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Northland Specialist Emergency Doctor and outspoken public health advocate Gary Payinda has just become The Labour Party Candidate for Whangarei for the upcoming General Election.
Why has he entered politics? Why Labour? What does he believe ? And what does he want to do to improve the lives of the people of Northland?
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About a month ago I posed the Big Question - Should We Buy Back Our Electricity Network? and one of my readers, who took part in that poll, put me in touch with Sam Kivi.
Sam is on the board of the Lyttleton Energy Transition Society (or LETS for short ) who are fostering sustainable independent electricity production in the South Island port town where he lives.
When it comes to controlling the essentials of life I am a great believer of supporting local initiatives, because if outside interests own our land, or our food supply, or in this case the power we need to run our lights, heating and appliances, then in a very real sense they own us and freedom becomes an illusion.
So it was a privilege to talk with Sam and hear about LETS.
If you would like to learn more about who they are and what they do please go to www.lets.org.nz
This public journalism interview has been made free to listen to thanks to the support of my paid subscribers.
For $10 a month including GST ( less than a cup of coffee a week) you can not only gain full access to all my paywalled fourth estate articles,dpcumentaries and podcasts, you will get to comment in a chatroom of thoughtful Kiwis who care about our country and where it is going, in a troll- free social media environment. Please join us.
Yesterday I featured a documentary I made twenty-six years ago about how the State promised that people with mental disabilities would not be sent indefinitely to institutions but would be cared for in the community.
Today, at least 65 mentally disabled New Zealanders are currently denied that right.
Instead, they are detained in institutions and, as a recent Supreme Court case revealed, some of them are effectively doing life sentences.
Why?
Because they committed a crime which carried a jail sentence, but instead of being sent to prison the presiding Judge decided that because of their mental disability, the defendant would go into a care facility before being released back into society.
The problem is that some of these people are not being released for reasons that are not allowed to be made public.
In short there are people In our country who are being detained indefinitely for reasons that are kept secret from the public which, it seems to me, flies in the face of the principle of open justice.
The Problem
Let me be clear. These are difficult cases involving difficult defendants who, because of their mental disability (not mental illness), are deemed by the Judge at their trial to be a danger to themselves or to others, and who need specialised professional help before they can return to the community.
The legislation that allows all this to happen is The Intellectual Disability (Compulsory Care and Rehabilitation) Act 2003, and a section of which (S85) allows the usual 3 year maximum term for a Compulsory Care Order to be rolled over.
The application of Section 85 was recently successfully challenged in case of “J, “ Compulsory Care Recipient v Attorney‑General
“J” is a man with an intellectual disability (and autism) who has been detained under the IDCCR Act since 2006, on a secure compulsory-care order. His order has been repeatedly extended because his behaviour has not been deemed to have improved and so, at the time of the Supreme Court hearing this year, he had been in detention for almost 20 years
The Supreme Court was asked to review whether the legal test being applied to extend his compulsory care orders under s 85 of the IDCCR Act was been correctly administered — and whether J’s long detention breached his rights under the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 (e.g. right to liberty, freedom from arbitrary detention and non-discrimination).
Last August the Court allowed the appeal in part, finding that the legal test lower courts had been using to decide whether to extend a compulsory care order was wrong.
The Court of Appeal for example had previously found that extending a compulsory care order only required evidence of some risk. Instead the Supreme Court ruled that the right to liberty should be the starting point for a Judge’s decision to release a person under a Compulsory Care Order or not, and that the time such a person is detained should not be disproportionate to the offence they originally committed.
In J’s case he had carried an axe onto a neighbour’s property and used it to break windows — including a garage and van.The offence was Wilful Damage, and if J had been deemed fit to plead he would have faced a maximum sentence of 3 months in prison.
But J has been detained in secure care for nearly 20 years which raised serious proportionality and rights concerns around arbitrary detention.
Frankly, I know of convicted murderers and rapists who have been freed before 20 years.
The Secrecy Issue
It is in the Family Court, presided over by a Judge, that the decision to release or roll over a person’s detention is made, and the problem I have ( or any journalist has) in reporting on such a case is that it is a closed court.
Unlike a Parole Board hearing, for example, where journalists can apply to observe proceedings, Family Court hearings are secret – and that very fact is, in my view, contrary to the principle of open justice.
