By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

Across Louisiana, church basements, union halls, and campus centers are buzzing. Elders who marched in the 1960s are sitting with Gen Z organizers, studying the Supreme Court’s latest move on the Voting Rights Act. The case centers on Louisiana’s congressional map and the fate of Section 2, the last major shield against vote dilution. Although the docket looks technical, the stakes reach into every Black neighborhood that fought for a voice in Congress. People feel the weight of history because they have lived it, from Jim Crow registrars to long lines at modern polling places. They also know this fight has never been abstract; it is about whether Black communities can elect leaders who will answer the phone when hurricanes hit, hospitals close, or schools are starved of funding.

Protects against voting rules or procedures that discriminate on the basis of race, color, or language minority status.

Section 2 is the main remaining safeguard of the Act and applies to all U.S. jurisdictions.

Allows citizens and the Department of Justice to challenge discriminatory practices in court.

Observers are fixated on one blunt outcome: the Court could weaken, or even strike down, how Section 2 operates in redistricting. That outcome would reshape power across the South as well as the Midwest and Sun Belt. Moreover, the case could ripple beyond Louisiana and shift who holds key House seats for a decade. Reporters at national outlets describe a Court probing whether race-conscious remedies that create majority-Black districts can survive constitutional scrutiny, even when the law demands a fix for dilution. They also map the political consequences if those remedies vanish (Reuters; AP News; The Guardian).

The dispute began after the 2020 census, when lawmakers in Baton Rouge drew a map with only one Black-majority district, even though Black residents make up roughly one-third of the state. Civil rights plaintiffs sued under Section 2, and a federal court ordered a remedy requiring a second opportunity district. That court concluded the original map likely diluted Black voting strength under long-standing legal tests. After extended wrangling, Louisiana adopted a new plan with two districts where Black voters could elect a candidate of their choice (The Guardian; Reuters).

As elections unfolded, the new second district elected a Black Democrat. However, opponents sued again, arguing the remedial map relied too heavily on race, and a lower court later struck it down. When the case reached the Supreme Court, the justices did not only question the shape of the district. They asked the parties to brief whether Section 2 is even constitutional when it requires race-conscious drawing to cure dilution. That request signaled something larger than a dispute over lines on a map. It revealed a willingness to reconsider the backbone of modern voting rights enforcement (AP News; Reuters).

Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act prohibits voting practices that result in racial minorities having less opportunity than others to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice. After Congress amended the law in 1982, plaintiffs no longer had to prove racist intent; they could win by showing discriminatory effect. Because lawmakers rarely admit deliberate bias today, this change mattered. Courts developed tests to decide when a minority community is large and compact enough to form an effective district and whether voting is racially polarized. When those conditions exist, Section 2 authorizes a remedy that often includes a new majority-minority district (The Washington Post).

In addition to being a tool for fairness, Section 2 became a lifeline after 2013, when the Supreme Court disabled the preclearance coverage formula in Shelby County v. Holder. Before Shelby County, states with long records of discrimination had to submit changes for federal approval. After it, communities had to sue after the harm appeared. As a result, Section 2 litigation became the main path to stop maps that crack Black neighborhoods or pack them so tightly that surrounding districts become safe for the party in power (AP News).

Our elders remember when literacy tests and poll taxes stood between Black citizens and the ballot. Organizers in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee risked their lives to register voters in places where the county courthouse functioned like a fortress. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was the answer to that terror, enforced by preclearance and litigation. Over time, the law opened the door to hundreds of Black elected officials across the South. The victories were uneven, yet transformative. Many of us saw school boards finally reflect community demographics and saw congressional districts where Black candidates had a real chance (The Guardian).

Decades later, that door began to close. In 2013, Shelby County v. Holder removed preclearance coverage and placed the burden back on communities to prove harm after it occurred. Since then, new hurdles appeared: strict ID laws, mass polling place closures, and maps calibrated to fragment Black voting blocs. Section 2 challenges kept some damage in check. Alabama’s Allen v. Milligan ruling in 2023 required a second opportunity district there, showing the law still had teeth when facts were strong. However, today’s Louisiana case pushes the Court to say whether those teeth can still bite in redistricting at all (Oyez; AP News).

Over the past few terms, the Court’s conservative majority has narrowed the scope of race-conscious policies in education and government. Reporters covering oral arguments describe justices pressing whether a race-aware remedy can persist without violating equal protection. In the Louisiana case, several justices focused on the district’s shape and on whether a “temporary” use of race has become permanent. That framing matters because it converts a technical voting-rights fix into a constitutional red flag, which then invites the Court to prune Section 2 back even further (Reuters).

As the Court signals discomfort, movement lawyers warn that an aggressive ruling could erase a central tool for communities of color. Analysts explain that taking race out of remedies while race still structures political life would freeze inequality in place. Consequently, maps that slice through Black neighborhoods could stand, as long as their designers avoided sloppy emails or overt intent. That is why civil rights groups call this a do-or-die moment for multiracial democracy and point to the post-Shelby rush of restrictive laws as a preview of what comes next (Human Rights Watch; AP News).

On paper, dilution sounds abstract. In a parish outside Baton Rouge, it looks like one neighborhood of Black families split into three districts, each attached to a far-off suburb. Voters still cast ballots, but their preferred candidates never reach 50 percent because their neighbors are divided across different lines. Meanwhile, another map might pack Black voters so tightly that one district elects their candidate by landslide margins, while also leaving surrounding districts safe for the other party. The result is fewer seats reflecting the population’s actual voice. Courts recognize these patterns because the numbers are stubborn, and because witnesses describe the same stories in city after city (The Guardian).

Additionally, dilution has concrete policy costs. Representatives from safe seats respond to different incentives than those from competitive districts. That distinction shows up in disaster aid, hospital closures, environmental enforcement, and school funding. Communities along Louisiana’s industrial corridor know what it means when decision-makers are not accountable to them. A Section 2 remedy can connect Black communities that share common interests, making it possible to elect someone who campaigns in those neighborhoods and governs with them in mind (AP News).

From Reconstruction to the Great Migration, Black Louisianans have carried a heavy civic burden. After federal troops withdrew in 1877, white supremacist politics closed the ballot box with literacy tests and violence. In the 20th century, Black New Orleanians built powerful civic networks, from mutual aid societies to church-based registration drives. Those networks endured storms both literal and political. Hurricane Katrina scattered families, but the voting power of the diaspora kept community demands alive in city halls and statehouses. That persistence is why the fight for a second majority-Black district resonated so deeply. People recognized that the path to recovery and investment runs through maps that reflect who actually lives here (The Guardian).

Moreover, Louisiana sits within a regional pattern. After Shelby County, states across the South advanced electoral changes that burdened Black voters. Section 2 litigation became the safety valve when preclearance disappeared. Alabama’s Allen v. Milligan case showed how courts still apply the law to real facts where Black voters are numerous and voting is polarized. Louisiana presents nearly identical demographic realities, which is why the Court’s sudden doubt over Section 2’s constitutionality reads as a signal flare to every legislature inclined to test the limits again (Oyez; AP News).

Analysts warn that if Section 2 remedies in redistricting are curtailed, many majority-minority districts could be dismantled during the next cycle. Legislatures would defend those maps by saying they did not use race, even when vote dilution is plain in the results. Lawsuits would still be filed, but plaintiffs would face a steeper climb, needing proof of discriminatory intent or novel theories that courts may resist. Meanwhile, control of the U.S. House could swing on a handful of seats that would have been protected under Section 2. The political effect is measurable, and communities on the ground would feel it first in policy and services (Reuters).

However, Black organizers have never waited for courts to save them. When rules narrow, movements adapt. Churches turn into precinct education centers. Civic groups coordinate rides, mail-ballot education, and down-ballot candidate recruitment. The lesson from the Civil Rights Movement remains true: power concedes when people organize where they live, work, and worship. A harsh ruling would make that work harder. It would also remind the country that laws change because communities make change, and that sustained local pressure can move lawmakers to pass new protections at the state and federal level (Human Rights Watch).

Louisiana’s case raises a clear question: Will the Constitution be interpreted in a way that perpetuates the status quo, or in a manner that acknowledges the lived reality of racial polarization and the need for effective remedies? Section 2 was designed to address this reality with practical tools, as well as to prevent the erasure of Black political power through clever cartography. Weakening it would invite a return to games that our grandparents fought to end. The Black diaspora understands that maps are moral documents; they decide whose voices travel from kitchen tables to congressional floors (The Washington Post; AP News).

This moment is about more than one state’s lines. It is about whether laws with actual bite will guard multiracial democracy. The Court will issue its ruling in the months ahead, but communities are already writing the next chapter. In Louisiana and far beyond, the work continues: knowing the history, naming the stakes, and building the power to make representation real in every district where Black voters live and lead (Reuters; The Guardian).

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

Food insecurity is a significant challenge in New Jersey, impacting many families and communities. It refers to the lack of consistent access to enough food for an active, healthy life for all household members (KIDS COUNT Data Center). This means that individuals may experience limited or uncertain availability of nutritionally adequate foods (KIDS COUNT Data Center). It is important to note that food insecurity is not always a constant state; households may experience it at different times (KIDS COUNT Data Center). Furthermore, food-insecure households often face difficult choices, having to prioritize essential needs like housing or medical bills over purchasing sufficient, nutritious food (KIDS COUNT Data Center).

The root causes of food insecurity are deeply intertwined with socioeconomic factors. Low household income and individual-level poverty are strongly linked to higher rates of food insecurity, particularly among children (academic.oup.com). Living in areas with high deprivation and lacking health insurance can also contribute to this issue (academic.oup.com). As of June 2022, more than 760,000 New Jersey residents lacked sufficient food and proper nutrition (nj.com). This widespread issue highlights the urgent need for comprehensive solutions that address both immediate food needs and the underlying causes of insecurity.

Food Insecurity: The lack of consistent access to enough food for an active, healthy life for all household members. This can mean limited or uncertain availability of nutritionally adequate foods. Households experiencing food insecurity may not be food insecure all the time, and they might have to choose between essential needs like housing or medical bills and purchasing sufficient, nutritious food.

