Transcript
Avi Stopper (00:00)
Hey everyone, welcome to Bike Networks Now. I'm Avi Stopper, the founder of Bike Streets. Through a series of conversations with leaders in bike transportation, we're trying to answer a question: Why is bike transportation still not possible for most people in American cities? And how can we make it a reality?
Despite voter support and billions of dollars of investment, there's no city in America where biking is truly a practical reality for people of all ages and abilities. Why is that? It's 2026. And how can we fix it so anyone can ride to the places they want to go today? These aren't just freewheeling conversations — we're in search of an answer. And our best understanding of that answer is the topic of a book we're writing on how cities can make bike transportation possible today.
Avi Stopper (00:56)
My guest is Carter Lavin, author of the book If You Want to Win, You've Got to Fight — a guide to effective transportation advocacy. Carter has worked on a wide range of transportation advocacy projects, from rail to bus service to bikeways. As co-founder of the TransBay Coalition, he helped secure a billion dollars in extra funding for transit. Rather than talking in the abstract, I'd like to explore Carter's ideas through the lens of a specific Bike Streets advocacy initiative we've been working on for years called VAMOS. So the arc of this conversation will orbit around that plan. Carter, welcome to the show. How did I do with that intro?
Carter Lavin (01:30)
That was great, Avi. I'm so excited to chat with you. It's a great honor to be here — not just because of my advocacy work in the San Francisco Bay Area, where I helped lead the TransBay Coalition, but also because I train activists across the country. That's part of why I wrote If You Want to Win, You've Got to Fight: there are so many people who know so much, who have fought so hard and learned so many lessons. It's a lot easier to win if you've learned from others.
I recognize that there are people in small communities and large communities who aren't necessarily plugged into that knowledge transfer — who can't easily ask, how did that other bike lane get built? Where did this sidewalk come from? How do you do this? So I took all these interviews, all this wisdom from people in the field, and put it into the book. It's a pretty short read. And I'm so excited to talk about VAMOS and what you all are up to.
Avi Stopper (02:34)
Congrats on the book — it's an impressive accomplishment just to birth a project like that. One of the things I'd love to start with is a project you've been involved in that exemplifies the ideas you're trying to illuminate. What's the example that comes to mind when you think, this is what people need to learn from?
Carter Lavin (02:59)
I love that. I'm going to talk about one of the smallest things I've ever done — one of the smallest victories I've ever won. There is now a bike rack inside the fare gate area of the MacArthur BART station in Oakland. It didn't used to exist. When the station was built, there was no rack there. I would bike to BART all the time, and back in the early days of Twitter — before it became such a cesspool — I started noticing how nice it would be to park my bike inside the fare gate rather than outside. So I'd take a picture of that blank area and tag the director, Rebecca Salsman, who is a bike rider herself, and just say: hey, flagging this — it would be really nice if there were a rack here.
I was positive, persistent, and pointing to both the problem and the solution. It wasn't "you're a terrible person who wants me to suffer." It was more like: the reason it's not there is because no one has said, let's put one there. She then did the work, checked with her team, and one day — from my perspective, magically — a bike rack appeared. It's still there, and there are more now.
That's one of those things where we don't win unless we push for it. Nothing inevitable is happening. Yes, there are other people who use those racks, and for them the story is simply: one day I came to work and there was a rack. That's great. But someone had to fight for it. Someone had to agitate for it. And fighting doesn't always mean being aggressive or negative. In fact, one of the best ways to fight and win people over is being extremely kind — being really nice and being persistent, because people have a million other things to do in a day. When you remind them: this is on your to-do list, this is a small thing but we still need to do it — that matters.
I think about this all the time in the world of transit and transportation. There are literally hundreds of millions of small fixes like that. They're worth winning. They make people's lives better. Maybe they're not the full high-speed rail network — fine. But there was a problem, and that problem has now been fixed.
Avi Stopper (05:19)
I like to think of those as the daily indignities of using active transportation, or any non-car-based form of transportation.
Carter Lavin (05:26)
Yes. And people like Jonathan Stahls and many of our allies are really great at highlighting what these things are. I think the role of activists and organizers is to transfer our pain — our daily indignity — into political pain or annoyances for the people who have the power to solve the problem. Saying: hey, this bugs me, so you're going to get bugged. I will continue to bug you until this gets fixed. Please fix this.
Avi Stopper (05:53)
I love that framing. And it's such a great place to start. A lot of our mapping projects encounter places where slight changes make a real difference — a curb cut, for example, that lets you transition from a street to a park trail instead of having to lift your bike or ride half a block down to get to the sidewalk. These things come in all shapes and sizes.