The reason I have been looking into this issue is that I recently interviewed the well-known author Anne Hunt for an episode of my podcast series Head2Head. Her grandson – Daniel - is one of the 65 people who is subject to a compulsory care order because , like J, he has a mental disability, committed some property damage and is currently now being indefinitely detained.
During the interview ( which you can watch here) Anne raised a number of concerns about Daniel’s treatment and human rights abuse. So, in fairness, I decided to hold off publishing the interview until I had contacted his care provider and ask about some of the issues Anne had raised with me – such as she was not allowed to communicate with him to even wish him a happy 30 th birthday.
So I emailed the management of IDEA Services, the facility where Daniel is being detained, and asked four questions
1. Is it correct that Anne has been denied access to Daniel? If so, why?
2. She says she understands from others that Daniel is regressing? Is this so? If so, what treatment strategy is he on and why is it not working ?
3. Would you consider an online interview with me about Daniel’s case ?
4. May I visit Daniel if he requests it? If not ,why not?
Their response was they were not willing to comment and referred me to the Ministry of Health.
Opinion
I will of course be doing that because Daniel has rights which, at face value, seem to me to be being denied. But of course I can’t report to you on that one way or the other, because what is happening to him is being kept secret the from public.
As difficult as people like Daniel can be, and as difficult as it must be to decide what is best for their own safety and public safety – never- the- less it seems to me that the secrecy that surrounds the treatment of people like Daniel and J speaks of an 1825 attitude to mental disabilities, not a 2025 one.
This public journalism interview has been made free to listen to thanks to the support of my paid subscribers.
For $10 a month including GST ( less than a cup of coffee a week) you can not only gain full access to all my paywalled fourth estate articles,dpcumentaries and podcasts, but you will get to comment in a chatroom of thoughtful Kiwis who care about our country and where it is going, in a troll- free social media environment
The Wellbeing Economic Alliance Aotearoa (WEAll Aotearoa) isn’t a political party. It’s an independent “think and do” tank driven by the belief our economy should exist for the wellbeing of our people and the planet, and is working to make that happen.
They take an evidence approach towards solving the economic issues that face us in order develop practical, long-term solutions for the public good.
WEAll Aotearoa is a registered charity, funded through philanthropic grants and donations and Sally is their Knowledge and Engagement lead.
If you find yourself feeling a bit down about the self- centred neoliberal track we’ve been headed down - have a listen to Sally.
We can have a more caring economy ….if we want to.
You can find out more about The Wellbeing Economic Alliance Aotearoa here:
https://www.weall.org.nz
This public journalism interview has been made free to listen to thanks to the support of my paid subscribers.
For $10 a month including GST ( less than a cup of coffee a week) you can not only gain full access to all my paywalled fourth estate articles,dpcumentaries and podcasts, but you will get to comment in a chatroom of thoughtful Kiwis who care about our country and where it is going, in a troll- free social media environment.
November is Diabetes Awareness Action Month in which Diabetes New Zealand is calling attention to the rise in Diabetes amongst young people.
You can find out more here:
https://www.diabetesactionmonth.org.nz
In this episode I catch up with Dr Bryan Betty who is the Chair of General Practice New Zealand and is also a practicing GP in Cannons Creek Porirua, to discuss issues of concern to General Practitioners and Labour’s recent primary health proposals.
This public journalism interview has been made free to listen to thanks to the support of my paid subscribers.
For $10 a month including GST ( less than a cup of coffee a week) you can not only gain full access to all my paywalled fourth estate articles,dpcumentaries and podcasts, but you will get to comment in a chatroom of thoughtful Kiwis who care about our country and where it is going, in a troll- free social media environment.
As part of my Head2Head series I have been interviewing politicians to find out a little about who they are and what they believe.
Kieran McAnulty was a minister in the Ardern led government and is currently Labour’s Shadow Leader of The House and spokesperson for Housing, Infrastructure and Public Investment.
In this wide- ranging interview we discuss the legacy of the introduction of neoliberal economics by the Fourth Labour government, how he sees Labour has changed since the Lange/ Douglas days, the role of government in relation to the marketplace, their policy on Crown ownership of assets today, the economic relationship between town and country (why does the food we produce cost us so much?) as well as Labour’s latest Health policy.
