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The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Venezuela, home to the world's largest proven crude oil reserves at roughly 17 percent of the global total, appears once again to be falling victim to what is often called the "oil curse." Under former president Hugo Chávez, massive oil revenues were poured into welfare programs. When oil prices collapsed, the country was left with hyperinflation, shortages of basic goods and a shattered economy. This time, however, the curse is not merely domestic mismanagement but intervention by great powers seeking access to Venezuelan oil.

On Jan. 3, U.S. President Donald Trump abruptly detained Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro and moved him to stand trial, according to Washington's announcement. Trump has since reached an understanding with Vice President Delcy Rodríguez, now serving as acting president, and has begun moving rapidly to secure Venezuelan oil supplies. Official justifications such as drug interdiction and the restoration of democracy have increasingly appeared secondary to energy interests.

Opposition leader María Corina Machado has openly courted U.S. support for early regime change through elections, even remarking that she would like to share the Nobel Peace Prize she received last year with Trump. The U.S. president, however, has opted against a strategy of forcibly dismantling the existing power structure. Instead, he has chosen what aides describe as a "repair and reuse" approach, removing the leader while steering the existing system in a direction aligned with U.S. interests.

Since the military operation that led to Maduro's arrest, Trump's effort to assert control over Venezuelan oil assets has unfolded at remarkable speed. By applying pressure for additional military action, Washington secured cooperation from figures close to the former president. The United States first took possession of between 30 million and 50 million barrels of crude that had been stranded in storage tanks after exports were blocked by a U.S. naval blockade in the Caribbean.

U.S. forces also seized a fifth oil tanker at sea to prevent exports and cut off shipments of Venezuelan crude to Cuba. These moves were followed by a meeting at the White House with the chief executives of major U.S. energy companies, including Exxon Mobil and Chevron. Trump reportedly urged them to pursue oil development on an unprecedented scale, pledging security guarantees and encouraging investments totaling $100 billion.

Energy Secretary Chris Wright said U.S. involvement would sharply increase Venezuelan oil production. Trump announced that proceeds from oil sales would be deposited into accounts controlled by the U.S. Treasury and later allocated for approved uses. To guard against unforeseen contingencies, he signed an executive order shielding those accounts from seizure or judicial action. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent signaled Washington's willingness to lift sanctions that had previously blocked Venezuelan oil exports.

Behind the immediate cash flow from oil sales, Washington's broader objectives can be summarized in two points. First, securing Venezuelan oil would strengthen what Trump has called U.S. "energy dominance," with the president claiming ambitions to control 55 percent of global crude supply, thereby increasing leverage over China and Russia.

China has spent years cultivating allies in Latin America through its Belt and Road Initiative. Beijing maintained close ties with the Chávez and Maduro governments and is now Venezuela's largest creditor, having extended more than $70 billion in loans. Most of that financing was backed by oil, with repayment made through discounted crude exports.

As the world's largest oil importer, China has relied on Venezuela's heavy crude as a buffer for energy security, helping sustain its manufacturing competitiveness. China National Petroleum Corporation has invested heavily alongside Venezuela's state oil firm, PDVSA, in oil field development, refini...

The author is the editor-in-chief at JoongAng Sunday.

"The strong do what they must, and the weak endure what they have to."

The phrase feels uncomfortably familiar. It captures the essence of ruthless international politics and traces back nearly 2,500 years to ancient Athens' ultimatum to the neutral island of Melos, recorded in "The Peloponnesian War" (411 B.C.) by Thucydides. Athens told Melos to surrender or face destruction. The Athenians warned the Melians not to argue that they had done no harm and therefore did not deserve conquest.

Melos protested. It spoke of justice, of the gods and of alliances. Athens responded with cynicism.

Even if the end of Athenian power were to come someday, Athens said, it was not something to lose sleep over now. They had come, they made clear, for the benefit of their empire and to decide whether Melos would survive. The gods, they added, followed the same rule: Stronger gods ruled weaker ones. Melos, Athens scoffed, was gambling its survival on uncertain future hopes rather than making a rational choice in the present. That, Athens said, was arrogance disguised as morality.

