The expansion of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (Brics) bloc, announced during the fifteenth yearly Brics Summit in August, has raised questions about South Africa's role in the group and whether the perceived spurning of its more traditional allies and trade partners will have adverse effects going forward.
The new members, which have been invited to join from 2024, are Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. The general consensus is that the Brics expansion is meant to enhance the group's global influence and aid a transition to a "multipolar world", in part by reducing the dominance of the US dollar.
South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) African Governance and Diplomacy Programme head Steven Gruzd notes that bolstering numbers is a tried-and-true method of expanding clout, noting that both the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation sought to increase membership to elevate their reach and scale of influence.
"The more countries behind you, the louder your voice becomes. So, expansion, in this instance, translates to more political clout. But make no mistake; the Group of Seven States are likely to remain dominant for now, although China is exerting its diplomatic heft to a much greater degree."
Further, the expansion of the Brics market reinforces the group's economic power, "even if it remains a loose club rather than a firm, exclusive alliance". Gruzd adds that the inclusion of several major oil producers and some of the members' geographical importance on major sea lanes, including the Suez Canal, the Straits of Hormuz and the Bab-el-Mandeb Straits, will "add to the club's overall power".
Gruzd tells Engineering News & Mining Weekly that, while the new entrants want to be part of something "successful, with momentum" and which seems to have an ideological affinity with strengthening a multipolar world, "some tensions will be imported into Brics".
These include issues pertaining to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and the resulting "standoff' on the Nile between Ethiopia and Egypt, as well as the Middle Eastern rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. There is also the continued tension relating to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the escalation of the long simmering Israel-Hamas conflict, as well as friction between India and China on numerous issues.
Gruzd says that the Brics organisation clearly believes that issues between members can be contained or "ever ameliorated"; however, the members' individual relationships with the rest of the global community are trickier to manage, especially when many of the new members, and a significant chunk of the old ones, have been critical of the existing West-orientated world order.
"For example, as international geopolitics becomes an ever-more-complex web, closer relations with Iran through Brics could place strain on South Africa's fragile relations with the US vis-à-vis Ukraine, and now the Israel-Hamas war too. There is much speculation that African Growth and Opportunity Act membership could be in jeopardy, although the South African government has tried to dispel this, including by sending special envoys to Washington.
"International Relations and Cooperation Minister Naledi Pandor visiting Tehran will not be seen as constructive in the West, nor will her telephone calls to Hamas leadership."
He notes that, while the inclusion of Iran may "make things more complicated", South Africa maintaining relationships with 'controversial' countries is nothing new, as it has had strong ties with Iran for decades, including defending it in international fora regarding its nuclear programme and on sanctions.
Gruzd says that the long-term security and trade implications of the Brics expansion are challenging to identify at this stage.
"From a trade perspective, it's hard to tell whether there will be adverse impacts on future trade for South Africa. We needn't see this as a stark 'either or' cho...