Little wonder then that, at 45 minutes in duration, this is the longest interview in Head2Head series to date, but I hope you find it informative and I look forward to reading your comments.
PS If you would rather read the interview rather than watch it just click on the Transcribe button.
This public jounalism interview has been made free to listen to thanks to the support of my paid subscribers.
For $10 a month including GST ( less than a cup of coffee a week) you can not only gain full access to all my paywalled fourth estate articles and podcasts, but you will get to comment in a chatroom of thoughtful Kiwis who care about our country and where it is going, in a troll- free social media environment.
In this interview I talk with two of the organisers of Rā Whakamana, an event happening next Tuesday the 28th of October 2025. It is a national day of solidarity between Māori, the Unions and Tangata Tiriti allies which coincides withe the 190th anniversary of He Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nu Tireni (1835 Declaration of Independence)
It is not a strike or protest, but a tikanga-led action that centres on Māori wellbeing, cultural identity, and mana motuhake throughout the motu.
Rā Whakamana is also a response.directly to the intensifying political, legal, and cultural attacks on Māori being driven by the current coalition government.
You can find out more about the Rā Whakamana event on their Facebook by clicking on the following link.
https://www.facebook.com/search/top/?q=Ra%20Whakamana
And on the Together.org.nz website here :
https://www.together.org.nz/ra_whakamana
You can support this day of solidarity by attending at the following times and locations
28 October 2025
Waitangi: 10am, Te Tii Marae
Tāmaki Makaurau | Auckland Central: 12pm, Okahu Bay
Tāmaki Makaurau | South Auckland: 12pm, Māngere Bridge (meeting at corner of Waterfront Rd & Coronation Rd)
Thames: 11.00am, Te Whariki Mana Wahine o Hauraki
Tauranga: 11.30am, Marine Park
Rotorua: 12pm, Lakefront
Whanganui: 12pm, Pakaitore
Te Whanganui-a-tara | Wellington: 12pm, Midland Park
Ōtepoti | Dunedin: 12pm, Queens Gardens
My public journalism work is made possible because of the generosity of my paid subscribers. If you are receiving this post as a free subscriber please consider upgrading. I post something to read, listen to, or watch every day, so right now you are probably seeing 1 item out of 9 that I produce.
For $10 a month you will not only get access to my fourth rstate writing, podcasts and documentaries, you will be able to comment and join our vibrant chat room in which New Zealanders from all walks of life intelligently discuss the issues we are facing as a nation in a environment safe from trolls.
.Catherine Murupaenga-Ikenn (Ngāti Kuri, Te Rarawa) was part of protest group Te Waka Hourua, who defaced (she says “redacted” ) Te Papa’s large wooden display panel of the English version of the Treaty of Waitangi in 2023 for which she was recently fined $1500.
In this interview Catherine talks candidly about why she was one of those who did it - and what you hear isn’t the senseless ramblings of a vandal, but words of intelligence and reason spoken by a wahine toa.
Head2Head interviews are free to view and listen too thanks to the generosity of my paid subscribers.
If you are receiving this post as a free subscriber please consider upgrading. I post something to read, listen to, or watch every day, so right now you are probably seeing one item out of 12 that I produce.
For $10 a month you will not only get access to my fourth rstate writing, podcasts and documentaries, you will be able to join our vibrant chat room in which New Zealanders from all walks of life intelligently discuss the issues we are facing as a nation in a environment safe from trolls.
Please restack and share any posts you find useful.
I recently caught up with Dr Ganesh Rajaram Ahirao who was formerly the Research Director at BERL and Chair of the now disestablished Productivity Commission ,who has been analyzing data from Stats NZ on wealth distribution in our country - and what he has uncovered is truly alarming.
You can find his research on his Substack here:
However I have copied his research post below in case you can’t access it and you want to read his disturbing analysis as he talks to me about what it means.
_______________________________________________________________
In 2024 Aotearoa wealth ranged between
* an average net debt of $298,000 for each of 19,9401 households
* an average net wealth of $9.2 million for each of another 19,940 households.