The concept of "food deserts" has been used to describe areas with limited access to fresh, affordable, and healthy food. However, some advocates, like Chef Sean Hassan, prefer the term "food apartheid" (afro.com). This term highlights that the restriction of food in certain neighborhoods is not merely a natural occurrence, but rather a result of systemic racial and economic inequalities (afro.com). Food apartheid emphasizes the deliberate and historical policies that have created these disparities, leading to a lack of access to healthy food options in predominantly Black and brown communities.

Specific barriers to accessing healthy food in these areas include limited availability of grocery stores, lack of reliable transportation to stores outside the neighborhood, and the high cost of fresh produce compared to processed foods. Chef Alexandra Charles, who has personally experienced a lack of access to healthy and nourishing foods, actively supports food insecurity efforts and stresses the importance of partnering with community centers to overcome these barriers (afro.com). By working directly within affected communities, organizations can better understand and address the unique challenges faced by residents, ensuring that solutions are tailored and effective.

Many organizations in New Jersey are transforming hunger relief from a traditional "emergency food" model to one that prioritizes dignity and respect (mendnj.org). Providing food with dignity means more than just handing out meals; it involves creating an environment where individuals feel valued and empowered. For example, Toni's Kitchen, a soup kitchen in Montclair, provides hot, nutritious meals in a restaurant-style setting, emphasizing dignity, health improvement, and fostering independence (toniskitchen.org, toniskitchen.org). This approach allows patrons to choose their meals, sit at tables, and experience a sense of normalcy and respect.

Furthermore, organizations like MEND (Meeting Essential Needs with Dignity) Hunger Relief Network of Essex County focus on sourcing high-quality, culturally relevant, fresh, and healthy food (mendnj.org). Culturally relevant food means providing options that align with the dietary preferences and traditions of the diverse communities they serve. This approach acknowledges and respects the cultural heritage of individuals, making the food more appealing and ensuring that it is consumed. By prioritizing the needs of their patrons and offering a variety of familiar and nutritious options, these organizations are not only addressing hunger but also promoting overall well-being and cultural sensitivity.

Collaborative efforts and community engagement are crucial in addressing food insecurity and promoting health equity. Health equity means that everyone has a fair and just opportunity to be as healthy as possible, regardless of their socioeconomic status, race, or other circumstances. The "Nourishing Communities, Confronting Food Insecurity Together" program at NJPAC brought together local chefs, health leaders, and community advocates to confront food insecurity and inequities (afro.com). This event highlighted the healing power of connection, with nonprofits like Toni's Kitchen sharing resources directly with attendees (afro.com).

MEND launched the Food & Health Equity Coalition of Essex County in 2024 to identify and address the greatest barriers to food and health equity across Essex County (mendnj.org). Over 80 people from more than 50 organizations participated in the launch, demonstrating a collective effort to identify barriers to food security (mendnj.org). This coalition aims to share existing assets and resources for greater collaborative and collective impact (mendnj.org). Strong institutions coming together and voicing their concerns is a powerful way to move things forward in addressing systemic change (afro.com). These collaborations allow for a more holistic approach, combining diverse expertise and resources to tackle complex issues.

Community organizations rely heavily on public support through volunteering and donations to continue their vital work in combating hunger. Individuals can significantly help fight hunger and food insecurity in New Jersey by volunteering their time at organizations like Toni's Kitchen or by donating food or money (toniskitchen.org). Volunteers play a crucial role in various aspects of hunger relief, from preparing and serving meals to organizing food drives and assisting with administrative tasks. Their dedication ensures that operations run smoothly and that food reaches those who need it most.

Financial contributions are equally important, as they provide the necessary resources for organizations to purchase food, maintain facilities, and expand their programs. Interfaith Neighbors is seeking support from the broader community to sponsor the cost of produce for individual families, with $250 underwriting the cost for a family for the growing season and $50 supporting a family's produce for one month (interfaithneighbors.org). These donations directly translate into access to fresh, healthy food for families who might otherwise struggle to afford it. MEND also received Grant Navigator Support, which helps unlock additional funding opportunities to strengthen community health by increasing access to fresh and healthy food (mendnj.org). This support is crucial for organizations to secure the long-term funding needed to sustain and grow their impactful initiatives.

Addressing food insecurity structurally requires significant policy and systemic changes. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) has been a central focus in these efforts, often debated as either a critical tool for poverty reduction or a costly government expense (news-journal.com). Historically, both Republican and Democratic administrations have expanded or contracted SNAP, reflecting a complex balance between fiscal and social responsibility (news-journal.com). For instance, the Reagan administration implemented cuts to food assistance programs, while the Clinton administration imposed stricter work requirements for SNAP recipients (news-journal.com).

Conversely, the George W. Bush administration expanded access to SNAP, and the Obama administration significantly increased benefits during the Great Recession (news-journal.com). These shifts highlight the dynamic nature of policy decisions and their direct impact on food security. Current policy initiatives often focus on expanding access to nutritious food, improving food distribution networks, and addressing the underlying socioeconomic factors that contribute to food insecurity. Advocacy groups and community organizations continue to push for policies that ensure all residents have reliable access to healthy food, recognizing that systemic change is essential for long-term solutions.

The efforts of organizations like Toni's Kitchen, MEND, and Interfaith Neighbors are making a tangible difference in the lives of New Jersey residents. Food pantries such as the Human Needs Food Pantry and the New Jersey Community Food Bank offer free, nutritious, healthy food to Essex County and New Jersey residents who cannot afford fresh groceries (toniskitchen.org). These direct services provide immediate relief and ensure that families have access to essential nourishment. The success stories, like individuals securing employment and then wanting to give back, underscore the profound impact of these programs on individual lives and the broader community (afro.com).

Looking ahead, the focus remains on strengthening community health by increasing access to fresh and healthy food, envisioning a community where everyone has access to nutritious food and the ability to achieve optimal health (mendnj.org). This includes continued collaboration among organizations, advocacy for supportive policies, and sustained community engagement. By addressing the root causes of food insecurity, promoting dignity in food distribution, and fostering strong partnerships, New Jersey can move closer to a future where hunger is eradicated and health equity is a reality for all its residents. The ongoing commitment of these organizations, supported by community involvement, is essential for achieving these ambitious but critical goals.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

Ghana has stepped into a complex international issue by accepting West African nationals deported from the United States. President John Dramani Mahama confirmed the arrival of 14 deportees, including Nigerians and one Gambian, who have since been facilitated to return to their home countries (primenewsghana.com). This move highlights Ghana's position within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a regional political and economic union of fifteen West African countries. ECOWAS promotes economic integration across the region, including a policy of visa-free movement for citizens among member states. This policy helps explain why Ghana would accept deportees from neighboring West African nations, as their ultimate destination is often within the ECOWAS bloc.

President Mahama's announcement came during a media encounter at the Jubilee House (primenewsghana.com). This engagement provided a platform to discuss various national matters, including the nation's economic performance. Ghana's economy expanded by 6.3% in the second quarter of the year, primarily driven by the services sector (primenewsghana.com). The acceptance of deportees from the US, while a humanitarian gesture, also places Ghana in a unique position regarding international migration policies and its relationship with the United States.

The Trump administration's policy of mass deportations has drawn significant criticism for its indiscriminate targeting of immigrants. This includes individuals without criminal records, raising concerns about potential violations of due process (mediamatters.org). Due process in immigration enforcement refers to the legal rights and procedures that must be followed before an individual can be deported. These rights typically include the right to a fair hearing, the right to legal representation, and the right to appeal a decision. Critics argue that the Trump administration's approach often bypassed these fundamental protections.

Initially, the Trump administration claimed it would prioritize deporting the "worst first," focusing on immigrants with serious criminal offenses (mediamatters.org). However, reports quickly emerged indicating that immigrants without criminal records were also being targeted (mediamatters.org). Some media personalities even suggested that deportees did not deserve due process, asserting that all individuals caught in raids were gang members, despite evidence to the contrary (mediamatters.org). This narrative persisted even when individuals with legally protected status were deported, further highlighting the controversial nature of the policy.

The clandestine nature of deportation flights has raised serious concerns about potential abuses and the involvement of various entities. These entities include government agencies, private air charter companies, and even well-known institutions (gijn.org). Research into these flights has been ongoing for several years, with a major report detailing abuses in the industry released in 2019 (gijn.org). These abuses often involve the mistreatment of deportees during transit, including prolonged shackling and denial of basic necessities.

The University of Washington Center for Human Rights (UWCHR) has actively sought information on these flights. They have used the Freedom of Information Act to obtain various documents, such as databases, invoices, and reports of abuses (gijn.org). The role of air charter companies in these operations is significant, as they are contracted by the government to transport deportees. The lack of transparency surrounding these contracts and the conditions on these flights contributes to the difficulty in monitoring and addressing potential human rights violations. The complicity of various actors, including those in the private sector, in these secretive operations remains a point of contention and investigation.

The United States government has faced legal challenges and significant criticism due to "administrative errors" in deportations, which have led to individuals being wrongfully removed. One notable case involves Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who was deported to El Salvador, a move the administration later admitted was an "administrative error" (wusa9.com). Such errors can stem from various issues, including misidentification, incorrect legal interpretations, or failures in communication between different government agencies. The consequences for those wrongfully deported are severe, often involving separation from family, loss of livelihood, and placement in dangerous situations.

Democratic senators have demanded answers regarding Garcia's deportation (wusa9.com). A Maryland court even ordered the federal government to bring Garcia back (wusa9.com). However, the Solicitor General urged the Supreme Court to block this order, arguing that the President, not federal courts, is responsible for foreign diplomacy and protecting the nation (wusa9.com). Garcia's lawyer responded to the Supreme Court, pointing out that the government has previously returned wrongfully removed migrants and had never claimed to be powerless to correct such errors until this case (wusa9.com). This legal battle highlights the ongoing tension between judicial oversight and executive authority in deportation cases, raising questions about the separation of powers within the US government.

The concept of "third-party nationals" refers to individuals deported to countries where they have little or no ties, rather than their country of origin. This practice has become a contentious aspect of US immigration policy. For example, in July, the US deported five individuals to Eswatini and eight others to South Sudan. In August, Rwanda received seven migrants deported from the United States, weeks after the two countries reached an agreement for the transfer of up to 250 people. This strategy allows the US to deport individuals even when their country of origin is unwilling or unable to accept them, or when the US seeks to deter future migration by making the process more difficult and unpredictable.