From what I can gather, you've worked on everything from the smallest point location — a bike rack in a BART station — to really expansive projects like high-speed rail. I want to set up a little context for how our advocacy has been shaped. We've been thinking more on the expansive side: network connectivity for biking in Denver and how that can scale to other communities. I want to dive into some questions about strategy. In all candor, we have not been as effective as we'd like. We haven't yet succeeded in getting this thing built. Some introspection about what's worked and what hasn't feels important.
Carter Lavin (07:02)
That's never as comfortable as we want it to be — and that's one of the deepest truths of advocacy. No one's ever sitting there thinking, I want everything and I feel great. We are agitators. We get agitated and we agitate. But you have something you didn't have before, and now we figure out how to get stronger. I'm excited to dig in. Let's jump into the conversation.
Avi Stopper (07:33)
So, VAMOS is built on this observation: bike transportation in cities — for most people, meaning people who are not already confident riding in traffic in unprotected bike lanes — is not a practical reality until you have a complete network.
What VAMOS attempts to do is look at all the tools that currently exist in the city's toolkit and ask: how can we use these to rapidly accelerate the creation of a complete bike network in a very short period of time? Shelving this idea that a complete bike network is a 25- or 30-year generational project.
What I observe is that there are basically three main problems. One is that it just takes forever to build things. Two is that it costs a tremendous amount of money. And three is that it produces a debilitating amount of conflict. To your point about being nice, we really try to find ways to align the interests of people who want to ride bikes with neighbors and business owners — because we want those people to eventually become the people who are riding bikes.
VAMOS is the idea we developed over a few years for how Denver can create a complete, high-comfort network in one to three years for about $5 million. That's the version 1.0 network — a product that evolves bit by bit over time.
In the last mayoral campaign, we had the mayor himself and eight out of thirteen winning city council members make this essentially part of their transportation platform. That's the election. After the election, we have not made as much progress as we'd like. With that context in mind, how would you think about structuring an advocacy campaign like this?
Carter Lavin (09:27)
First, I want to acknowledge what's very good and smart about the VAMOS plan. Talking about a short time period is great for a lot of reasons. One, because we are talking about urgent things. We are talking about kids dying. VAMOS is about saving lives. You wouldn't say: you know what, we should have a fire department in 20 or 30 years. You'd say: the house is on fire, we need to fix this now.
If you are not bringing urgency — persistent urgency — you cannot expect your champions in office or in state houses to be more urgent than you. They are not going to want this more than you do.
And you're marrying urgency with a big vision alongside a deep realism: okay, this isn't going to happen overnight. But it could happen overnight. COVID hit, and a lot of things happened overnight. If the Pope said he was coming to Denver and wanted to bike everywhere, VAMOS would happen overnight. Maybe two nights, three nights. There's a lot of stuff that does happen very quickly. Governments are able to move very fast when they want to. Our job is to make them want to.
Another thing I want to flag: you're talking about what tools and levers people actually have. You are not saying: hi mayor, I'd like you to demand something of the governor. You're saying: you can do this. We're not sitting around a dirty table saying someone should do the dishes. We're saying: all of us can stand up and do these dishes right now. You've very successfully identified what is within your capacity.
I want to flag this specifically because sometimes in our movement — broadly speaking, people who want good things for transportation — as I discuss in chapters two and three of the book, it can be very easy to say: governments can do this thing, therefore I want this. That's good. But if your local government doesn't have the materials or the know-how — and it takes a while to learn how to do a thing — then you need to account for that.
Your local government might say: we don't know how to install a physically protected bike lane with a proper sweeper and all the infrastructure that comes with it. And you say: okay, you have three years to figure that out. That's workable. But you're asking: what can you do in the meantime? It does not take five years to figure out how to put up a no-driving sign or a slow street sign.
So I think you've done an excellent job of acting with speed, letting that high time-sensitivity motivate you the way it motivates surgeons — not frenetic action, but methodical action — and thinking clearly about who has the power to do what.
One big thing I want to flag in response to your question about the gap between campaign promises and actual implementation: it's about setting up expectations and identifying points of intervention. For example, if you said to me, "Avi, I'm going to the grocery store," and I said, "I'd like you to get a gallon of milk," and you said okay — but then I noticed you didn't write it down, it's on me to say: write that down. If you have a shopping list and it says "get something for Carter," I need to make sure it says specifically: milk.
If you come home and I ask, "Did you get the milk?" — it's not enough to have gotten them elected. Now I'm supposed to be the little bird chirping on your shoulder, reminding them of this. You got them into office. Now your job is to stay with them.