The echoes are hard to miss. In the operation to remove Nicolás Maduro, the United States reportedly told figures close to him to either follow Washington's directives or be eliminated. The resemblance to Melos is unsettling. The Trump administration described this approach as "flexible realism." One analyst, Raphael S. Cohen, remarked that the United States appeared to be openly testing whether foreign policy could rest solely on power and national interest.

U.S. President Donald Trump's experiment may be particularly flamboyant, but he is hardly alone. The rivalry between the United States and China is unfolding across the globe. Venezuela, Iran and Greenland are not isolated cases. They can all be connected by a single thread: oil.

China, the world's largest energy importer, has been purchasing crude at steep discounts from Venezuela, Iran and Russia, sometimes through so-called shadow fleets, largely because of Western sanctions. An estimated 20 percent of China's oil imports originate from sanctioned regions. What if China had to pay full market prices?

Kang Ju-myung, a former head of the International Gas Union and an energy expert, has described China's Belt and Road Initiative in blunt terms: a network designed to secure oil and gas supplies. As the biggest beneficiary of the sanctions regime, he noted, China would struggle if that system were to be shaken. Trump, despite resistance from Ukraine and Europe, has pushed for a cease-fire with Russia and has also sought to intervene in Iran.

Greenland follows the same logic. Trump's noisy pressure campaign against China reportedly eased only after Beijing demonstrated its leverage through rare earth exports. Greenland matters not only for rare earths but also as a strategic chokepoint along Arctic shipping routes. China is already gaining access to the Arctic through Russia. Trump has been willing to risk friction with longstanding European allies to block that advance.

A Western analyst likened this contest to the 19th-century rivalry between Britain and Russia in Central Asia, calling it the "Great Game of the 21st century," a phrase used by Rana Foroohar. Europe, Korea, Japan, Australia, parts of Africa and Latin America, she argued, are all entangled in this game. None can afford a simplistic, binary choice between Washington and Beijing. The point resonates.

Europe, sheltered for 80 years under the U.S. security umbrella, now faces the unfamiliar task of defending itself. It must chart a path between deep-seated hostility toward Russia and the realist concern that weakening Russia too far could leave its resources more easily absorbed by China.

Korea faces its own version of the dilemma. President Lee Jae Myung tried to downplay remarks by Chinese President Xi Jinping urging countries to "stand on the right side of history," saying he took them as Conf...

The ethics committee of the Democratic Party decided on Jan. 12 to expel former floor leader Kim Byung-kee from the party. Committee chair Han Dong-soo said the decision reflected the gravity of the case. While additional procedures remain, including approval by the party's supreme council, a senior lawmaker who until two weeks ago represented ruling party lawmakers in the National Assembly has now received the harshest possible punishment.

For a ruling party, the episode amounts to a political disaster, making it difficult to face the public or its own supporters. Particularly damaging is that the corruption allegations against Kim are tied to candidate nominations, a core pillar of party democracy. Kim served as secretary of the nomination committee ahead of the 2022 local elections. Kang Sun-woo, who reportedly informed Kim of an illicit nomination donation of 100 million won (around $68,000) and pleaded for help, was herself a member of that committee.

Even partial evidence of these allegations would lead a reasonable observer to conclude that serious flaws existed in the party's system. Yet party leaders continue to describe the case as "human error" or "individual misconduct," raising doubts about whether there is genuine resolve to root out nomination-related corruption.

In this crisis, the first task facing newly appointed floor leader Han Byung-do is to diagnose why the leadership's judgment appears so detached from common sense. Only then can meaningful prescriptions be devised to correct systemic failures. It was also uncomfortable to watch the party publicly urge Kim to resign voluntarily before the expulsion, only for him to resist. A senior party spokesperson framed such demands as expressions of party loyalty. Given that the party expelled Kim only after Kang had already left, the call for voluntary resignation looks less like principle than an attempt to minimize political damage.

It is also fair to ask whether the resignation and expulsion alone deliver meaningful accountability. In August last year, former National Assembly Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair Lee Choon-suak resigned and was expelled after revelations of proxy stock trading in a staffer's name. Allegations that he used AI policy information to trade stocks fueled public anger, yet the party again reduced the matter to individual misconduct. Recent reports that prosecutors requested supplementary investigations due to inadequate police work have only reinforced perceptions of superficial accountability.