Rights groups have strongly criticized the Trump administration's increasing practice of deporting migrants to third countries. They argue that this practice violates international law and the basic rights of migrants. These concerns stem from the potential for deportees to be sent to countries where they face persecution, instability, or a lack of support systems. The implications for deportees sent to countries where they have no family, cultural, or legal connections are profound, often leading to extreme hardship and vulnerability. Despite opposition from courts in the US, the Supreme Court in June allowed the government to restart swift removals of migrants to countries other than their homelands.

This chart illustrates the number of deportees sent to various African nations by the United States between July and August 2024.

Deportees sent to Somalia face immense challenges, including widespread insecurity, political instability, and extremely limited opportunities. The US government itself issues warnings to its citizens about the dangers in the country, highlighting "crime, terrorism, civil unrest... kidnapping, [and] piracy" (hiiraan.com). Attacks by al-Shabab, a militant group, are common, making daily life precarious for residents and newly arrived deportees alike. The country's ongoing war and instability create a hostile environment, particularly for those who have spent most of their lives abroad and lack local connections or understanding of the complex social and political landscape (inkl.com).

Former US deportees have described Somalia as "dangerous," underscoring the severe risks involved (inkl.com). In December 2017, 92 Somali deportees on a flight from the US experienced abuse, including being roughed up, tased, and kept in handcuffs and shackles for approximately 40 hours (hiiraan.com). This incident vividly illustrates the harsh realities associated with deportation to the region. Over 4,000 Somalis face deportation, and lawyers and activists argue that readapting to a country many left as children is incredibly difficult, with work opportunities being scarce (hiiraan.com). The European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) and the UNHCR also provide detailed reports on Somalia's security situation and the challenges faced by individuals, including deportees, within the country (euaa.europa.eu; unhcr.org).

The human impact of these deportations, particularly for those sent to countries where they have no family, cultural, or legal connections, is profound. Deportees often face significant psychological distress, including anxiety, depression, and trauma, due to the abrupt disruption of their lives and the uncertainty of their future. Many have spent the majority of their lives in the United States, making their return to a country they barely know, or do not know at all, an incredibly disorienting experience. The lack of support systems, such as family networks or community organizations, exacerbates their vulnerability and makes reintegration exceptionally difficult.

Furthermore, the legal status and rights of deportees upon arrival in these countries are often unclear. There is little information on the legal protections or support systems available to them, which leaves many in a precarious position. Without proper documentation or access to legal aid, they may struggle to secure housing, employment, or even basic necessities. This situation raises serious questions about the ethical responsibilities of the deporting country and the receiving country to ensure the well-being and fundamental rights of these individuals. The stories of deportees struggling to survive in unfamiliar and often dangerous environments underscore the urgent need for more humane and transparent deportation policies.

The ongoing debate surrounding deportation policies underscores the need for a more comprehensive and humane approach. The current system, characterized by mass deportations, administrative errors, and the controversial practice of sending individuals to third-party nations, raises significant ethical and legal questions. As African nations like Ghana continue to navigate their roles in this complex landscape, the international community must address the fundamental rights of deportees and the conditions they face upon arrival. The lack of clear statistics on the total number of deportees, their nationalities, or demographic profiles further limits a full understanding of the scale and scope of these operations.

Moving forward, there is a critical need for greater transparency in deportation processes, including the operations of air charter companies and the involvement of various institutions. Additionally, establishing robust support systems for deportees in receiving countries is essential to mitigate the severe human impact of these policies. This includes providing legal aid, access to social services, and opportunities for reintegration into society. The experiences of those deported to Somalia serve as a stark reminder of the potential dangers and challenges, emphasizing the urgency for policies that prioritize human dignity and safety above all else.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

The expiration of President Donald Trump's emergency order concerning Washington, D.C.'s police force marks a significant moment. This order gave him direct control over the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) (Washington Informer). It represented a major federal intervention into local governance. However, the struggle for D.C. residents to govern themselves continues. The August 11 declaration allowed Trump to take authority over the MPD. He cited a "crime emergency" in the capital as his reason (Washington Informer).

D.C. Attorney General Brian Schwalb challenged this action. He argued that the law did not permit a president to take full command of a local police force (Washington Informer). This legal challenge led the Justice Department to reduce its demands. They then only required certain police services related to immigration enforcement (Washington Informer). Despite these scaled-back demands, the federal takeover impacted daily life in the city. Federal agents joined MPD officers at traffic checkpoints and conducted immigration sweeps (Washington Informer). More than 1,600 people were arrested during this surge. A large majority, 80%, faced misdemeanors or low-level charges (Washington Informer).

The broader debate over D.C.'s self-governance and autonomy is ongoing. Some Republican lawmakers are actively trying to reduce local control. They have introduced legislation to repeal the Home Rule Act (WUSA9). This act allows D.C. residents to elect their own mayor and city council. If these efforts succeed, more decision-making power would shift to Congress (WUSA9). D.C. Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton and other advocates for D.C. statehood argue that these measures diminish local control. They also prevent residents from governing themselves (WUSA9). Norton views bills to repeal D.C. Home Rule as evidence of progress toward statehood. She states that such efforts will only strengthen the case for D.C. statehood (WUSA9).

The Home Rule Act granted D.C. residents the ability to elect their local government officials (WUSA9). Its importance lies in providing a degree of self-governance to the District. Historically, D.C. has been under direct congressional control. Efforts to repeal the Act are seen as attempts to strip away this limited democracy. Bills introduced in Congress, such as the BOWSER Act, aim to repeal the D.C. Home Rule Act (AFRO). Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton views these attempts as efforts to "take away what small measure of democracy" D.C. residents have (norton.house.gov). Historically, Congress has had to legislate on mundane local issues in D.C. This included dog leash laws and kite flying, highlighting the lack of local autonomy before the Home Rule Act (51st.news).

Despite claims of reduced crime during the federal operation, concerns remain. These concerns involve the impact on resident trust and the continued federal presence. An MPD report showed overall crime dropped 15% during the federal operation (Washington Informer). This was compared to the same period a year earlier. This included a 39% decline in violent crime and a steep drop in carjackings (Washington Informer). Mayor Muriel Bowser acknowledged decreases in gun violence and carjackings. However, she warned that cooperation between MPD and federal immigration agents “is not working” for residents’ trust in local policing (Washington Informer).

Even with the emergency order lapsing, MPD Police Chief Pamela Smith’s order remains in effect. This order permits limited cooperation with federal immigration authorities (Washington Informer). Thousands of National Guard troops from D.C. and eight Republican-led states remain deployed. Additional officers from the FBI, DEA, and other federal agencies are also present. Immigration raids continue (Washington Informer). Concerns about crime in D.C., including carjackings and homicides, are cited by those who want to repeal the Home Rule Act (NBC Washington). While homicides increased, overall violent crime in D.C. has reportedly gone down (NBC Washington).

Congress is considering measures that could further expand federal power over the District. D.C. officials and advocates continue to push for greater self-governance. House Republicans are considering bills that would tighten sentencing laws. They also want to lower the age at which juveniles can be tried as adults. These bills would restrict the D.C. Council’s authority on criminal justice (Washington Informer). Democrats, including Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D) of Maryland and D.C.’s Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D), have responded. They reintroduced legislation to grant the District full control over its police and National Guard (Washington Informer).

D.C. Councilmember Christina Henderson (I-At-Large) stated that the city remains vulnerable. She remarked, “With this administration and this particular crop of individuals in the Congress, you give an inch, they will take a mile” (Washington Informer). The US Senate is set to decide on D.C.'s fate in a funding bill. This comes amidst potential $1 billion cuts to city services (WUSA9). The search results indicate that Congress holds significant power over D.C.'s local governance. Some members are attempting to exert more federal control, especially over policing and other local policies. This creates tension with D.C.'s elected officials who advocate for local autonomy. Republican members of Congress have introduced bills to repeal the D.C. Home Rule Act. They aim to increase federal control over the District (AFRO). Congress previously overturned a D.C. crime bill, showing federal oversight and intervention in local D.C. legislation (NBC Washington).

The D.C. statehood movement aims to make D.C. the 51st state. This would grant its residents full voting representation in Congress and greater autonomy. The movement has seen significant progress. The House of Representatives passed statehood bills in 2020 and 2021 (norton.house.gov). Efforts to repeal the Home Rule Act are viewed by statehood advocates as further evidence of the need for statehood. Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton views attempts to repeal the Home Rule Act as strengthening the case for statehood (WUSA9).

The House of Representatives passed the D.C. statehood bill in 2020 and again in 2021. This marked historic progress for the movement (norton.house.gov). Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton consistently opposes these federal interventions. She views them as undermining the democratic rights of D.C. residents (norton.house.gov). Historically, Congress has been involved in very specific local D.C. matters. This included dog-pound sites and daylight saving time. This illustrates the extent of federal control before the Home Rule Act (51st.news).

The provided search results mention that a majority of D.C. residents are Black and Brown. Attempts to repeal the Home Rule Act are seen as taking away their "small measure of democracy" (norton.house.gov). Concerns are also raised about the impact of cooperation with federal immigration agencies on community trust. Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton emphasizes that the majority of D.C.'s over 700,000 residents are Black and Brown. Efforts to repeal the Home Rule Act aim to take away their "small measure of democracy" (norton.house.gov). Concerns exist that cooperating with federal immigration agencies would discourage immigrants from interacting with the police and other government agencies. This could potentially make D.C. less safe for all residents (AFRO).

The provided search results indicate ongoing legislative battles regarding D.C.'s autonomy and policing. Bills to repeal the Home Rule Act have been introduced. Some have passed the House. However, their ultimate passage is uncertain due to strong opposition. The D.C. statehood movement continues to push for full autonomy. They view these challenges as further justification for statehood. Bills to repeal the D.C. Home Rule Act have been introduced and referred to committees. Their progression is not guaranteed (AFRO). Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton has stated her intention to defeat efforts to repeal the Home Rule Act. She believes they will strengthen the case for statehood (norton.house.gov). The House of Representatives has previously passed D.C. statehood bills. This suggests that the debate over D.C.'s autonomy and future status will continue (norton.house.gov).