Carter Lavin (13:11)
The book was twice as long in the first draft. Big thank-you to the people at Princeton University Press and Island Press who let me submit something twice as long, with the understanding that I'd have to cut half of it. But there was this great section from an elected official who came into office on a big wave of support around a transit project — and then in year two, she was talking to a colleague in office who said: nobody likes this transit project anymore. And she said: what do you mean? Our entire campaign apparatus, all those people. He said: yeah, but all day long he hears from the haters. He hasn't heard a single thing from our side.
And the elected official, recounting the story, said: our elected officials need a bit more memory and a bit more spine — they shouldn't need us to check in constantly. But the lesson for those of us who are not the elected official is: we have to remind them. We have to poke at them. Did you get the milk? Don't forget the milk. Hey, I see you're going to the grocery store — are you going to the one that has the milk? It is on us to be positively persistent. There are a million things happening in government that we don't know about. Governments are complicated entities.
Someone with the best of intentions — even if you, Avi, were the mayor of Denver tomorrow — would discover that you are not given a suite of buttons and levers and a big instruction manual. You're just told: you're a city council member. You pass laws. Maybe you set a budget. Here are five laws not to break.
Avi Stopper (14:50)
So, ex post facto — after the election — I'm curious to hear your take on some of the work we've done to try to get VAMOS implemented. The election was in 2023. I talked to a number of the city council members who had supported it. I talked to the mayor's office and the Department of Transportation. The plan was always conceived as starting with some tactical urbanism proofs of concept.
I have been trying for years to get the city to allow me to place twelve traffic cones at a quiet residential intersection to make it even quieter. One could of course go do that on one's own — but what we actually need is for the city to develop the self-belief that this is something it can do. And I'd actually contend that it has happened all over town already, all the time — because construction is nothing if not a series of demonstration projects.
But we got city council members to support this. We got what seemed like a receptive audience at the Department of Transportation and the mayor's office. And it still hasn't happened. The idea was that VAMOS — as a big, expansive, complete-network vision — would start small with the most minute proof of concept, helping the city build the institutional capacity to make the broader network possible.
Is that a naive strategy? It seems so simple and small, so aligned with their campaign promises, and so limited in terms of risk. We're not talking about spending a huge amount of money. This was literally a two-hour demonstration project. What's your take?
Carter Lavin (16:47)
One thing I'm not hearing in this story so far is: we asked them to vote on this thing on this specific date. We asked them to tell this specific person to do this specific thing on this specific date.
You don't need an elected official to give you a thumbs up and say, "Yeah, man, I love what you're talking about." You need them to do very specific things. As I discuss in chapters two, three, and six on working with elected officials: they need to physically do something. They need to put ink on paper or type something in. There are very specific actions required. And it's on us to make sure those actions are actually happening — not just collecting a general endorsement of the concept.
The milk analogy again: are you going to the grocery store? What is that next step? And I hold them to every single step. I'll be honest, I have two very different minds about this — is this a respectful or disrespectful way to treat local politicians? On a good morning I land on: this is respectful. These are people with a million other things to do, and there are a lot of other people walking them through every step of their other priorities. There are only so many hours in a day. There often isn't sufficient staff — or any staff — working on these issues. So it is on us to say: hi council member, just making sure you know the subcommittee vote is coming up. Here is the specific line I need you to introduce. Thank you, I know you're so busy.
Otherwise, you're just saying: hi, can you go pass a bike policy? That's not enough. You need to be much more prescriptive than that.
Avi Stopper (18:17)
You're describing a very prescriptive approach — prescribing specific actions to decision makers. And I don't think, candidly, we've done a very good job of that. Part of it is that we don't know the process especially well. So what advice do you have for identifying where those moments are — the moment when someone is proverbially about to go to the store? How do you find those pressure points where you can say: remember me? Remember what we talked about? Here is exactly what you need to say or write in the meeting you're about to walk into?
Carter Lavin (19:00)
One thing I love about this situation — when you're trying to figure out, for example, how do I get my city to lower speed limits? Do they do that once a year? Is there a big speed limit meeting? What's the process? — is that elected officials, staffers, agency people: they're people. You can ask them.
You can say: hi, council member. Hi, random staffer. I'm here. I showed up. I want to have a conversation. I know you said you wanted this thing. I'm part of the crew trying to help make it happen. What's the next step? What's the process? When does it happen? And they might say: good question. And you say: great, who should we be asking? Who knows?
On the cones specifically: I'd like to fill out the permit to put out some cones. Where's that permit process? Who do I talk to?
And one very specific thing: you might get that answer delivered in a nice, supportive way — "great, Avi, we're on the same team, here's the thing." But you also might get it from a less-than-perfectly-enthused city staffer who says: Avi, you don't know anything about this stuff, first you've gotta do this, then you've gotta do that, I can't believe you're asking me this. And you say: cool, I'm taking notes — it sounds like step one is this, and step two is that. Thank you.