Similar concerns surround the current investigation. Critics say travel bans on Seoul city councilor Kim Kyung and searches of Kang's offices came far too late. Opposition calls for a special prosecutor to investigate nomination donations are therefore not without merit.

Han has said a full review of nomination-related allegations is needed to demonstrate resolve. Kim's expulsion should be the beginning, not the end, of accountability. What is now required is not rhetoric, but action.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

Boy band LNGSHOT is the latest newcomer to K-pop, who make it clear they have no intention of taking a backseat, even if, as the group itself puts it, "it's a long shot for sure."

Freshly debuted under rapper and producer Jay Park, the rookie group places authenticity at the core of its identity, putting forward its creative energy from the start with its debut EP, "Shot Callers."

"I believe authenticity is the keyword we prioritize in everything, including music," said member Woojin during the group's debut showcase held in western Seoul on Tuesday, which was also attended by Park.

"Even though I'm still figuring out what it means, what I learned from our CEO [Park] is that authenticity comes through when we do what we love earnestly until we can persuade the public," he continued.

"Even though it might take a long time, we're a team that aims to make the long shot work."

LNGSHOT's producer, Park, described the group as one that is "worth looking forward to."

"I knew that creating a K-pop group would be difficult and expensive, but I went for it anyway because that's what I've been doing throughout my career," said Park. "Rather than staying only as a frontman, I wanted to pass on my legacy to those who truly deserve it."

LNGSHOT, pronounced as "long shot," is the first K-pop act launched under Park's label, More Vision, and consists of four members: Louis, Ohyul, Woojin and Ryul.

LNGSHOT's debut EP, "Shot Callers," features five songs: the lead track "Moonwalkin'," along with B-sides "Backseat," "Saucin'," "FaceTime" and "Never Let Go."

"The EP's title, 'Shot Callers,' signifies our will to take initiative in our activities going forward," said member Ohyul.

True to his words, all four members actively took part in the production of the album, contributing to writing lyrics, composing and arranging the B-side tracks.

The lead track, "Moonwalkin'," leans into R&B, merging its apparent Michael Jackson-inspired motif while weaving the group's own narrative of uncertainty and determination.

"The Moonwalk dance looks like you're moving forward while actually sliding backward," said Woojin. "That imagery fit the feelings of uncertainty we felt while preparing for our debut as well as our determination to give our best."

LNGSHOT released "Saucin'" in December last year as a pre-debut single, and made stage appearances alongside Park on multiple shows, including the 2025 Melon Music Awards. The group also made headlines earlier last year, with a photo of them holding up their middle fingers uploaded on Park's social media in September.

In the music video for "Saucin'," Park appears as a greedy CEO who tries to control LNGSHOT members, banning them from dating and swearing — in an apparent satire of the K-pop industry's unwritten rules and intense scrutiny.

Park said that he plans to maintain a human-to-human relationship with the group rather than act as a controlling authority.

"There are certain rules and boundaries that come to mind when we think of K-pop idols," noted Park. "Even if our trajectory or music doesn't get well understood in the beginning, we plan to move forward with authenticity as the foundation of the group's philosophy."

As LNGSHOT officially takes off after months of pre-debut promotions, Woojin said that his ultimate goal is to follow in Park's footsteps as one of the biggest R&B and hip-hop artists in Korea.

"I wish to become a timeless artist like Park, and be able to remain active for a long time while keeping our core values intact," he said.

Ryul, meanwhile, declared this year's goal is to win a rookie of the year award, adding, "I want LNGSHOT to become a brand that represents the industry."

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

South Korean President Lee Jae Myung said on Tuesday that he had urged closer trilateral cooperation among Seoul, Tokyo and Beijing during a summit with Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in the ancient city of Nara in western Japan.

Lee arrived in Japan for a two-day visit from Jan. 13 to14 as part of reciprocal leader-level exchanges between the two countries, known as "shuttle diplomacy," aimed at sustaining momentum in bilateral ties.

In a joint statement released after their meeting, Lee said "deepening and expanding cooperation between Korea and Japan is no longer a task that can be delayed" amid "unprecedented global turmoil" and technological shifts driven by AI.