The legal basis for federal intervention in D.C. governance, specifically regarding the "emergency order" and Section 740 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act of 1973, is not clearly defined in the provided information. The articles primarily focus on legislative attempts to repeal the Home Rule Act and the broader political debate surrounding D.C.'s autonomy. The precise legal limits on presidential and congressional authority over D.C.'s local governance and police are also not clarified. The information highlights instances of congressional intervention and attempts to repeal the Home Rule Act. However, it does not delve into the constitutional or statutory boundaries of such actions.

The provided search results do not contain information regarding the legal authority, purpose, or implications of National Guard deployment in D.C. Similarly, they do not contain information about specific changes in policing tactics or enforcement practices during any federal takeover, nor do they compare these to prior practices. There is also no information about coordination mechanisms between local and federal law enforcement agencies post-emergency order expiration. The cooperation between the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) and federal immigration agencies is a contentious issue. This is particularly true because D.C. is a sanctuary city. The specific nature and legal basis of this cooperation are not detailed. However, the community impact is framed around concerns for public safety and trust. D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser's proposed fiscal year 2026 budget included the repeal of the district's designation as a sanctuary city (AFRO). Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton stated that cooperating with federal immigration agencies would make D.C. less safe. This would happen by diverting police resources and discouraging immigrants from interacting with law enforcement (AFRO).

Several legislative proposals aim to repeal the D.C. Home Rule Act. The most notable is the BOWSER Act. These bills are introduced by Republican members of Congress. They often cite concerns about crime and D.C.'s local policies. While some bills have passed the House, their likelihood of becoming law is uncertain. They face strong opposition from D.C.'s Delegate and statehood advocates. The broader political context involves a partisan divide over D.C.'s autonomy and statehood. The "Bringing Oversight to Washington and Safety to Every Resident (BOWSER) Act" was introduced to repeal the D.C. Home Rule Act (AFRO). These bills are often justified by concerns over D.C.'s crime rates and policies. This includes allowing non-citizens to vote in local elections (NBC Washington).

Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton has vowed to defeat these efforts. She states that they strengthen the case for D.C. statehood (norton.house.gov). The House of Representatives has previously passed D.C. statehood bills in 2020 and 2021. This indicates a broader political debate with differing views on D.C.'s future (norton.house.gov). The provided search results mention crime statistics as a justification for proposed federal intervention. However, they do not offer context on baseline crime trends. They also do not explain how figures are measured, or potential confounding factors. They only state that D.C. saw an increase in homicides but an overall decrease in violent crime. Concerns about crime in D.C., including carjackings and homicides, are cited by proponents of repealing the Home Rule Act (NBC Washington). While homicides increased, overall violent crime in D.C. has reportedly gone down (NBC Washington).

The Home Rule Act of 1973 granted residents of Washington, D.C., the ability to elect their own local government officials, including a mayor and city council. This act was a significant step towards self-governance for the District, which had historically been under direct congressional control. Efforts to repeal this act are seen as attempts to undermine D.C.'s limited democracy and return more decision-making power to Congress. (WUSA9, norton.house.gov)

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

Intra-communal violence refers to violence that happens within a specific community. In the context of Black communities, this means violence occurring among Black individuals and groups. It is a complex issue, often driven by a small number of people or groups (nnscommunities.org). This type of violence is deeply connected to various factors, including the economic conditions people live in, the lasting effects of historical trauma, and unfair systems that create disadvantages.

The impact of intra-communal violence is significant. It creates enormous and unfair social and economic costs within minority communities (ncbi.nlm.nih.gov). These costs include expenses for medical care, education, and the justice system. Furthermore, violence leads to reduced productivity in the job market, lower property values, and disruptions to essential community services. Research has also shown a clear link between high rates of youth violence and overall community violence (ocme.dc.gov). Addressing this issue requires understanding its roots and implementing strategies that support the community from within.

One major factor contributing to violence within Black communities is the harmful idea that Black people are naturally violent or somehow less than human. This idea is spread through societal messages and popular culture (afro.com). Young people, in particular, are taught through media and entertainment that their worth is tied to being tough, aggressive, or even violent. This creates a dangerous environment where aggression can be seen as a sign of value.

Moreover, the way capitalism works can make things worse. Some businesses profit by promoting harmful stereotypes of Black people, especially to a wider audience. This leads to many stories and images that show Black people as criminals or inferior (afro.com). These negative ideas, combined with the deep pain from historical dehumanization—like the lasting effects of slavery—can make people feel worthless and sad. This can lead to self-destructive behaviors, including violence against others within their own community. It is a cycle where external negative perceptions become internalized, leading to pain that is then expressed outwardly.

Another significant reason for intra-communal violence is the growing gap between working-class Black people and the Black middle and upper classes. The Civil Rights Movement brought about important changes, creating opportunities for some Black individuals to improve their social standing (afro.com). However, this often happened without a similar focus on improving the lives of the entire community. This has led to increased class differences within the Black community.

As a result, many Black people have become poorer and are often unfairly judged. Sometimes, even Black individuals who have achieved middle-class status contribute to this by trying to distance themselves from what they see as problems within the working class (afro.com). This creates a sense of abandonment, where those who have achieved success may not invest in the collective uplift of the community. This growing class stratification can weaken community bonds and leave vulnerable populations without the support systems they need, contributing to the conditions where violence can thrive.

There is a common belief that drug trafficking and a "criminal element" are the main causes of violence in Black communities. However, this explanation is often not supported by facts. For example, data from Baltimore's Western District in 2020 and 2021 showed that only 14.5% of homicides were linked to drug trafficking (afro.com). This suggests that focusing solely on drug-related crime as the primary driver of violence might be a misdirection.

Instead, a larger portion of homicides were due to ongoing personal disputes, accounting for 20.3% of cases. Internal group disputes were responsible for 18.8%, and sudden personal disputes made up 11.6% of homicides (afro.com). Similar patterns have been observed in studies conducted in other cities. This indicates that violence is often rooted in interpersonal conflicts and group dynamics, rather than solely in the drug trade. Understanding these true drivers is crucial for developing effective prevention strategies.

To truly prevent violence, we must address the deep-seated pain and suffering that lead to it. It is important to understand that political efforts to demonize Black people are not real violence prevention strategies (afro.com). Instead, these efforts are often about gaining political support from groups committed to maintaining a system of white supremacy. Such tactics distract from the real work of healing and community building.

The most effective messengers for violence prevention are often those who have been unfairly targeted by the political system. This includes individuals who were formerly incarcerated or involved in street organizations (afro.com). These individuals have unique credibility and understanding of the community's challenges. Investing significantly in organizations led by these credible messengers is vital. Their work can help address the internalized feelings of inferiority and worthlessness that contribute to violence within the Black community. By empowering these voices, we can foster genuine change and healing.

Community-driven strategies, such as Group Violence Reduction Strategies (GVRS) and Community Violence Intervention (CVI) programs, are proven ways to reduce violence. GVRS focuses on a small number of individuals and groups who are at high risk of being involved in violence (monse.baltimorecity.gov). The goal is to offer them support, clearly communicate community expectations against violence, and apply consequences when necessary. These strategies recognize that a very small number of people often drive violence, and focusing on them can make communities safer.

CVI programs bring together community leaders, social service providers, and law enforcement to deliver anti-violence messages (magazine.publichealth.jhu.edu). These programs can include interventions in hospitals for shooting victims and new initiatives created by community members to meet specific neighborhood needs (nlc.org). The core idea is to foster internal social pressure within groups to deter violence, offer an "honorable exit" for those who want to change, and provide support for individuals seeking a different path (nnscommunities.org). These collaborative efforts are essential for creating lasting peace.

Group Violence Reduction Strategies (GVRS): These strategies focus on a small number of high-risk individuals and groups involved in violence. The approach involves offering support, clearly communicating community norms against violence, and applying sanctions when necessary. The goal is to reduce violence by directly engaging with those most likely to be involved, offering them a path away from violence, and ensuring consequences for continued harmful actions. (monse.baltimorecity.gov)

The success of violence prevention efforts heavily relies on the people delivering the message. Individuals who have lived experience with violence, such as those formerly involved in street organizations or who have been incarcerated, are often the most credible messengers (afro.com). They understand the complexities of the streets and can connect with at-risk individuals in ways that traditional authorities cannot. Their authenticity builds trust and opens doors for meaningful conversations about change.

These credible messengers are uniquely positioned to address the internalized feelings of inferiority and worthlessness that can drive self-destructive behavior. By sharing their own journeys and offering guidance, they provide hope and demonstrate that a different path is possible. Investing in organizations led by these individuals is not just about funding programs; it is about empowering the very people who can transform their communities from within. Their work is essential for fostering healing and resilience.

Effective violence prevention must be based on accurate data, not on assumptions or stereotypes. The idea that drug trafficking is the primary cause of violence is a convenient narrative, but it is often not supported by evidence (afro.com). Without understanding the true circumstances that lead to violence, prevention efforts will be misdirected and ineffective. It is crucial to gather and analyze data to identify the actual drivers of violence in specific communities.

For example, knowing that personal disputes and internal group conflicts contribute significantly to homicides allows for more targeted interventions. This means focusing on conflict resolution, mediation, and addressing underlying tensions within groups, in addition to efforts to curb drug-related activities. A data-driven approach ensures that resources are allocated effectively, addressing the most prevalent causes of violence and leading to more impactful results. This also helps to move away from harmful narratives that demonize entire communities.

Community Violence Intervention (CVI): CVI programs involve a collaborative effort between community leaders, social service providers, and law enforcement to deliver anti-violence messages. These programs can include hospital-based interventions for victims of gun violence and unique initiatives created by community members to address specific neighborhood needs. CVI aims to create a unified front against violence, offering support and alternatives to those at risk. (magazine.publichealth.jhu.edu)

Addressing violence in Black communities requires a comprehensive approach that tackles its root causes. This means moving beyond simplistic explanations and focusing on the complex interplay of societal dehumanization, class stratification, and interpersonal conflicts. It also means challenging political narratives that demonize Black people, recognizing them as counterproductive to genuine violence prevention (afro.com). Instead, we must champion strategies that empower communities from within.