Avi Stopper (20:37)
That's where they try to drown you in bureaucratic process, right?
Carter Lavin (20:40)
Yes. And you're like: great, thank you for telling me information. Because the thing that's actually worse is when they won't tell you at all. At least when they give you the runaround, you know the process.
One thing I love about being on the activist outside-game side — which I discuss more in chapters six and seven — is that we're allowed to be annoying. What are they going to do? Not make the streets safer? Guess what: they already haven't. They already said no. So there's nothing stopping you from being like a little oil spritzer — persistent, patient, showing up. Huge love to the tactical urbanists of the world, by the way: the crosswalk painters, the bench builders, the people installing bus stop seating, the people just going ahead and doing it for their community. Because that provokes a response.
Even outside the idea of simply solving the problem yourself — which is good in its own right — it asks a question: given that one person can paint a crosswalk in a few hours, how many crosswalks should a government be able to paint in a weekend? In a year? In five years? What is our process?
You're in a great place if you can get reporters starting to ask these questions, or if you can feed questions to reporters: hey, fun fact — it's now been 100 days into this mayoral term. One of the things they campaigned on was this. Here are 12 things they could have done already and haven't done. Who wants to ask them publicly: why haven't you fulfilled these promises? Here are all the steps.
To be clear: part of that process is first laying out, here are these 12 steps, here are these buttons — we need you to push them. Sometimes politicians don't do things because there isn't a giant "make bike lane" button. The problem is not that they're not hitting the button. The button doesn't exist yet. We have to help them make it exist.
Avi Stopper (22:33)
I like that — the big make-bike-lane button. With VAMOS, what we're actually trying to create is the make-bike-network button. It's a big, out-of-the-box idea, especially when contrasted with the status quo approach to bikeways: a bike master plan that takes three or four years to develop, using fancy GIS tools, with a bunch of public meetings — and the plan that comes out is a 25- or 30-year plan.
What we're suggesting instead is that rather than building one bike lane at a time — which has been the historical approach — and building one bike lane at a time creates these archipelagos that don't connect, with theoretical connectivity pushed out into some future horizon, we can use tools that already exist in a recombined way to create a complete network in a very short period of time.
You referenced the Overton window, and I really like the positive use of it here. In most contexts I've heard it used, it's almost always negative — usually about how big tech is forcing us to accept more and more invasive terms of service. Can you describe the Overton window and how you see it applying to a big, out-of-the-box idea like VAMOS?
Carter Lavin (24:05)
We can use all sorts of tools and draw wisdom from many sources. The Overton window is the concept of the range of things considered reasonable in a given moment. This interview, for example — it's maybe 45 minutes to an hour. That's a reasonable amount of time. If I said I'd like it to be a 12-hour interview, you'd say: that's not happening, Carter.
Avi Stopper (24:26)
Then it would be the Joe Rogan Show.
Carter Lavin (24:27)
Exactly. But if I said: can I get an hour fifteen? You'd say: okay, that's a lot better than 12 hours — sure, we can do that. By shifting what's considered acceptable — by putting something just at the outer bound, or even slightly outside it — you get to expand what's possible.
One Overton window that our movement is broadly trying to shift is this: the acceptable number of children killed by cars is actually zero. Currently, our system implicitly accepts around 40,000 traffic deaths per year. I'm on team: that's unacceptable. We want to get to zero. We can't go lower than zero, so that's what we're fighting for. And the more we talk about Vision Zero, the more we're asserting: this is what the acceptable number is. Not "well, every five years a kid gets killed and we feel bad and study something for five years while another kid gets killed." We say: zero. Zero kids. And not zero kids in the rich neighborhoods and a different number everywhere else — zero kids, zero people.
That shifts what we're talking about. When we talk about curb cuts, when we talk about bike networks, we're saying we want people of all ages and abilities to get everywhere they need to go in their community. Not some ages. Not only the currently able-bodied. People of all ages and all abilities.
So the more that we make bigger demands — the more we say we want the full network, and we want it in three years — the more that the compromise position becomes: okay, some of the network in five years. And the absolutely critical part, especially for transportation advocacy, is: when you fight for what you're after and you get that compromise offer, you take it. You accept it. You say: great, now we have this, it's going in five years. You make sure it actually happens. And then you keep fighting for more.
That said, there's a level at which you get laughed out of the room — and the lesson people take away is not "Avi is bold and courageous," it's "Avi's being a weirdo, don't listen to him." So a wise friend of mine said: when you're looking for that line, check with your good allies to see where they think the line is. It's generally somewhere around there.