Alternatively,
* 19,940 households shared total net debt of $5.9 billion
* another 19,940 households shared total net wealth of $183.8 billion.
The picture below illustrates the net wealth per household - across the total spectrum of the wealth distribution - with each vertical bar representing 19,940 households.2
The right-hand end of the spectrum illustrates that, while relatively small in number, the net wealth of the uber-wealthy was visibly well above those only a few bars towards their left. For example, the 19,940 households in the 95th percentile (the 6th bar from the right) each with $4.1 million of net wealth is less than half that of the $9.2 million for each of those households in the 100th percentile.
Adding up the ten bars at the right-hand end of this spectrum, (together representing 199,400 households), results in a combined $1,006.9 billion in net wealth. Each household in this group possesses net wealth of at least $2.5 million, with many having visibly more.
However, wealth at the left-hand end of this spectrum is close to invisible. The widespread prevalence of household’s either in net debt, or possessing relatively negligible levels of net wealth, is saddeningly stark.
The left-hand 50 vertical bars in the picture - together representing the net wealth of 997,000 households (that is, half of all households) - barely register any visible wealth.
The following picture magnifies the previous chart, allowing the left-hand 50 vertical bars to become visible. Note, critically, that the vertical axis depicts a considerably smaller range of wealth (in $thousands and not $millions) than in the previous chart. However, each vertical bar still represents 19,940 households - with the 50 bars together totalling half of all households in Aotearoa in 2024.
The numbers are sobering, if bland
* the half of all households illustrated here together recorded net wealth totalling $138.2 billion
* that means half of all households in Aotearoa possessed 6.7% of the total net wealth of all households
* consequently, the other half of households in Aotearoa possessed 93.3% of the total net wealth of all households.
I urge you to see past the blandness of the numbers and remind yourself that behind each of the 19,940 households represented by each of those vertical bars lie individuals, families, whānau, hapū, and community hopes and aspirations.
The numbers in the latter chart include many people and communities still awaiting - in vain - for the hope and opportunities to be accrued from the much-promised trickle down.
The chasm opens
Those unfortunate to be amongst those households towards the left-hand end of this spectrum have seen their wealth struggle to register any significant improvements over the 9 years to 2024. Worse, many have seen their debts noticeably increase.
What was a divide, has become a chasm.
The combined total debt of the least-wealthy 10% of all households (that is, 199,400 households, being the ten bars at the left-hand end of the spectrum in the pictures above) last year totalled $8.0 billion. In 2015, that debt totalled $1.7 billion.
In contrast, the combined wealth of the most-wealthy 10% (the ten bars at the right-hand end of the first picture) rose from $551.5 billion in 2015 to the aforementioned $1,006.9 billion.
Yes, the nine years to 2024 saw the least-wealthy households in Aotearoa subjected to an ever worsening debt picture - with their total debt rising by $6.3 billion.
That is, an average $31,640 worsening for each household.
Over the same period, the most-wealthy households in Aotearoa enjoyed an increase in their total wealth of $455.3 billion.
That is, an average $2.3 million improvement for each household.
I know it is a cliche to talk about the rich getting richer, while the poor get poorer. But, what I do not know is when (or how) we - as a nation - have seemingly become so immune to this utter failure of our economy and the consequent dereliction of our duty to our people and communities.
Many prognoses, advice, and policies centre on education as the key out of poverty. I share such a view. And, yes, I wholeheartedly encourage further education and training as this data (discussed below) provides evidence of a better wealth outcome for those with further qualifications.
But, as the least-wealthy sought further education over the years to 2024, in a perversity that I can only describe as incredulously cruel, a noticeable component of the loss of wealth of the least-wealthy was a disproportionate increase in student debt.
The hurdles and barriers facing many in navigating across the chasm appear increasingly insurmountable.
The above chart illustrates - through standard headline statistical indicators of inequality - the nature of the gap that has now widened to a stark chasm.
The P90/P10 indicator is defined as the net wealth of the household at the 90th percentile compared to the net wealth of the household at the 10th percentile. The relative closeness (or not) of these two measures reflects the relative equality (or inequality) of the underlying distribution. When stated as a ratio (as depicted), the higher the indicator the higher the relative inequality. And similarly, using the stated respective percentiles, for the P80/P20 and P70/P30 indicators.