Major investments are needed for organizations led by credible messengers—individuals with lived experience who can effectively reach and influence those at risk. These investments should support programs that address the pain and suffering that lead to violence, offering pathways to healing and positive change. By focusing on community-driven solutions, supported by accurate data and led by trusted voices, we can build safer, stronger, and more resilient Black communities for future generations.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

Gerrymandering is a tricky word, but it is important to understand. It is the practice of drawing electoral district boundaries in a way that gives one political party an unfair advantage over another. This can be done by concentrating voters from one party into a few districts, which minimizes their overall impact. Alternatively, it can involve spreading a party's voters across many districts to ensure they win a majority in each one. This manipulation of district lines can significantly impact who gets elected and, therefore, what laws get passed.

In Missouri, the debate over how to divide the state's eight U.S. House districts has been intense. Conservative Republicans have openly pushed for an aggressive map that could flip a Democratic-held seat to the GOP (ktlo.com). This openness about partisan gerrymandering is a shift from previous cycles when such intentions were more discreet. A 2019 U.S. Supreme Court decision, which stated that federal courts have no role in resolving disputes over partisan gerrymandering, has emboldened some Missouri Republicans (ktlo.com). This decision essentially gave state legislatures more freedom to draw maps that favor their party, leading to more aggressive tactics.

Missouri House Republicans have approved a new congressional map that aims to change the state's Republican majority in the House from 6-2 to 7-1 (newsone.com). This proposed map seeks to achieve this by dividing the district currently represented by U.S. Rep. Emanuel Cleaver. His district's voters would be split into three Republican-leaning districts (newsone.com). This move has drawn strong criticism from Democrats and public interest groups.

Rep. Cleaver has publicly stated his intention to challenge the new map in court (newsone.com). House Minority Leader Ashley Aune, a Kansas City Democrat, has also criticized the effort, calling it an aid to "the systematic destruction of our democracy" (newsone.com). However, State GOP Rep. Dirk Deaton, the bill's sponsor, defended the map as a "Missouri First map, made in Missouri, for Missouri" (newsone.com). He believes it better represents the state's interests, despite the controversy.

The redistricting effort in Missouri faces significant public opposition. A recent poll indicates that nearly half of Missouri voters oppose the redistricting effort, viewing it as a waste of resources (newsone.com). This suggests a disconnect between the actions of the state legislature and the desires of the people they represent.

During a public hearing, many Missouri voters spoke out against the new map. A common argument was that it places rural and urban voters with little in common into the same district (newsone.com). A former Republican state legislator, Shannon Cooper, noted the lack of public input in the current redistricting process compared to past efforts. In previous cycles, committees traveled across the state to gather local input (democraticredistricting.com). One St. Louis voter commented that "the idea with democracy is that there’s balance, and if there’s too much of either side that hurts the idea of balance" (democraticredistricting.com). This highlights the concern that the new map disrupts the democratic balance.

In addition to redistricting, Missouri Republicans are advancing legislation that would make it significantly harder for citizens to pass constitutional amendments or state laws through initiative petitions. The initiative petition process allows citizens to propose and enact laws or constitutional amendments directly. This is a powerful tool for voters to influence state policy, and the proposed changes could severely limit their ability to do so.

The proposed legislation, sponsored by State Rep. Ed Lewis, would require a majority of voters in all eight of Missouri's congressional districts, in addition to a statewide majority, for a constitutional amendment or state law to pass (joplinglobe.com). Under this proposed change, as few as 5% of Missouri voters could effectively defeat a ballot initiative (newsone.com). This legislation largely mirrors a request from Gov. Mike Kehoe (joplinglobe.com). The motivation for this change is partly attributed to the successful abortion rights amendment, which passed with just under 52% of the vote but was opposed in all but eight of Missouri's 115 counties (komu.com). Representative Lewis argued that the current process "disenfranchises rural Missouri because it does not require 'broad geographic support,'" stating that "Every last inch of the state of Missouri needs to be represented when we are changing the constitution" (komu.com).

The redistricting and legislative changes in Missouri are likely to significantly affect voters' representation and their ability to influence state and federal policies. By altering the competitive nature of elections, these changes can make it harder for citizens to directly enact laws. For example, the bill limiting court involvement with ballot language for initiatives could make it more difficult for citizens to challenge potentially biased descriptions of proposed laws (stlpr.org).

The new legislation also grants the attorney general the power to appeal preliminary injunctions on ongoing cases related to ballot language. This could potentially delay or hinder challenges to the wording of initiatives (stlpr.org). The Secretary of State's office will have multiple attempts to draft "sufficient and fair" ballot language. Only after three failed attempts can the court propose its own language. This potentially gives state officials more control over how initiatives are presented to voters (stlpr.org). The open pursuit of partisan gerrymandering by some Missouri Republicans aims to bend district boundaries to secure as many seats as possible for their party. This directly impacts the fairness of voter representation (ktlo.com).

Missouri's redistricting efforts are part of a broader national trend of Republican-led states attempting to redraw electoral maps. This trend reportedly began in July when President Donald Trump encouraged Texas Gov. Greg Abbott to consider drawing a new congressional map (newsone.com). This practice has implications for federal elections by potentially altering the balance of power in the U.S. House of Representatives.

In Texas, Governor Abbott called a special legislative session for redistricting, despite devastating floods. This led to a new map that added five seats in districts Trump won by double digits in the 2024 election (newsone.com). Texas Democrats resisted these efforts through filibusters and by leaving the state to deny quorum (newsone.com). Other states, including Ohio and Florida, are also engaged in redrawing electoral maps (newsone.com). The prolonged debate in Missouri's Senate over congressional districts mirrors similar actions in numerous other states (ktlo.com). States like Illinois, Maryland, and New York have drawn district lines to give Democrats an advantage, while states such as Tennessee, Ohio, and North Carolina have done so to benefit Republicans (ktlo.com). Courts have overturned the maps in Ohio and North Carolina, indicating ongoing legal challenges to partisan gerrymandering across the country (ktlo.com).

California Governor Gavin Newsom announced the "Election Rigging Response Act" to counter these moves. He proposed a special election to decide whether control of the state's congressional maps will remain with an independent redistricting committee or shift to the state legislature (newsone.com). This highlights the ongoing battle between those who seek to manipulate electoral maps for partisan gain and those who advocate for fairer processes.

The Missouri legislature's bill limiting court involvement with ballot language for initiatives suggests that legislative action can also impact the fairness of the electoral process. This could potentially make it harder for citizens to challenge perceived unfairness (stlpr.org). The current redistricting effort in Missouri is marked by a more open and aggressive pursuit of partisan advantage compared to some previous cycles (ktlo.com). This openness has been emboldened by a 2019 U.S. Supreme Court decision that stated federal courts had no role in settling disputes over partisan gerrymandering (ktlo.com). The fight for fair representation continues across the nation.

The proposed redistricting in Missouri, particularly the division of U.S. Rep. Emanuel Cleaver's district, has significant implications for African American voters and communities. When districts are carved up, it can dilute the voting power of specific demographic groups, making it harder for them to elect representatives who truly reflect their interests and concerns. This is a classic tactic in gerrymandering, designed to minimize the influence of certain populations.

For African American communities, this can mean a reduction in their ability to shape policy and ensure their voices are heard in both state and federal government. The changes to the initiative petition process also add another layer of challenge. If it becomes harder to pass citizen-led laws, it can limit the avenues through which African American voters can advocate for issues important to their communities, such as civil rights, economic justice, and educational equity. These efforts, when viewed collectively, contribute to a broader trend of suppressing minority votes and representation, which ultimately undermines the principles of a fair and inclusive democracy.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

On August 3, 2025, in the quiet city of St. Marys, Georgia, a domestic disturbance call escalated into a fatal encounter, leaving 27-year-old Gregory Peter Paige, a Black father of four, dead. St. Marys Police officers responded to an apartment in the Cumberland Oaks Apartment complex after 11 p.m. (atlantablackstar.com). The officers claimed Paige pulled a gun and opened fire, leading them to fear for their lives (atlantablackstar.com). However, a month later, neither the St. Marys Police Department nor the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) has publicly mentioned finding a gun in the apartment where Paige was shot (atlantablackstar.com). The GBI's preliminary information confirms that two St. Marys Police Department officers fired their weapons, hitting Paige (atlantablackstar.com).

This incident has raised serious questions about police conduct and accountability. The lack of a confirmed weapon at the scene, coupled with conflicting police accounts, has fueled concerns among Paige's family and civil rights advocates. The community, though small with less than 20,000 residents, is now grappling with the aftermath of a police shooting that has left many searching for answers (atlantablackstar.com).

The official police reports surrounding Gregory Peter Paige's death contain significant discrepancies, casting a shadow over the events of that night. Officer Jordan Dexter's report claims he heard a gunshot and saw a muzzle flash before returning fire (atlantablackstar.com). However, his report does not explicitly state that a gun was found. In stark contrast, Sergeant Eric Shaw's report, from a third officer present, makes no mention of a gunshot, muzzle flash, or a gun found near Paige (atlantablackstar.com). Shaw reported that Paige "drew his right hand from behind his back, and pointed it at us" (atlantablackstar.com). These conflicting testimonies are a major concern, as they make it difficult to establish a clear and consistent narrative of what transpired.

Further complicating the investigation is the fact that the report from the second officer who opened fire, Officer O'Brien, has not been released to the public (atlantablackstar.com). This lack of transparency leaves a critical gap in understanding the full perspectives of all involved officers. A short video recorded by a witness shows a volley of 16 shots in succession, suggesting they were fired from a single gun (atlantablackstar.com). However, the video does not show the moments immediately preceding the shots, leaving crucial seconds unaccounted for. The absence of a confirmed weapon at the scene, despite claims of gunfire from Paige, is a central and unresolved issue. Weapon recovery is crucial in police shooting investigations because it can either corroborate or contradict officer statements, influencing legal proceedings and public perception. Without this confirmation, the justification for the use of deadly force remains highly questionable.

In a heartbreaking detail, Sergeant Shaw's incident report states that Gregory Peter Paige's final words were, "Y’all fixin’ to kill me" (atlantablackstar.com). Shaw's report indicates that officers told Paige that was not the case after he uttered these words (atlantablackstar.com). These words resonate deeply, especially given the subsequent events.