And to bring this back: you aren't the only one who wants VAMOS. The so-called "bike people" aren't the only ones who want VAMOS. There are churches, houses of worship, people with disabilities, and all sorts of groups who also want this. Checking in with them — what sounds good? What sounds reasonable? The mayor got elected, they didn't do it on day one. Are we happy with this being a day-20 thing? When should we start getting rowdy? That kind of thing.
Avi Stopper (27:25)
That brings me right to something I wanted to ask you: the broader coalition. It strikes me that one of the challenges in the transportation movement is that it's often a lot of transportation people — folks who understand the significance, who see it as the connective tissue of society, who understand that these aren't just trips but how people transact and make their lives possible. But the folks actually in these coalitions tend to be very limited to transportation advocacy circles.
I wanted to ask you specifically about how you define the word "fight." You chose a pretty pugilistic title for your book: If You Want to Win, You've Got to Fight. What does it mean to fight? Who are we fighting? Who are we not fighting? And who should we be building alliances with?
Carter Lavin (28:19)
"Fighting" is the F-word. I chose it for a reason. Some people see If You Want to Win, You've Got to Fight as a guide to transportation advocacy and feel a certain way about that title internally — a little uncomfortable. But mathematically, I'm right. Chapter one is entirely about getting comfortable with the idea that this is a fight. It takes work and struggle.
And who you are fighting — or fighting alongside — changes depending on what you're after. When we're talking about bike lanes or a bike network, the person who's perfectly fine with a bike lane four blocks over might feel differently about one two blocks away. That doesn't make them your mortal enemy and doesn't mean you'll never win the full thing. It means: cool, let's get the thing we do agree on to happen. Let's make that happen.
There are plenty of organizations, houses of worship, local businesses — all sorts of entities — who are happy to agree with you on one thing. And saying: let's make that one thing happen. That takes a fight. It takes reaching out. It takes doing work. There will be inherent resistance. Maybe the biggest part of that resistance is simply entropy — you're asking people to do something different, and that requires effort.
There is nothing stopping you from reaching out to a dozen organizations in your community right now and saying: hi, I'd like to make our streets safer so no kids — no people of any age, any background — get killed by cars. I've drafted a short letter. Would you sign on?
You could do that by the end of this podcast. You could draft an email and send it. The thing holding you back right now is not me, not Avi, not Exxon, not Chevron, not car culture — it's simply the fact that it's a thing to do. That's what we're fighting against, in the long run.
Avi Stopper (30:31)
I really like the framing that it's a fight because it doesn't just happen on its own. You use this great quote from Rebecca Solnit: hope is not a lottery ticket you can sit on the sofa and clutch, feeling lucky. It's an axe you break down doors with in an emergency.
Carter Lavin (30:46)
I love Rebecca Solnit. I'm a huge fan. That quote is central to how I think about what we're doing. The point of hope is to drive action. If people read my book and then sit on their couch thinking, "I'm so glad someone else is going to do the work" — that defeats the purpose. The goal is for people to think: okay, now I know how to do this. And once you know how to do it, it becomes easier.
Right now I'm helping signature gatherers save transit in the Bay Area. Once you realize that to get a signature, you just wave to people, hold out a clipboard, say a sentence or two, and they say, yeah, I'd like there to be transit, sure I'll sign — it's very manageable. It's very easy to get in your head because we know what we're up against. And yet the person walking down the street whom you need to take a very quick action — they're not bringing all that baggage into the conversation. We are often carrying more of it than the people we're talking with.
Avi Stopper (31:46)
It's really interesting to think about this in terms of getting off the couch. We can't just sit there holding our lottery ticket. We need to be making connections. And with VAMOS, we have tried to build alliances with organizations that are not typically in the tent — business organizations, for example.
There was actually an article in the Denver Post today by a couple of local business owners arguing that a few bike lanes have ruined their businesses. And one of the really interesting things we've tried is sitting down with people you don't normally align with. A previous episode of this podcast featured Colorado's car lobbyist. He and I have had a number of genuinely interesting conversations. We don't agree on everything, of course. But we both think there's an important place in the right-of-way for alternative forms of transportation, and he is, I think, fairly supportive of the idea of a complete, connected network.
Carter Lavin (32:43)
That's great. None of these groups are monolithic. Car lobbyists listen to their members. Business associations, in theory, represent actual businesses. So if you're struggling to get the business association on board: talk to their members. If the merchants district doesn't agree with you, talk to a business there directly.
And I also want to say something in defense of the couch — for anyone listening who is having a low-grade panic attack at the concept of talking to strangers.
Avi Stopper (33:30)
Thank you for the empathy.