Lee said he "emphasized the need for Korea, Japan and China to identify as much common ground as possible in order to communicate and cooperate."

Regional tensions have been fueled in part by Takaichi's remarks suggesting Japan could intervene militarily in a Taiwan contingency, comments that drew sharp criticism from Beijing.

Lee's meeting with Takaichi came less than a week after he held talks in Beijing with Chinese President Xi Jinping, underscoring Seoul's increasingly delicate diplomatic balancing act.

The South Korean president said Seoul and Tokyo "must move beyond trade-centered cooperation" toward "more comprehensive collaboration in economic security, technology and the shaping of international norms," even as they continue to grapple with historical grievances rooted in Japan's 1910-45 occupation of the Korean Peninsula.

The two sides agreed at the summit to cooperate on efforts to recover remains from the Chosei undersea coal mine in western Japan, where flooding in 1942 killed 183 workers, including 136 Koreans who had been subjected to forced labor.

It was the second summit between Lee and Takaichi since she took office, following their first encounter in October on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum hosted by South Korea in Gyeongju, a former capital of the Silla kingdom (57 B.C. to A.D. 935).

Noting that Seoul and Tokyo normalized relations in 1965, Lee said the two countries had built a mutually beneficial partnership over the past six decades. He said the two sides should expand cooperation while carefully managing points of friction as they "enter the next 60 years" of ties.

"There are uncomfortable and difficult aspects to our relationship," Lee said. "But there are also constructive ones. The task before us is to strengthen the latter and prevent the former from defining our future."

Takaichi echoed that view, saying the two leaders shared a common understanding of the strategic importance of their relationship. She said she hoped Lee's visit would help elevate ties and contribute to regional stability.

"Politically, the progressive Lee and conservative Takaichi may not be natural allies, but they are both politicians focused on the national interest," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul. He noted that South Korea and Japan share a wide range of economic and security concerns, from maritime safety and demographic challenges to environmental cooperation.

Both governments, he said, seek to reduce threats from North Korea through negotiations, deter coercion by China and manage uncertainty in relations with the United States.

"South Koreans do not want to become collateral damage in the Chinese Communist Party's pressure campaign against Takaichi's support for Taiwan," Easley said, adding that it would be "better for Lee to pragmatically pursue productive relations with all neighbors while speaking up for the principle that no actor should unilaterally change the status quo in the region by force."

Lee said he and Takaichi agreed on the importance of strengthening bilateral ties and trilateral cooperation among South Korea, the United States and Japan to maintain peace and stability in t...

This article is by Park Eun-jee and read by an artificial voice.

With this year's entire memory production already sold out or locked in by major clients, SK hynix is ramping up capacity by investing 19 trillion won ($12.9 billion) in a new packaging facility in Cheongju, North Chungcheong.

The Icheon, Gyeonggi-based company, the primary memory supplier to Nvidia, announced the plans on Tuesday as it tries to meet increasing demand for not only high-end high bandwidth memory (HBM) but also more commoditized dynamic random access memory (DRAM) such as DDR5.

The Korean chipmaker said Tuesday that the facility, dubbed P&T7, will be built on a site at the Cheongju Technopolis industrial complex measuring 70,000 pyeong (2.49 million square feet), with construction set to begin in April 2026 and completion targeted for the end of 2027.

The chip producer is also constructing a manufacturing facility, known as M15X, at the same site, with 20 trillion won committed. The M15X facility will operate two clean rooms, which refer to tightly controlled manufacturing spaces for chip production. The first cleanroom began equipment installation last October, with trial operations leading into mass production by February, while the second cleanroom is scheduled for completion by year-end. Full utilization of the plant is projected by mid-2027, with monthly output estimated at around 50,000 wafers.

SK hynix attributed the capital expenditure increase to surging demand.

"With the global race in AI accelerating, demand for memory used for AI-related servers has surged," the chipmaker said in a statement.

"HBM, in particular, is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 33 percent between 2025 and 2030, and the need for a proactive response to rising HBM demand is becoming increasingly critical," it said.

It already secured "full customer demand" for its entire DRAM, including the HBM range and NAND Flash production for 2026, according to an earnings announcement released last October.