Paige's family has taken a significant step by retaining high-profile civil rights attorneys Benjamin Crump and Harry Daniels (atlantablackstar.com). These attorneys are well-known for their work on cases involving police brutality and racial injustice, and they are likely to file a lawsuit against the St. Marys Police Department. Attorney Benjamin Crump stated, "Like too many young Black men across this country, Gregory Paige believed these officers were going to kill him even though he posed no threat to their safety" (atlantablackstar.com). Attorney Harry Daniels echoed this sentiment, expressing his belief that there was no gun, stating, "Gregory Paige in that apartment alone posing no threat to anyone" (atlantablackstar.com). The family is demanding the release of body camera footage, which St. Marys Police Chief James W. Galloway, Jr. has not yet provided (atlantablackstar.com). Body camera footage is a vital tool for police accountability and transparency, providing an objective visual and audio record of an incident. Its absence can lead to public distrust and speculation, hindering a clear understanding of the events.

Domestic Disturbance Call: A police response to a dispute or conflict within a household, often involving family members or intimate partners. These calls are considered high-risk for law enforcement because they are inherently unpredictable and can quickly escalate due to heightened emotions, pre-existing tensions, and the potential for violence. Officers entering such situations face challenges in assessing the immediate danger, de-escalating conflicts, and ensuring the safety of all parties involved.

The chain of events leading to Gregory Peter Paige's death began with a call to police from the mother of his children (atlantablackstar.com). She accused him of domestic violence, stating that he had been drinking and threatened to shoot her and the police if she called them (atlantablackstar.com). Domestic disturbance calls are considered high-risk for law enforcement because they are inherently unpredictable and can quickly escalate due to heightened emotions and pre-existing tensions. Officer Dexter's report noted that the woman was unsure if Paige had a gun on him that night (atlantablackstar.com). Despite this uncertainty, police obtained a key and consent to enter the apartment from the woman (atlantablackstar.com).

The initial allegations of threats and domestic violence set the stage for a tense encounter. However, the lack of a confirmed weapon and the conflicting officer accounts raise questions about the immediate threat posed by Paige at the moment of the shooting. The St. Marys Police Department, like other city police departments, plays a critical role in enforcing local laws, including responding to domestic disturbance calls within their jurisdictions (camdencountyarrests.org). The Camden County Sheriff’s Office also manages the county jail and provides access to inmate rosters, indicating their involvement in the aftermath of arrests, which could include domestic disturbance incidents (camdencountyarrests.org).

The shooting of Gregory Peter Paige highlights broader issues concerning police use of force and accountability, particularly in incidents involving Black individuals. Attorney Benjamin Crump's statement reflects a widespread concern that Black men are disproportionately perceived as threats by law enforcement (atlantablackstar.com). This perception often leads to tragic outcomes, even when no actual threat is present. While specific statistical data for St. Marys or Camden County for 2025 is not yet available, national trends consistently show that Black individuals are disproportionately killed by police in the United States compared to their representation in the general population.

Cases like Paige's often fuel public debate and legal challenges regarding police accountability, use-of-force policies, and the role of independent investigations. The lack of immediate release of body camera footage is a recurring issue in police shooting investigations, often leading to calls for greater transparency and accountability. Understanding the broader issues of use of force and police accountability requires knowledge of relevant policies, legal standards, and typical investigative processes. Police departments operate under specific use-of-force policies that dictate when and how officers can employ different levels of force, from verbal commands to deadly force. These policies are often guided by legal precedents, such as the "objective reasonableness" standard established by the Supreme Court.

The Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) is currently investigating the shooting of Gregory Peter Paige. Their preliminary information indicates that two St. Marys Police Department officers fired their weapons, hitting Paige (atlantablackstar.com). Once the GBI investigation concludes, their report will be submitted to a District Attorney, who will then decide whether to pursue charges against the officers. This process may involve presenting evidence to a grand jury. Concurrently, a civil lawsuit for wrongful death or civil rights violations may be filed by Paige's family. These civil cases involve discovery, depositions, and potentially settlement negotiations or a trial. Timelines for both criminal and civil proceedings can vary significantly, often taking months or even years.

The Camden County Sheriff’s Office is responsible for enforcing state laws and maintaining court security, indicating their role in the broader legal framework that would handle such investigations and potential lawsuits (camdencountyarrests.org). The absence of specific local or recent statistical data on police shootings and racial disparities for St. Marys or Camden County is a significant gap in public information. Localized statistics offer crucial context for understanding whether an incident is an anomaly or part of a broader pattern within that specific community. Such data could include the number of officer-involved shootings, demographic information of those involved, and outcomes of investigations. The Tribune & Georgian, as a local newspaper, would be the most likely source to publish or report on localized statistical data related to law enforcement activities in St. Marys and Camden County (cninewspapers.com).

The shooting of Gregory Peter Paige has undoubtedly sent ripples through the St. Marys community. Understanding the full impact of an officer-involved shooting requires details on the broader community response beyond immediate family statements. This includes information on public protests, vigils, community meetings, statements from local leaders, or civic engagement efforts aimed at addressing the incident or broader issues of policing. Such details provide insight into the community's collective grief, anger, calls for justice, or efforts towards reform. The Tribune & Georgian newspaper serves St. Marys, Georgia, and would be the primary local media outlet to cover community reactions, protests, or civic engagement related to a significant local event (cninewspapers.com).

The demand for the release of body camera footage is a central point of contention. The status of body camera footage and the conditions for its release are often governed by specific police department policies and state laws. Typically, footage may be withheld during an ongoing investigation to prevent compromising evidence or witness testimony. Once an investigation is complete, or if there is a significant public interest and no legal impediments, footage may be released. Protocols often involve review by legal counsel, redaction of sensitive information, and sometimes a court order. Explaining these typical protocols would help the public understand the complexities surrounding the release of such critical evidence.

Information regarding the St. Marys Police Department's specific policies and training related to use of force and domestic disturbance calls is crucial for assessing systemic factors. Such policies outline the department's guidelines for de-escalation, intervention in domestic disputes, and the appropriate application of force. Training programs ensure officers are equipped to handle high-stress situations safely and effectively. Knowing these policies and training protocols allows for an informed evaluation of whether the officers' actions aligned with departmental standards and best practices, and whether there might be systemic issues contributing to the incident.

The Camden County Sheriff’s Office, which oversees law enforcement in the broader county including St. Marys, would have established policies and training protocols that would likely influence or be adopted by local police departments (camdencountyarrests.org). The absence of detailed information regarding the actions or statements of Camden County Deputies who were present at the scene also creates a significant gap in understanding the full law enforcement response. In multi-agency incidents, the roles and contributions of all involved personnel are critical for a complete and accurate reconstruction of events. Their observations, actions, and statements are essential for a comprehensive assessment of the incident.

Beyond the legal and procedural aspects, the shooting of Gregory Peter Paige represents a profound human tragedy. Providing more details about Paige's background beyond his age and family status is crucial for humanizing the narrative and offering a fuller context to the incident. Information about his life, struggles, aspirations, or any relevant circumstances leading up to the event can help readers understand the individual involved, rather than just viewing him as a statistic. This additional context can foster empathy and provide a more complete picture of the human element at the center of the tragedy. Local news sources like the Tribune & Georgian would be the most likely place to find more in-depth biographical information about individuals involved in local incidents, often through interviews with family or community members (cninewspapers.com).

Many questions remain unanswered in this case. Was a gun recovered at the scene? The data notes no mention of a gun found, but it does not clarify if searches were conducted or results confirmed, leaving a critical gap. The absence of Officer O’Brien’s report, particularly if he also fired shots, represents a significant gap in the available information. A complete understanding of an officer-involved shooting requires detailed accounts from all officers who discharged their weapons. The lack of detail regarding additional witness statements or evidence beyond a brief video of gunfire is also a significant gap. Comprehensive investigations rely on gathering all available witness accounts, as different perspectives can provide crucial details, corroborate or contradict other evidence, and help piece together the full sequence of events. The community of St. Marys, and indeed the nation, awaits a full and transparent accounting of the events that led to Gregory Peter Paige's death.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

South African prosecutors are reopening the inquest into the death of anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko, 48 years after he died in police custody (dailydispatch.co.za). This decision marks a significant moment in the ongoing pursuit of justice for victims of apartheid-era atrocities. The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) stated that the goal is to present evidence to the court. This evidence will help determine if Biko's death was caused by any act or omission that prima facie constitutes an offense by any person (dailydispatch.co.za). An inquest is a judicial inquiry specifically held to determine the cause of a death. This reopening signals a renewed commitment to accountability.

The original 1977 inquest accepted the police's account that Biko sustained injuries by hitting his head against a wall (theguardian.com). Consequently, no one was prosecuted. However, this narrative was challenged years later. In 1997, during Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) hearings, former senior Security Branch officers from Gqeberha applied for amnesty related to Biko's death (dailydispatch.co.za). These officers included Major Harold Snyman, Captain Daniel Siebert, Captain Jacobus Benecke, Warrant Officer Rubin Marx, and Sergeant Gideon Nieuwoudt. The TRC denied them amnesty, ruling that they had lied in their testimony and failed to demonstrate a political motive for Biko's killing (theguardian.com).

Steve Biko was a pivotal figure in the anti-apartheid movement, founding the Black Consciousness Movement. He died in a prison cell in 1977 at the age of 30 (theguardian.com). This tragic event occurred after he was beaten into a coma by police nearly a month after his arrest. His death garnered international outrage and he became a global symbol of the struggle against the race-based apartheid system in South Africa (theguardian.com).

The philosophy of Black Consciousness, championed by Biko, continues to be relevant today. It promotes social justice and liberation for Black people in South Africa and globally (academia.edu). Black Consciousness is seen as a philosophy crucial for the affirmation of Black people worldwide. It fosters conscientization, humanness, and freedom from subservience (academia.edu). This movement emphasized self-reliance and psychological liberation for Black people, encouraging them to reject the internalized inferiority imposed by apartheid.

An inquest is a judicial inquiry conducted to determine the cause and circumstances of a death, especially when it is sudden, unexplained, or involves suspicious circumstances. It is not a trial to determine guilt or innocence, but rather a fact-finding process.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established in South Africa in 1995, following the end of apartheid and the election of Nelson Mandela as president. Its primary purpose was to address the human rights violations that occurred between 1961 and 1990 (ebsco.com). This period encompassed the height of apartheid. The TRC aimed to facilitate a peaceful transition and promote national unity. It provided a platform for victims to share their experiences and for perpetrators to apply for amnesty in exchange for full disclosure of their actions (journals.lib.unb.ca).