The chart shows that, in particular, the P90/P10 indicator has dramatically increased over the 9 year period - from a ratio of 50 to be a ratio of 73 in 2024.
This dramatic shift - accompanied by the relative stability of the other two indicators of inequality - confirm the changes in wealth are relatively concentrated at either ends of the spectrum. In contrast, the ‘middle’ appears to have held relatively stable - likely underpinned largely by the increasing skew towards housing-related wealth.
The throw-away quip could be that this data does not tell us anything we didn’t know already. I would counter that, yes, the data is bland (and blind); but the people and their communities are real, as are their opportunities, aspirations, and hopes.
Whether we knew already is not the issue; it is whether we continue to remain immune to the failure of the economy that we have designed.
A peek under the hood
Houses, financials, non-financials, and student debt
I follow with an outline of some of the detail of the changes in the distribution of wealth. However, to ensure data comparability I am limited to looking at totals and averages for each quintile group; noting each quintile group of households represent a fifth (or 20%) of all the households in Aotearoa (that is, 399,800 households in each quintile in 2024).
The picture below, again, illustrates a comparatively microscopic change for the least-wealthy households (at the left-hand end of the spectrum - labelled Q1). Similarly, the numbers for the second quintile (labelled Q2) are also barely visible.
Closer inspection of the numbers for quintile Q1 reveal
* total net wealth worsened by $2.7 billion over the nine years (or $6,720 per household), comprising
* a $4.8 billion increase in other financial wealth
* a $2.0 billion increase in education debt (student loans)
* a $4.7 billion increase in other non-financial wealth
* a $9.3 billion reduction in net equity in their own houses.
The comparable numbers for quintile Q5 (as visibly illustrated) are
* total net wealth improved by $650.2 billion (or $1.6 million per household) over the nine years, comprising
* a $297.8 billion increase in other financial wealth
* a $0.6 billion increase in education debt (student loans)
* a $119.5 billion increase in other non-financial wealth
* a $233.6 billion increase in net equity in their own houses.
Outside of the total quantum and different direction of the changes over the 9 years recorded by the two quintiles, points to note include
* an improvement in the net equity in own houses for quintile 5 contrasted with the reduction for quintile 1
* undoubtedly related to the reduction in home ownership opportunities, and consequent shift to renting, for households at the left-hand end of the wealth spectrum.
* the improvement in other non-financial wealth for quintile 5 households includes a significant increase of $80 billion in other real estate assets (net of loans on such assets)
* undoubtedly reflecting the attractiveness of holding assets in houses other than one’s own
* but this was an opportunity well out of reach for quintile 1 households. In this case the $4.7 billion improvement in other non-financial wealth included a reduction in the loans (net debt) owing on other real estate assets
* in addition, an improvement in wealth was recorded for both quintile groups through collections of household contents and equipment, furnishings, cars and other consumer durables.
* the improvement in other financial wealth enjoyed by both groups reflected savings (including KiwiSaver and other pension funds and stock holdings) alongside cash holdings, but also netting out debt to other lenders
* the improvement for the quintile 5 households were concentrated in a $245 billion wealth increase in bonds, stocks, securities, equities and other items within the savings sub-category
* the improvement for the quintile 1 households were more noticeable in cash holdings but also balanced by an unwelcome increase in debt to other lenders - likely to include pay-day lenders and/or MSD debt.
* in what is a truly perverse outcome, the total increase in education debt over the 9 years of $5.3 billion was dominated by the $2.0 billion increase experienced by households in the least-wealthy quintile 1
* this contrasts with the increase in education debt recorded for quintile 5 households, which was a comparatively microscopic (given the scale of their total overall wealth) $0.6 billion.
The perversion needs to be highlighted in response to the “bootstrap brigade” that propound the view that those less wealthy just need to avail themselves of further education and training opportunities.
The noted outcome serves as a reminder (for all that either choose to remain unaware, or are willingly complicit in ignoring evidence) that such opportunities are costly in present-day Aotearoa.
Individual wealth data confirm unequal starting positions
Turning to the wealth of individuals - rather than of households - there are numerous ways that the data could be sliced or diced that would all warrant exploration. For brevity, I touch on just a couple of topics that I consider of high importance and relevance - that of the wealth of individual Māori and that of the relationship between wealth and qualifications.