"We have now finalized next year's HBM supply plans with key clients, following the conclusion of discussions that had been a central focus with customers. Due to a sharp rise in infrastructure-driven demand and the competitive edge of our products, our HBM offerings have remained sold out since 2023," said Kim Ki-tae, head of HBM sales and marketing division at SK hynix, during the conference call last October.

The SK hynix executives noted in the conference call that demand for memory currently outpaces supply, with supply-side capacity effectively determining growth.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

After warming up its engine for quite a while, boy band Alpha Drive One has made its official entry into the K-pop scene with a high-profile debut that feels less like a first step but a full-throttle launch for a "drive to the top."

The eight-member group released its first EP, "Euphoria," on Monday, with momentum built well before its formal debut. Formed through Mnet's popular audition program "Boys II Planet" last year, Alpha Drive One members are already familiar faces to many K-pop observers.

"As this is a new beginning for me, I've been preparing for it with all my heart," said leader Leo during a press showcase in central Seoul on Monday. Leo, a former trainee at HYBE's BigHit Music, had previously debuted as a solo artist in 2023.

"It feels like having seven new brothers," he continued. "Having teammates is the biggest turning point for me. I will give my best as Alpha Drive One going forward."

Member Junseo echoed the sentiment, describing his long-awaited debut as "euphoric."

"I hope Alpha Drive One becomes an icon of K-pop's relentless drive," he said. "We aim to live up to our name, relentlessly racing toward the top."

"Boys II Planet," which aired from July to September last year, featured a whopping 160 contestants, the largest pool in K-pop audition history.

Alpha Drive One consists of eight winners from the audition program — Sangwon, Anxin, Xinlong, Geonwoo, Arno, Leo, Sanghyeon and Junseo. The members will work together as a team for five years, much longer than ZeroBaseOne, which was formed through the first season of "Boys Planet" (2023) and only signed to complete two and a half years of activities.

Ahead of its official debut, Alpha Drive One has been ramping up activities with its predebut release, "Formula," and performances on major stages, including the 2025 MAMA Awards and the Melon Music Awards.

Arno, however, was unable to perform on stage on Monday due to a recent leg injury. He attended the press showcase leaning on crutches and supported by Junseo.

"We're so happy to be able to finally present our performance after hundreds and thousands of rounds of practice," said Arno. "But I'm sorry to the members and Allyz [Alpha Drive One's fans] for not being able to perform on stage. I'll recover quickly to join the members."

The name Alpha Drive One symbolizes the group's ambition to become a united team that drives forward to the top, according to its agency, WakeOne Entertainment. The symbolism is reflected in the team's chant: "Drive to the top, Alpha Drive One."

The debut EP, "Euphoria," features six songs: the lead track "Freak Alarm," along with "Formula," "Raw Flame," "Chains," "Never Been 2 Heaven" and "Cinnamon Shake."

"Chains" and "Never Been 2 Heaven," which were performed during the "Boys II Planet" audition, were rerecorded as the Alpha Drive One version.

Leo described Alpha Drive One's music to be driven by "romantic energy" that propels the members toward their dreams.

"This album captures the euphoric moment of the eight members, who had been on their own journey toward our dreams, coming together as one team," said Leo. "It's our story of reaching a euphoric moment of debut after a long wait, but message of encouragement for anyone pushing forward while battling themselves."

Debuting amid anticipation for comebacks from big-name acts such as BTS, Big Bang, Blackpink and Seventeen, the members said they feel honored to be part of the industry at this moment.

"It's such an honor for us to promote alongside seniors we deeply respect," said Junseo. "We'll do our best so that they'll notice there are cool rookies like us, so please look forward to it."

The group also expressed respect for previous project boy bands formed through Mnet's audition franchises.

"We hold immense respect for our seniors, such as ZeroBaseOne and WannaOne," said Sangwon. "We hope to become a group that continues to grow with our own distinctive...

This article is by Lee Jian and read by an artificial voice.

"If the look in one's eyes has to serve a purpose, then it's to boldly express that person's true feelings."

The line, a poetry verse translated from Korean, was posted as a caption on Instagram by girl group aespa member Karina in October 2025. The K-pop star has previously mentioned that one of her favorite gifts to give is poetry books.