Chaired by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the TRC included committees focused on human rights violations, reparations, and amnesty (ebsco.com). The commission conducted public hearings across the nation. The TRC's work culminated in reports that highlighted the atrocities of the apartheid era. These reports offered a narrative for the country's healing process (ebsco.com). The denial of amnesty to Biko's killers by the TRC underscores its commitment to truth and accountability, even when it meant rejecting claims of political motivation.

Steve Biko dies in police custody after being brutally beaten into a coma. An initial inquest clears the police, accepting their claim that his death was from a hunger strike.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is established to investigate human rights abuses during the apartheid era. Biko's case is one of the most prominent it addresses.

Former police officers confess to their roles in Biko's assault at TRC hearings. Their applications for amnesty are denied because they cannot prove their actions were politically motivated.

Forty-eight years after his death, South African prosecutors announce that they will officially reopen the inquest into Steve Biko's death, citing new evidence and legal precedent.

The decision to reopen Biko's inquest is part of a broader trend to re-examine high-profile apartheid-era deaths. In April, President Cyril Ramaphosa initiated an inquiry into whether past ANC governments interfered with investigations and prosecutions of apartheid-era crimes (theguardian.com). This inquiry comes amidst criticism from victims' families. It reflects a renewed effort to confront the unresolved injustices of the past.

In June, an inquest was opened into the deaths of the "Cradock Four," four men who were killed by security officers in 1985 (theguardian.com). The Cradock Four were Matthew Goniwe, Fort Calata, Sparrow Mkhonto, and Sicelo Mhlauli. They were prominent anti-apartheid activists in the Eastern Cape. They were stopped at a roadblock, beaten, strangled with telephone wire, stabbed, and shot to death (theguardian.com). These re-examinations demonstrate a commitment to uncovering the full truth behind these brutal killings and holding those responsible accountable, even decades later.

The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) is the body responsible for instituting criminal proceedings on behalf of the state in South Africa. Its role in reopening Biko's inquest is to gather and present evidence to the court. This evidence will allow the court to determine if any offense was committed in connection with Biko's death (dailydispatch.co.za). The phrase "prima facie constitutes an offense" means that based on initial evidence, it appears that an offense has been committed. This does not mean guilt has been proven, but rather that there is enough evidence to proceed with a formal inquiry.

The NPA's involvement signifies a serious legal undertaking. It suggests that there may be new avenues for investigation or a fresh look at existing evidence. The reopening of this inquest, along with others, indicates a broader governmental initiative to address historical injustices. This action aims to bring closure and accountability to families affected by apartheid-era violence. The NPA's commitment to this process is crucial for upholding justice in post-apartheid South Africa.

Steve Biko's death was not just a personal tragedy; it was a catalyst for global awareness and resistance against apartheid. His brutal killing exposed the true nature of the apartheid regime's brutality. It galvanized international anti-apartheid movements. The subsequent cover-up and the initial inquest's findings further highlighted the systemic injustices prevalent in South Africa at the time. The world watched as the struggle for freedom intensified.

Biko's legacy extends beyond his death. His philosophy of Black Consciousness continues to inspire movements for liberation and self-determination. It emphasizes the importance of psychological emancipation and collective empowerment for oppressed people. The reopening of his inquest is a testament to the enduring power of his story. It also reflects the ongoing fight for truth and justice in South Africa. This pursuit of justice is vital for healing the wounds of the past and building a more equitable future.

The reopening of Steve Biko's inquest is a significant step towards achieving full justice for his death. It also contributes to the broader process of reconciliation in South Africa. While the TRC provided a platform for truth-telling, it did not always lead to criminal prosecutions. This new wave of inquests indicates a shift towards legal accountability for apartheid-era crimes. It offers hope to many families who have long sought answers and justice.

The outcomes of these reopened inquests could have profound implications. They could lead to new findings, and potentially, to prosecutions. This process is essential for strengthening the rule of law and ensuring that such atrocities are never repeated. It is a powerful message that even after decades, the pursuit of truth and justice remains a priority for the nation. The journey towards complete healing and reconciliation is long, but each step, like the reopening of Biko's inquest, brings South Africa closer to its goal.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

The Sahel region, a vast expanse of land stretching across Africa, has become a hotbed of violence and instability. Jihadist groups, including the Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP) and Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), are escalating their attacks, particularly in Niger. Human Rights Watch (HRW) recently released a report detailing a disturbing increase in attacks on civilians by Islamic State-affiliated militants in Niger (africanews.com). These groups exploit weak state presence and inter-ethnic tensions to expand their influence and launch brutal attacks on both military and civilian populations (studies.aljazeera.net).

This chart illustrates the significant increase in civilian fatalities in Niger since the July 2023 coup, with data from ACLED. (genocidewatch.com)

The situation has worsened significantly since the July 2023 coup in Niger. Jihadist violence has more than doubled in the 18 months following the coup, with approximately 1,599 deaths reported, compared to 770 under democratic rule (genocidewatch.com). This alarming increase highlights the junta's failure to curb the surge in attacks. In fact, the junta's inability to counter jihadist operations, coupled with its expulsion of Western media, has obscured the true extent of this devastating crisis (genocidewatch.com).

The Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP), also known as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), is a prominent jihadist group operating in the Sahel region. Its origins are deeply rooted in the broader jihadist insurgency that began in Mali in 2012 (acleddata.com). This group is a faction of the Islamic State and has been in open conflict with another major jihadist group, Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), for territorial control and influence (acleddata.com). The rivalry between these two groups escalated into open conflict around early 2020, particularly in central Mali and the Liptako-Gourma region, which spans Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger (acleddata.com).

The ISSP's ideology is rooted in an extremist interpretation of Islamic principles, which they use to justify their violent actions. They aim to establish governance structures based on their strict interpretation of Shari’a law, often through brutal means. Both Islamic State and al-Qaeda-affiliated armed groups are responsible for grave violations of international religious freedom in their areas of control, including executing individuals based on their beliefs (uscirf.gov). These groups present themselves as protectors against state forces and other actors, thereby consolidating their influence over civilian populations increasingly trapped in areas under jihadist control (acleddata.com).

The Tillabéri region in western Niger is a critical area, frequently mentioned as a hotspot for these escalating attacks. Its strategic significance stems from its location within the Liptako-Gourma region, a tri-border area where Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso converge (studies.aljazeera.net). This vast area is characterized by porous borders, making it easy for extremist groups to move freely and launch cross-border attacks. Furthermore, the Liptako-Gourma region is rich in natural resources, including gold, manganese, and uranium, which attracts numerous local and international actors and provides resources for militant groups (studies.aljazeera.net).

The militants exploit the weak presence of state authority and existing inter-ethnic tensions within the Tillabéri region to expand their influence. This allows them to recruit new members and establish a foothold, further destabilizing the area (studies.aljazeera.net). The recent HRW report indicates that IS Sahel executed over 127 civilians in five attacks in the Tillabéri region between May and July 2025 (africanews.com). In one particularly horrific incident in June, IS Sahel fighters killed over 70 worshippers in a mosque in Manda village, wounding at least 20 others (africanews.com). The extremist group also looted and burned homes, leaving communities devastated (africanews.com).

The military coup in Niger in July 2023, which overthrew the democratically elected government, has been a critical turning point for the escalation of violence. While the specific details of the coup's causes and key actors are not fully elaborated, the broader trend in the Sahel shows that military coups often lead to deteriorating security situations. For instance, fatalities linked to militant Islamist groups are more than two and a half times the levels seen in 2020 when the first military coup in Mali occurred (africacenter.org). Subsequent coups in Burkina Faso and Niger have similarly been followed by increased insecurity (africacenter.org).

This visualization highlights the devastating impact of IS Sahel attacks on civilians in Niger's Tillabéri region between May and July 2025, based on HRW findings. (africanews.com)

This suggests that the coup in Niger likely weakened existing governance structures, created power vacuums, and diverted crucial resources away from security efforts. Witnesses reported that Nigerien armed forces did not do enough to prevent these attacks or protect villagers, despite requests for protection (africanews.com). The junta's actions, such as expelling Western media, further complicate the situation by limiting transparency and international scrutiny of the security crisis (genocidewatch.com). This lack of accountability and the military's struggle to contain the violence leave civilians vulnerable to the brutal tactics of jihadist groups.

The attacks carried out by IS Sahel amount to apparent war crimes and violate international humanitarian law (IHL). War crimes are serious violations of the laws of war, which apply during armed conflicts. IHL aims to limit the effects of armed conflict for humanitarian reasons and protects people who are not, or are no longer, participating in hostilities. Specific violations that could constitute war crimes in the context of the Sahel include targeting civilians, indiscriminate attacks, and attacks on civilian infrastructure (acleddata.com).

The implications of these violations are severe, potentially leading to prosecution by international bodies like the International Criminal Court. Beyond legal ramifications, these violations cause immense humanitarian suffering and further destabilize the region. Human Rights Watch shared its findings with the Nigerien justice ministry in August 2025, but unfortunately, no response has been received (africanews.com). This lack of response raises concerns about accountability and the protection of human rights in Niger.

War crimes are serious violations of the laws of war, also known as international humanitarian law (IHL). These laws apply during armed conflicts and aim to limit the effects of conflict for humanitarian reasons, protecting people not involved in hostilities. Violations can include targeting civilians, indiscriminate attacks, and attacks on civilian infrastructure.

This infographic explains the concept of war crimes and their relation to international humanitarian law. (acleddata.com)

The Sahel region as a whole is experiencing a deepening crisis. In 2024, violent extremist organizations (VEOs) like JNIM and ISSP escalated attacks across Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, deliberately targeting civilians and capitals (solaceglobal.com). The Sahel accounted for over half of all militant Islamist fatalities in Africa in 2024, underscoring the severity of the situation (northafricapost.com). This violence is not confined to the central Sahel; it is shifting southward and westward, increasingly threatening the security of coastal West African nations like Benin, Togo, and Ghana (northafricapost.com).

Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), a major jihadist group affiliated with al-Qaeda, also plays a significant role in the Sahel conflict. JNIM has a strong presence in central Mali and a large part of Burkina Faso (acleddata.com). The group has been in open conflict with ISSP for territorial control, especially in the Liptako-Gourma region (acleddata.com). Both groups exploit weak state presence and inter-ethnic tensions to expand their influence and conduct attacks against state forces and civilians (studies.aljazeera.net). Militant Islamist groups now control more territory and transportation arteries in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger than at any point since the insurgencies began over a decade ago (africacenter.org).

Organizations like Human Rights Watch (HRW) and ACLED (Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project) are crucial for understanding the scope of the violence. ACLED is a non-governmental organization that collects and analyzes data on political violence and protest events globally (acleddata.com). Its methodology involves systematically coding information from various sources, including local and international media, humanitarian agencies, and research publications. This approach provides detailed, disaggregated data on conflict events, including the actors involved, types of violence, and locations. The reliability of ACLED data is generally considered high due to its systematic approach and broad sourcing, making it a frequently cited resource for conflict analysis (acleddata.com).

Despite the efforts of these organizations to document the atrocities, the question of justice and accountability remains largely unanswered. What steps, if any, have Nigerien authorities or international bodies taken to investigate or prosecute the apparent war crimes committed by ISSP? The lack of response from the Nigerien justice ministry to HRW's findings is concerning (africanews.com). This silence suggests a significant challenge in holding perpetrators accountable and providing justice for the victims.

The protection of civilians in the Tillabéri region and across the Sahel remains a significant challenge. While specific measures attempted or proposed for civilian protection in the Tillabéri region are not detailed, the broader context highlights the overall failure of various interventions to achieve lasting stability. Successive military interventions, including French-led operations like Operation Serval and Barkhane, United Nations peacekeeping missions like MINUSMA, and regional forces such as the G5 Sahel Force, have not been sufficient to curb the violence (acleddata.com).

This suggests that the measures implemented have been inadequate due to several factors. These include the transnational nature of the conflict, the adaptability of armed groups, and the inherent challenges of state presence and governance in affected areas. The Nigerien armed forces and the ruling junta face immense difficulties in protecting civilians amidst escalating jihadist violence. The political instability following the coup likely impacts military effectiveness, resource allocation, and international cooperation. The junta's actions, such as expelling Western media, may further isolate the country and hinder transparency regarding the security situation and the military's performance (genocidewatch.com).

The escalating violence has severe humanitarian consequences for civilians in the conflict-affected areas. While specific details on displacement, access to aid, and living conditions are not fully elaborated, the widespread attacks, looting, and burning of homes indicate a dire situation (africanews.com). Communities are increasingly trapped in areas under jihadist control, facing constant threats to their lives and livelihoods (acleddata.com).

The escalation of jihadist violence in Niger also has significant implications for regional stability. The shift of militant Islamist violence southward and westward increasingly threatens the security of coastal West African nations like Benin, Togo, and Ghana (northafricapost.com). This expansion of conflict zones creates new challenges for regional security forces and humanitarian organizations. The interconnectedness of the Sahelian states means that instability in one country can quickly spill over into its neighbors, creating a domino effect of violence and displacement.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.

By Darius Spearman (africanelements)

Support African Elements at patreon.com/africanelements and hear recent news in a single playlist. Additionally, you can gain early access to ad-free video content.

Morocco has recently faced significant challenges due to severe weather events. On a Tuesday evening, heavy thunderstorms and intense rains unleashed flash floods across the provinces of Agouatim and Moulay Brahim in the Al Haouz region (Morocco.direct.news). These deluges caused chaos in valleys like Ghghaya and Bahja, transforming peaceful landscapes into raging torrents.

The impact was immediate and devastating. Cars were swept away, and homes in the village of Akni became submerged (Morocco.direct.news). Traffic between Marrakech and Moulay Brahim came to a standstill, and local shops and residences suffered considerable damage (Morocco.direct.news). In response, authorities quickly mobilized equipment to undertake emergency repairs and restoration work. Furthermore, the Imlil region experienced similar destruction, with powerful torrents carrying massive boulders and tree trunks. These forces of nature devastated crops and washed away entire sections of roads (Morocco.direct.news). The Drâa-Tafilalet region also saw major roads cut off by floods, paralyzing traffic and leaving many vehicles stranded in the sand (Morocco.direct.news).

Morocco faces a unique and challenging climate reality, grappling with both severe floods and persistent droughts. This dual threat necessitates robust monitoring and early warning systems. An experimental system, the Morocco Flood and Drought Monitor, has been developed to provide early warnings for both flood and drought conditions across the country (hydrology.soton.ac.uk). This innovative system is a collaborative effort, developed by the Princeton Climate Institute (PCI) in partnership with the University of Southampton and Princeton University, with crucial funding from the UNESCO Intergovernmental Hydrology Programme (IHP) (hydrology.soton.ac.uk).

The monitor utilizes a sophisticated approach, integrating ground, satellite, and modeled datasets to create a consistent, near real-time picture of hydrological conditions (hydrology.soton.ac.uk). It provides forecasts up to seven days for floods and up to six months for droughts, offering valuable lead time for preparedness (hydrology.soton.ac.uk). This system is fully operational and updates daily, running a hydrological model at a five-kilometer resolution. This model is driven by a hybrid reanalysis-satellite dataset that includes precipitation and temperature data (hydrology.soton.ac.uk). While the system is in place, details on how these early warnings are communicated to the public and authorities remain unclear. The weather forecast for September 2025 indicates predominantly sunny days across Morocco, including the Marrakesh-Safi region, suggesting that while flash floods can occur, they are not a constant feature of the September climate (easeweather.com).

The recent drought conditions have severely impacted Morocco's agricultural sector and, by extension, its economy. For example, the scarcity of sheep due to drought has driven up prices significantly ahead of Eid (Morocco.direct.news). Moroccan sheep are now costing between 73 and 83 Dirhams per kilogram, making the average sheep quite expensive (Morocco.direct.news). This situation highlights the vulnerability of local communities whose livelihoods depend heavily on agriculture and livestock.

In response to these challenges, Morocco is actively seeking innovative solutions. In Benguérir, the country is leveraging its unique climatic conditions to address local agricultural challenges (Morocco.direct.news). This initiative aims to combat global hunger and climate change by harnessing "forgotten crops," which are likely more resilient to changing weather patterns (Morocco.direct.news). These efforts are crucial for ensuring food security and economic stability in the face of increasing climate variability.

Morocco is making significant strides towards achieving water autonomy, a critical goal given its susceptibility to both floods and droughts. The OCP Group, a major Moroccan company, achieved water autonomy two years ahead of schedule (Morocco World News). This remarkable accomplishment was made possible by the commissioning of a historic 203-kilometer desalinated water pipeline (Morocco World News). Such infrastructure projects are vital for securing a stable water supply, especially in a region prone to water scarcity.

These advancements in water management are part of a broader strategy to mitigate the risks associated with climate change. By investing in desalination and other water-saving technologies, Morocco is building resilience against future droughts and ensuring the availability of water for agriculture, industry, and its growing population. This proactive approach is essential for long-term sustainability and economic development.

The recent earthquake in Morocco brought immense devastation, and the subsequent heavy rains have compounded the suffering of victims. In the Atlas Mountains, earthquake survivors' camps transformed into muddy pools, with makeshift shelters flooding (newarab.com). Since March 9th, intense downpours have battered the North African country, flooding streets and damaging power grids in towns and villages already struggling with fragile infrastructure (newarab.com). This combination of natural disasters has made aid distribution and recovery efforts incredibly challenging.

The Moroccan government pledged significant financial aid to affected families. Those whose homes were completely destroyed were promised 140,000 dirhams (approximately $14,000), while those with partial damage were allocated 80,000 dirhams (approximately $8,000) (newarab.com). However, the effectiveness and scope of the emergency response, as well as the management of aid distribution, particularly in flood-affected and earthquake-affected areas, remain unclear. The United States has reaffirmed its commitment to support Morocco's earthquake recovery efforts, indicating some level of international cooperation in disaster response (Morocco World News).

Morocco is not only addressing environmental challenges but also actively engaging in technological advancements and strengthening its international relations. The country has begun integrating artificial intelligence (AI) into its court systems (Morocco.direct.news). This move signifies a commitment to modernizing its judicial processes. Furthermore, Rabat hosted the first African high-level forum on Artificial Intelligence, which concluded with the "Rabat Consensus," highlighting Morocco's leadership in the emerging AI landscape on the continent (Morocco.direct.news).

In terms of global reach, Morocco's e-visa platform has attracted half a million applicants, reinforcing its growing international presence (Morocco World News). The nation is also fostering strong military and diplomatic ties. New York National Guardsmen recently strengthened their bond with allies in Morocco during an exercise that involved over 8,100 participants from 27 nations and NATO (Morocco.direct.news). Additionally, Morocco's Lower House Speaker held talks with the Korean Prime Minister in Seoul, underscoring the country's expanding diplomatic network (Morocco.direct.news). A strategic alliance between Liquid Intelligent Technologies and MEDI TELECOM, a Moroccan division, has been established to boost connectivity and enhance network coverage across Morocco (Morocco.direct.news).

Morocco is actively confronting various internal and external challenges, including security threats and environmental concerns. The Central Bureau of Judicial Investigations (BCIJ) in Morocco recently arrested four Daesh supporters, demonstrating the nation's commitment to combating terrorism (Morocco.direct.news). This proactive approach helps maintain national security and stability. However, the country has also faced tragic incidents, such as a market fire in central Morocco that resulted in five deaths and 37 hospitalizations (Morocco.direct.news). Additionally, a separate incident involving homemade liquor led to eight deaths and 114 hospitalizations (Morocco.direct.news).

Environmental issues also pose significant challenges. On the Moroccan Mediterranean coast, hundreds of boats equipped with large nets, known as purse seines, are engaged in fishing (Morocco.direct.news). This practice has created a complex situation where both dolphins and fishers face adverse consequences (Morocco.direct.news). These incidents highlight the multifaceted nature of the challenges Morocco navigates, from security threats to public health crises and environmental sustainability issues. The nation continues to work towards comprehensive solutions to ensure the well-being of its citizens and the preservation of its natural resources.

Darius Spearman has been a professor of Black Studies at San Diego City College since 2007. He is the author of several books, including Between The Color Lines: A History of African Americans on the California Frontier Through 1890. You can visit Darius online at africanelements.org.