the interconnectedness of West African Sufi Islam and Black resistance … the embodiment of ancient ways of being articulated in forms of knowledge that 1st make sense of the conditions within which African/a peoples find themselves; and 2nd to struggle against the those conditions when moved out of balance. Dr. Youssef Carter is an Assistant Professor and Kenan Rifai Fellow in Islamic Studies at University of North Carolina- Chapel Hill. Dr. Youssef Carter holds a BS from North Carolina A&T, a MA from North Carolina Central University and a Ph.D. in Anthropology from the University of California-Berkeley. His book in progress, “The Vast Oceans: Remembering God and Self on the Mustafawi Sufi Path,” examines the discourses and practices of a transatlantic Sufi spiritual network through detailed ethnographic work. Our show was produced today in solidarity with the native/indigenous, African, and Afro-descended communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana; Ayiti; and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all people. Listen Intently. Think deeply. Act accordingly. Enjoy the program. Image: M-Eating, Sufi, https://africa.si.edu/collections/objects/21224/meating-sufi?ctx=48dcf05def43e8f8b9ae093751d05fe6de4ca123&idx=0 - Artist: https://marianeibrahim.com/artists/36-maimouna-guerresi/biography/

The history of the geographical region now called, Eritrea is deep and rich. Eritrea has been occupied in turn by Ottoman Turks, Egyptians, Italians (from 1886 until 1941), the British until 1952 (who defeated Italy in Eritrea during the second world war) and the Ethiopians ever since [Pateman 1990:51]. In 1 952, the British and the United Nations determined on a federation of Eritrea and Ethiopia. In the first 10 years after the federation was formed Ethiopia's direct rule over Eritrea was imposed. Towards the end of 1952 La Voce de' Eritrea, a newspaper critical of the federation, was banned. In 1956, following the suppression of the opposition waged by workers and the peasantry, the Eritrean General Union of Labor Syndicates was banned. In 1960, the Eritrea flag was lowered, and separate courts were established. In 1962 Eritrea was forcibly annexed by Ethiopia [Worku Zerai, Organising Women within a National Liberation Struggle: Case of Eritrea, 1994; Pateman, 1990: 6]. The national struggle for national liberation began in 1961 with the formation of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). The ELF and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) which split from the ELF in 1970 gained control over many towns in the country, but as the Soviet Union intervened on the Ethiopian behalf, independence could not be achieved in the late 1970s. The Soviet intervention forced withdrawal from the towns that were controlled by the EPLF to the northern part of the country. The EPLF continued fighting against the Ethiopian occupation until it liberated the whole of Eritrea in May 1991. Eritrea became an independent country officially in May 1993. Many have highlighted that "although women in many countries have struggled together with men for national liberation, at the end of that revolutionary struggle their position in society as women improves little as the era dawns" (Worku Zerai, Organising Women within a National Liberation Struggle: Case of Eritrea, 1994). While this view is correct in one sense, it forgets the objective reality of the stages of the socio-economic and political development of formerly colonized nations. There are many contradictions embedded in the structures, systems and institutions between the people and the colonisers, between the different liberation movements that led the national liberation front, between the different classes in the society. As a consequence, national liberation does not mean that all contradictions are going to be solved at one go. It is here that Fanon and Cabral adds sharp clarity the pitfalls of national consciousness without the implantation of class suicide. Women’s struggle for freedom cannot be seen in isolation from the larger struggle for liberation. Today, we will hear a talk that was given by Seble Tsehaye, Secretary of the National Union of Eritrean Women, USA, member of the Central Committee and member National Public Diplomacy Taskforce. Our show was produced today in solidarity with the native/indigenous, African, and Afro-descended communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana, Ayiti; and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all people. Listen intently. Think deeply. Act accordingly. Sources: Worku Zerai, Organising Women within a National Liberation Struggle Case of Eritrea, 1994; Victoria Bernal, Equality to Die For?: Women Guerrilla Fighters and Eritrea's Cultural Revolution, 2000; National Union of Eritrean Women: http://www.nuew.org/ Image: EPLF freedom fighters. There is no independent Eritrea without Eritrean women. available here: http://www.madote.com/2017/03/nuew-national-union-of-eritrean-women.html

Saladin Muhammad argues in an article titled Black Workers for Justice, Twenty-year of Struggle, in Against the Current that: “The national oppression of African Americans in the U.S. South makes Black workers in the South the most exploited section of the U.S. industrial working class. Black Workers for Justice [BWFJ] thus bases its trade union and political perspectives on the principle of the centrality of the Black working class.” “The struggle against racism, for political power and self-determination for African descendant people are key aspects of this principle in forging the unity of the Southern and U.S. working class. BWFJ has tried to create an identity, confidence and political presence of the Black worker and trade union organization in the U.S. South.” BWFJ believes that the struggle against African American national oppression must take on sharper Black working-class and internationalist features. It must put forward a perspective for, and be active in building, a strong rank-and-file democratic and radical labor movement in the U.S. South” [Saladin Muhammad, Black Workers for Justice, Twenty-years of Struggle, Against the Current, No. 101, November/December 2002]. With this, Saladin Muhammad, firmly situates Black Workers for Justice in the continuity and long arc of Black liberation movements that center the Black working class/workers, such as, but not limited to: Ad Hoc. Committee of Concerned Black Steel Workers; the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement; League of Revolutionary Black Workers, to name a few. What you will hear next is Pt. II of our conversation with Baba Saladin Muhammad. Be sure to tap into Pt. I to pick up the flow of our conversation! Saladin Muhammad is an organizer, theoretician, writer. He published a number of articles that explore issues ranging from exposing the structural and systemic racism in labor to ways to understand the interdependence of human rights and Black internationalism. Saladin Muhammad is the co-founder and national chair of Black Workers for Justice and until his retirement, he was an international representative for the United Electrical Workers [UEW]. His praxis has been forged in Black freedom work for than three decades. The idea is not to replicate, but I understand there is a path. To see that there is a way. A way – a genealogy... Our show was produced today in solidarity with the native/indigenous, African, and Afro-descended communities at Standing Rock; Venezuela; Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi; Brazil; the Avalon Village in Detroit; Colombia; Kenya; Palestine; South Africa; Ghana; and Ayiti; and other places who are fighting for the protection of our land for the benefit of all people. Listen intently. Think deeply. Act accordingly. Enjoy the program!