A year earlier, actor Kim Yoo-jung shared a poetry collection in a behind-the-scenes "What's In My Bag" video. "I just bought this one," she said, showing the book to the camera. "I'm really curious to read it and see what the hype is about."

Karina and Kim are part of a growing group of Gen Z Koreans who are rediscovering poetry.

Poetry has traditionally sold best among older readers, particularly those in their 50s. But recently, a growing number of much younger readers have begun to explore the literary form. Data from local bookseller Yes24 shows that the share of poetry purchases from readers in their teens and 20s has steadily increased over the past six years, reaching nearly 20 percent in 2025 — almost double the level recorded in 2020.

A year-end report by digital reading platform Millie's Library likewise highlighted poetry's growing popularity among younger users, comparing poems to "snacks" — short, and so easy to consume quickly, but still emotionally rich.

Once dismissed by younger generations as cringey or overly sentimental, poetry is finding new life among Gen Z readers, who are drawn to its raw honesty, brevity and ability to be easily digitized. For many, poetry functions less as a traditional literary form and more as a medium for self-expression and connection — a shift that is reshaping bestseller lists, reading habits and the broader literary landscape.

Jeong Young-hwan, a university student who occasionally uploads screenshots of poems to social media, said poems feel refreshingly heartfelt and are accessible. "Some lines resonate with me deeply," he said. "And I can easily post them online so that other people can read and relate to them too."

There are over one million Instagram posts under the Korean hashtag "Instapoetry," a portmanteau of "Instagram" and "poetry."

Social media platforms and online self-publishing channels have also encouraged young readers not just to consume but to write poetry. Many Gen Z writers have turned to poetry as a way to articulate their thoughts on and experiences with their identity, emotions and daily life — sometimes to notable commercial success.

Poetry collections by young poets, once largely confined to bestseller lists for teens and young adults, are now appearing on overall rankings.

In 2025, three poetry collections by young writers entered the top 10 of Yes24's third-quarter bestseller list, a sharp contrast to 2023, when established poets dominated the upper tier.

Twenty-eight-year-old writer Go Sun-kyung's "A Tomato Firmer Than the Heart" (2025) and "Shower Gel and Soda Water" (2023) ranked third and fifth, respectively, and "Tomato Cup Ramen" (2024) by 19-year-old Cha Jung-eun placed ninth.

Yes24 said teenage readers accounted for 60.9 percent of sales for "Tomato Cup Ramen," 51.9 percent for "Shower Gel and Soda Water" and 45.9 percent for "A Tomato Firmer Than the Heart," underscoring the growing influence of younger readers on poetry sales.

Other young poets — including Baek Eun-byeol, the writer behind "As Long as I Remember" (2024); Yoo Sun-hye, behind "Please Try Reading Love and Extinction the Other Way Around" (2024); Yoo Soo-yeon, behind "Lovingly and Gently Fading Away" (2024); and Lee Jae-ya, behind "Outside of Sincerity" (2025) — also placed within the top 30 poetry bestsellers throughout last year.

The trend has not gone unnoticed by older generations. Former President Moon Jae-in launched a YouTube channel about books in November 2025, opening with a recommendation for "Now We Go Home" (2025), a poetry collection written by teenagers living ...

The author is a writer and senior fellow at the Institute for Social and Economic Research.

On Jan. 13, 1898, France awoke to a newspaper unlike any it had seen before. L'Aurore devoted its entire front page not to reporting or commentary but to a single column. Its author was Émile Zola, one of the country's most prominent writers. Under the subheading "Letter to the President of the Republic," Zola delivered a blunt declaration that would echo through history: "I accuse."

The roots of the affair stretched back to 1894. Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish artillery captain on the French Army General Staff, was accused by military intelligence of spying for Germany. France at the time was gripped by militant nationalism fused with virulent antisemitism. The army quickly concluded that Dreyfus was guilty, and a military court aligned itself with that view. Still haunted by the humiliation of defeat by Prussia in 1871, the institution fixed on an "internal enemy" and proceeded with a trial whose outcome was effectively predetermined. Zola refused to remain silent in the face of that injustice.

"Mr. President," he wrote, "today I shall speak the truth. I promised to speak it, if the courts that officially handle justice did not do so in full daylight. My duty is to speak."