Carter Lavin (33:33)
You don't have to be the person who does all these things. You need to be plugged into the effort doing this. For example, something you can do from the couch: pull up the list of every business in an area, get their email addresses, draft the email, give it to a loud, talkative person, and say: here's the email, it's written out nicely — can you hit send, because I don't want to deal with the responses? That is something you could do from a couch and it genuinely helps.
Avi Stopper (34:01)
There's a role for everyone.
Carter Lavin (34:02)
There's a role for everyone. I'm not a graphic designer — I am terrible at it. I love graphic design volunteers. They make everything I say look so much more legitimate.
The book talks a lot about this: although it's very useful when an activist is multi-talented and can plug into many different things, it is also perfectly fine to say: I'm really good at being a keyboard warrior, and I'm going to go to bat in the comment sections. Personally, I'm a terrible keyboard warrior — I get too anxious. I love nothing more than when people jump into the Facebook comments and defend whatever we're working on, because I'm not doing that. I'm too busy talking to other people.
Avi Stopper (34:46)
Okay, I want to ask about building the coalition not with strange bedfellows, but with fellow transportation folks. Because transportation-minded people are pretty opinionated about where time and resources should go. With VAMOS, we've seen a lot of competing interests and potential ideas for how the city could spend its time and money. Even within transportation advocacy, building a broad coalition has been challenging.
Some things don't generate much controversy — covered bus bike racks, for instance. But when you start talking about where the bike facilities should actually go, what street the network should be on — that gets contentious. How do you bring fellow advocates into the fold when the high-level interests are aligned, but on a specific initiative there's real misalignment?
Carter Lavin (35:54)
Coalitions are inherently about misalignment. Inherently, we are talking about groups with different goals coming together for a particular purpose. So it's not about finding the misalignment — that's the easiest thing in the world to find. It's about asking: where is the alignment? And maybe the alignment is: we need our city government to be able to move faster. So we actually want more funding for a specific city department, or we want to fix a process that the fire code has made harder than it needs to be. Your mileage will vary depending on the issue.
A big part of coalition-building is recognizing that you can say: hi, I'm working on this specific thing. Who else would like this specific thing? The coalition that forms is the one that says yes to that thing. And it'll be different for every initiative. The house of worship on Main Street is probably interested in what's happening on Main Street. If they're on Chestnut Street, they might not care as much about Main. And that's totally fine.
One thing to keep in mind: this is not about getting married and bonding souls forever. It's about collaborating temporarily for a specific purpose. You're going to the grocery store, I need milk, can you grab some? Whatever our broader relationship is doesn't matter much here, except that there's basic trust that you're going to bring back what you said you would.
When thinking about coalition partners, ask: who does the mayor and council really listen to? Maybe there are three entities on that list. One of them you personally can't work with — fine. The other two, you've never talked to them. But here's the thing: everyone is a transportation person, because everyone moves throughout this world. And even if someone is fully stationary, stuff moves to them. There is no one who is free of transportation politics. They might not think of themselves that way — that's fine. There's a transportation angle to everything.
So you can say: that thing you want? I want you to have it, and here's the transportation angle that connects to it. Hey, the Denver Broncos are going to win the Super Bowl this year — when that happens, we're going to want to shut down streets for a parade. We're both on team parade-should-be-easy. Great. We celebrate more things. How do we make the street shutdown permit easier to apply for? The business association wants to do it; there's some fee attached. Let's fix that. And so now you have an opening.
Our job — as the people who really want this thing — is to make that connection, because the transportation movement is not yet at the stage where other movements are sitting around hoping transportation advocates will call them. We're the ones who have to say: hey, you're super busy, I'd love to work together on this. We're going to do most of the work. Here's the letter, here's the draft. We're going to make this as easy as possible for you.
Most advocacy is not paid work, whether it's us doing it or the people we're asking. So we're saying: hi, you're really busy, and we'd like you to do more stuff, also unpaid. The question is how much we can provide to support that ask — clarity, meaning, guidance, and ease.
I say this to our federal allies all the time. I'm happy to weigh in on things in DC and help mobilize our network. But I'm in the middle of a lot of things. So if you make something I can copy, paste, and send to our network, great. Thank you for making it easy. That's our role as activists: make it easy for other people to say yes. Just add my logo. Tell them: the Catholic Church wants kids not to be hit by cars. That lands.
Avi Stopper (40:34)
So there are different levels of involvement. One of the deepest involves an interesting alliance with the transportation agency itself — both in policy and in implementation. You refer to this as an inside-outside strategy, which is a nice way to characterize a genuinely tricky problem. You're simultaneously trying to romance and convince them to do what you want, while also critiquing them — because fundamentally you think something is very broken.