Net wealth for Māori still well behind the national total
For Māori, the story sadly remains one of starting well behind the start line. Promisingly, though, the difference appears to be narrowing.
As is widely understood, the age distribution of the Māori population is significantly different (younger) than that of the total population. This difference needs to be accounted for when comparing the measures for the different population groups. If not adjusted, then any measures for the younger populations would be skewed (biased) downwards due to the observation that younger people accumulate, on average, less wealth than older people. This process is called age-standardising the data and ensures apples are, indeed, compared with apples. The following chart illustrates the appropriate headline data.
Across all individuals (aged 15 and above) the median3 net wealth in 2024 was $136,000, up from $84,000 some 9 years earlier. In contrast, the median for Māori individuals in 2015 was astonishingly low at $22,000. The behind the start line analogy is entirely appropriate here, noting the impact of inherently colonial influences, not to mention generations of land theft and cultural dispossession and alienation.
Noticeably, and promisingly, the 9 years since has seen this figure more than double to stand at $52,000 in 2024. This move puts this measure at more than a third of the nation-wide figure, up considerably from close to a quarter only 9 years earlier.
It is also pertinent to note that these measures only include individually-owned assets (less individually-owed liabilities). In particular, they do not include collectively-owned assets - such as whenua Māori, and other Trust and Incorporation assets or, indeed, settlement pūtea. This, of course, begs the question of the definition of wealth - but that’s must await a separate note!
Higher formal qualifications associated with higher wealth
While the 2015 data showed a significant difference in median net wealth for those with further (formal) qualifications, the 2024 data has turbo-charged that difference.
The picture above illustrates that in both 2015 and 2024 the median net wealth of individuals (aged 15 and above) with no qualifications or with only Level 1-3qualifications was noticeably below others. Further, those with Level 5-6, Level 8, andLevel 9-10 qualifications recorded the highest median net wealth. Of interest is the relatively low figure for median net wealth for the Level 7 qualification group.
But, the biggest takeaway from the above chart is the striking increases in the median net wealth figures for all groups with further qualifications at Level 4 or above.
The quandary (or challenge) is to ensure that such results are sustained (or improve further) into the coming years. And for those in households that have been subjected to relatively large immediate increases in education (student) debt are sufficiently supported while they continue to await the promised longer-term gains.
“We can’t afford it”
Simply put, if just half of the $455.3 billion improvement between 2015 to 2024 enjoyed by the 10% most-wealthy households were re-distributed, it would equate to another $142,700 for each of the 80 percentiles of households representing the least-wealthy third of all households. That $142,700 improvement could re-ignite the opportunities and hope for the least-wealthy households amongst us.
And, by the way, that would still leave a $226.7 billion improvement for the 91st to 100th percentile households, leaving them still well above the households in the 90th most wealthy percentile.
Oh, and abolishing (or ‘forgiving’) student loans would also be a good start. Forgiving those in households in quintile 1 would require only $5.9 billion. A mere pittance in comparison to some of the sums mentioned here.
1
There were a total of 1,994,000 households in Aotearoa in 2024. Thus 19,940 represents 1% of all households. This is approximately similar to the number of households in the Marlborough District; or in the Timaru District; or in the Waitākere Ranges Local Board Area.
2
All raw data used in this note has been sourced from Statistics New Zealand Tatauranga Aotearoa in its latest Household Net Worth survey released last week and available at https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/household-net-worth-statistics-year-ended-june-2024/
3
Noting the median is equivalent to the 50th percentile of the distribution, representing the ‘half-way’ point - with half the population recording a level below the median figure and half above this figure.
Head2Head interviews are free to view and listen too thanks to the generosity of my paid subscribers.
If you are receiving this post as a free subscriber please consider upgrading. I post something to read, listen to, or watch every day, so right now you are probably seeing one item out of 12 that I produce.
For $10 a month you will not only get access to my fourth rstate writing, podcasts and documentaries, you will be able to join our vibrant chat room in which New Zealanders from all walks of life intelligently discuss the issues we are facing as a nation in a environment safe from trolls.
Please restack and share any posts you find useful.
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