The price of telling that truth was severe. In July 1898, a criminal court in Versailles sentenced Zola to one year in prison and fined him 3,000 francs. The French government stripped him of the Legion of Honour. Facing imprisonment, Zola fled into exile in Britain. He returned to France in June 1899 but died under suspicious circumstances just three years later.

Restoring Dreyfus's own honor proved no easier. Although a retrial was eventually granted, the court ordered his release through a presidential pardon rather than a full acquittal. It was not until July 12, 1906, more than four years after Zola's death, that Dreyfus was finally exonerated by the courts.

The struggle to defend reason and human rights amid hysteria and prejudice did not end with the Dreyfus affair. It continues across the world today. That is why Zola's courageous intervention, embodied in "J'Accuse...!" (1898), remains a lasting reference point for writers and citizens alike.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Park Su-ryon

The author is the deputy editor of Content Division Three and the head of Corporate Research at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The semiconductor industry was jolted recently when some politicians from North Jeolla Province floated the idea of relocating a national industrial complex in Yongin, including a Samsung Electronics semiconductor fab, to Saemangeum. The proposal appeared to be an attempt to ride on the Lee Jae Myung administration's stated resolve to ease excessive concentration in the Seoul metropolitan area. The president moved quickly to settle the matter, saying projects already underway would not be forcibly relocated.

Still, the episode deserves closer attention. It reflects the mounting desperation of regional economies that have failed to secure a new growth engine and continue to fall further behind.

Local governments that host advanced manufacturing complexes such as semiconductor clusters reap substantial spillover benefits. According to a 2018 study by Seoul National University's Economic Research Institute, a single semiconductor fab can generate 128 trillion won ($87.2 billion) in production inducement effects, create jobs for 370,000 people and yield 2.5 trillion won in tax revenue.

That logic explains why President Lee, while serving as governor of Gyeonggi in 2019, successfully attracted an SK hynix semiconductor cluster to Yongin, Gyeonggi, outcompeting cities such as Gumi and Cheongju. Concerns about metropolitan concentration existed even then. Yet the government weighed corporate preferences for a Seoul-area location, local government commitment and talent access, and ultimately eased factory caps in the capital region to select Yongin. The Yoon Suk Yeol administration followed a similar path in 2023, citing the presence of anchor firms, talent attraction and proximity to materials, parts and equipment suppliers when it designated Yongin as the site of a national semiconductor complex that includes Samsung Electronics. With a population of about 1.1 million today, Yongin is projected to reach 1.5 million by 2040.

Yet "lucky" municipalities like Yongin are rare. Cities such as Ulsan, Gumi and Changwon have lost much of their former vitality as factories have moved overseas. Many regional industrial cities face similar decline. Over the past two decades, the gap between the capital region and the rest of the country has only widened.

North Jeolla Province, which pressed for the semiconductor complex, stands out even among struggling regions. In 2025, it ranked last among the nation's 17 provinces and metropolitan cities in fiscal self-reliance, at 23.6 percent, while recording the highest youth unemployment rate, at 8.7 percent in the third quarter. Within the province, Gunsan had long been a rare source of stable jobs. When its manufacturing base collapsed in 2017, the shock rippled across the local economy and labor market. That year, Hyundai Heavy Industries halted operations at its Gunsan shipyard, followed by the closure of the GM Korea plant in June 2018.

The Moon Jae-in administration responded by promoting the "Gunsan-style jobs" initiative centered on electric vehicles, but tax-funded employment schemes quickly revealed their limits. Efforts to nurture new core industries to replace shipbuilding and automobiles produced a long list of plans, ranging from auto parts and advanced materials to hydrogen-carbon industries, secondary batteries, agri-food and renewable energy. Concrete results were scarce. Gunsan's predicament is hardly unique. Similar stories can be found across regions in Korea.

Over the past five years, one company has played an outsize role in easing the hunger for jobs in these cities: Coupang. Often at the center of controversy, Coupang is now the country's second-largest employer after Samsung Electronics, with 91,723 workers. About 70,000 people are employed at more than 100 logistics centers spread across 30 cities nationwide. Many of them are young adults in their ...