With VAMOS, we're looking at historical processes and saying we believe that the piecemeal, decades-long approach to building bikeways does not produce meaningful outcomes. Implicit in that is a critique of the way people have worked and been trained to work — people who have master's degrees in this and who remind you of that often. How do you find that balance: making noise and critiquing, while also being collaborative?
Carter Lavin (41:50)
This is why the book was twice as long as the first draft.
I want to complicate this even further, because we're not really talking about governments and departments and agencies. Those are legal fictions. They're illusions. We're talking about people. When you say "the Denver Streets program," you're talking about Janet. You're talking about Bob. And Bob doesn't like Avi, because Bob finds Avi annoying.
Okay — you are not the physical embodiment of VAMOS. If Bob doesn't like Avi, is there someone else in the VAMOS universe — maybe a coalition partner — who can talk to Bob? Who can say: hey Bob, checking in about this, and Bob says, I can't stand that Avi guy, and they say, yeah, also — so is that podcast, but here's the thing. Not everyone in the world likes me, and that's fine. I don't need everyone to like me. I need them to work with people in our movement.
Part of this is de-centering yourself. Who are the people who should actually be having these conversations? Maybe that's not you. A great friend of mine once said: sometimes you are uniquely unqualified to have a particular conversation because of your history with that person. That sentence stings, but it's true.
And recognize: people in government are part of an apparatus. If we say "we need you to be a hammer" and they're a wrench, they're going to say: my role is to do this thing. I'm the freeway-widening people. You say: it would be nice if you were the high-speed-rail people. They say: that's not my job. Sir, this is a Wendy's. So part of our job is recognizing what their role actually is and asking: can you do it this way rather than that way? And if not, fine — I'll go talk to the people who can.
As I discuss in chapter six on the inside-outside game: we as activists can do almost anything. We might even be able to build it ourselves. And one thing we have to be careful about is this: we might be in contact with a great staffer from the agency who genuinely cares — the person who shows up to meetings on their personal time. And if we're mad at the agency, we might go yell at the one person we know there. That's a terrible idea. All you teach that person is: don't show up anymore, because you'll be mean to me.
But if you say to that person: hi, we're trying to figure this out, can you help us map the process? And they say: yeah, actually, the director gets orders directly from the mayor — and elected officials are the ones ultimately responsible to us, who direct the agencies — then you've learned something important.
Agencies have some agency. They can do things. But they also have constraints. They might say: we don't want to do the VAMOS program because of legal liability. And you say: okay, so if we got a policy changed at the city or state level that addressed the legal liability around street safety, you'd be able to do this? And they might say: well, you'll never get that done. And you say: but if I had the magic wand and changed that, would it change your calculus? And they say: yes. And you say: okay, I'm going to go find that magic wand.
Part of this is recognizing that your allies inside government are embedded in a big ecosystem with a lot of things they can and cannot do — and they might not know the limits themselves. You as an activist might occasionally ask someone to do something that turns out to be illegal, and you might not know that. There's no welcome packet for advocacy. That's why I made If You Want to Win, You've Got to Fight.
When it comes to working with people on the inside, a big part of that is helping them understand how to work with you. We are sometimes simultaneously their biggest fans and their biggest pain in the ass. Navigating that can be complicated.
Part of it is explicitly saying: I recognize you're doing the best you can with what you've got. That's why we're working to get you twice the budget you currently have. In the meantime, it would be really helpful if you did this specific thing — or could you tell me what the actual obstacle is? We're asking people to open up. And you need to build trust. Maybe you're not the person who builds that trust with a specific agency contact. But they don't live in a bubble — and neither do we. We've got to be in those conversations.
Avi Stopper (46:49)
In the creation of the VAMOS plan, we actually did a lot of this. We met with local Department of Transportation officials, shared the plan with them over multiple iterations, and basically asked: why can't you do this? That was the core line of inquiry — why is this not possible? And with each subsequent draft, we tried to eliminate those sources of impossibility. We essentially let them coach us through what steps we'd need to take. We haven't been particularly effective at the implementation stage, but in the creation of the plan, I feel like we really did close a lot of the holes based on their feedback. Each time they said "you can't do this because of X, Y, and Z," we came back with a solution.
So — a subtle shift in the arc of our conversation. We've been talking about policy and high-level decision making. I want to transition into implementation. You've used the term "process reform" quite a bit, and I think shifting the Overton window around how projects actually get executed is a really important part of this. I'm as interested in implementation as I am in policy, because the creation of these projects is not an end in itself. It's a means to an end: a better transportation system that's actually used in the way we want it to be used.
