The author is the editor-in-chief at the JoongAng Sunday.

A phrase from a figure who lived on the other side of the globe resonates strongly today: "For my friends, everything; for my enemies, the law." It encapsulates political patronage - treating supporters as the only true citizens and granting them tangible and intangible rewards, while ignoring or punishing opponents. Law itself becomes a tool, applied selectively. In early 20th-century Peru, authoritarian ruler Oscar R. Benavides set such an example.

The presidential pardon announced Aug.11 offered a similar case. Those closely tied to former Rebuilding Korea Party leader Cho Kuk, credited as a major factor in the Democratic Party's general election landslide, had their legal shackles removed. Former lawmaker Choi Kang-wook, who issued a false internship certificate for Cho's son, and Noh Hwan-jung, former head of Busan Medical Center, who awarded a scholarship to Cho's daughter, were pardoned. Former Seongnam Mayor Eun Soo-mi, linked to President Lee Jae Myung during his tenure as mayor, also received clemency. Lawmaker Yoon Mee-hyang, whom Lee once expressed sympathy for, and Lee Yong-gu, a former justice vice minister who assaulted a taxi driver, were likewise included. Only a few names were left out.

The administration calls this "national unity," but here the "nation" means its supporters. The same pattern appears in legislation: from the so-called Yellow Envelope Bill to media reform laws, and soon, another round of prosecutorial reform bills.

Some marvel, "Moon Jae-in could not do it, but Lee Jae Myung did." Such governance is possible because the ruling bloc can absorb any backlash. Together with its allies, the Democratic Party holds close to 190 seats, and the next general election is three years away. The People Power Party has grown too weak to compete. Pardons are not unilateral - opposition parties can also make requests - but during the Moon administration, a senior presidential aide recalled that figures tied to former President Park Geun-hye repeatedly sought her pardon. PPP floor leader Song Eon-seog's misstep was not only revealing private discussions but doing so over unremarkable names.

This political structure is unlikely to change soon. The 40- and 50-something demographic, the Democrats' core support, is the largest voting bloc and will likely remain so. Many who have moved from Seoul or the provinces to Gyeonggi and Incheon lean anti-PPP. A decade ago, most parliamentary seats in the Seoul metropolitan area belonged to the PPP; today, many are held by Democrats. The shift stems from a broad realignment of party-voter alignments.

Meanwhile, the Democratic Party has built dense networks across politics, civic groups and even business. Modest résumés have been bolstered within this sphere. One figure linked to the Seongnam organized crime scandal moved through a local government post to a secretary position in the Prime Minister's Office. In the capital region, PPP candidates now face entrenched multi-term lawmakers or former ministers and vice ministers.

President Lee is deeply invested in electoral politics. Soon after taking office, he told reporters he imagined it must have been difficult for former President Yoon Suk Yeol to govern with a hostile legislature. Unlike Yoon, who dismantled his electoral coalition and isolated himself, Lee has preserved his. Former Democratic Party leader Lee Hae-chan's vision of 20 years in power is becoming a reality.

The PPP faces the prospect of two decades in the political wilderness, yet shows little urgency. The late lawmaker Chung Doo-un once said, "Those who build fortresses will perish," but the PPP is not even building fortresses - it is digging pits over impeachment opposition and alleged election fraud, burying itself further. Their ability to check the ruling bloc is doubtful.

As a result, the ruling party will continue to move at its own pace - advancing when it chooses, stopping when it wishes...