So — less subtle now — this is a transition from fighting to winning, to quote the title of the book. How do you think about winning?
Carter Lavin (48:22)
Eventually, you've made a great plan, you've done the work — and the answer you get back is: they look you in the eye and say, the reason this plan doesn't move forward is that if I implement it, I will get fired. The people I report to will say: don't do this. And you say: got it — so if you had permission, you'd do this? And they say: yes, but even with permission, if leadership changes and I'm still in this role, I'd get run out of town on a rail.
Okay. So you need not just permission, but a direct order from management — the people they report to — with enough political cover to make it survivable. And maybe they'll never explicitly say that to you, but that eventually becomes the real problem. They've done all they can within their flexibility. So now your job is to keep solving the problem: great, so we need the elected official to make the order. And the elected official says: we don't want to make the order because we think we'll be run out of town on a rail.
And you say: fun fact, we've now brought together every house of worship, every new American organization, every environmental group, every children's safety group. We will run you out of town on a rail if you don't act. There is no version of this where people aren't mad at you — but you want us to be the people who are happy with you. Someone is going to be pissed, either them or us. You don't want Team VAMOS to be the pissed ones.
When a mayor looks at the map, they're asking: Avi and all of Avi's friends — whether that's 200 or 2,000 — want this. The other people say they don't. Who do I want to alienate? Sometimes they decide they're okay with Avi being mad. So how do you fix that? Being more mad doesn't really help. But if you're like: do you want the Catholic Church to be mad at you? Well, no. Okay then — we've got to get the Catholic Church on your side.
And that's the core of it, as we discussed at the beginning: being right doesn't matter nearly as much as we'd like it to. If being right were enough, we'd have won everything we've wanted by now. Because we are right. It is bad when kids are killed. Violent death is bad. We are right to want to stop it. We are right that governments can move quickly when they want to. We are right to say: governments should move fast to protect people's lives.
So what? If you can't say to elected officials: this is not my problem, this is their problem — this is your problem — and generate the pressure to make that land where it needs to, then being right doesn't move the needle.
Our job is to build that pressure and place it precisely. We've made the button. We've built the thing that says: VAMOS here, click this, send this sentence to this person. We've set it all up. Now the problem is you, mayor. You are the one standing in the way. And I, the activist, am going to generate all the pressure I can pointing at you. You may decide you'll make people mad either way if you hit this button. Yes — and you're making us very mad that you're not hitting it. So which side are you on?
Avi Stopper (51:41)
I appreciate that. The mayor actually gave away the game recently with a comment that generated a lot of discussion in the transportation advocacy world — basically arguing that because a tiny fraction of the population uses these modes of transportation, why should we give them a disproportionate share of the right-of-way? Annoying in and of itself. But the point I take away from it is that the people who have his ear, and the volume of those voices making this case, needs to be much more substantial for him to actually move on it.
As we're having this conversation, I'm going through my list thinking: haven't done that well, haven't done that well, haven't done that well. So Carter Lavin — thank you so much. I got out of this exactly what I was hoping to get.
Carter Lavin (52:33)
I'm glad.
Avi Stopper (52:33)
I really appreciate your work, the book, and the conversation.
Carter Lavin (52:37)
And thank you for continuing to do the work. The work never ends. There's never a point where it's like, well, I didn't do that, I guess I can't anymore. You can do it. You've still got the rest of the day ahead of you. You've got a whole weekend. You've got years.
One thing I find so heartening about transportation advocacy — especially with the book — is that the more people who read If You Want to Win, You've Got to Fight and get involved, the more people we have on our team. Could you have reached out to all those groups? Maybe not, because you were working really hard on other things. One of the big issues is that we need more people in the field, more people helping out.
So besides going and reading If You Want to Win, You've Got to Fight: if you're in the Denver area, help Avi out. If you're outside the area but this resonates, you could still help out remotely. You can be on a couch anywhere and help generate lists and do outreach.
One thing I love about advocacy is that it's not like sports. If this were a football podcast and you wanted to help out the Broncos — they're struggling, maybe you want to jump on the field — that's not allowed. That's not how advocacy works. You can jump in. We want you to. If you're in the Bay Area and want to help save transit, reach out to me. If you're anywhere else: yell at your Congress member. Let's go win this.
Avi Stopper (54:00)
All right, Carter — thank you so much. And everyone: get the book, read it, and get out there in the field.
Avi Stopper (54:07)
Thanks for listening. If you have questions, comments, or suggestions for guests you'd like to hear from, drop us a line at [email protected]. Bike Networks Now is a production of Bike Streets. Anyone should be able to ride a bike to any destination in their city today. You can learn more about our work at bikestreets.com.