Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

For generations, Korean romance revolved around the oppa — a term women use for an older brother, but also a common nickname for an older boyfriend. More recently, however, noona, or older women, are increasingly becoming the ideal in both Korean dramas and real-life relationships.

On screen, that shift was on full display in the third season of tvN's "Yumi's Cells" (2021–), in which female protagonist Yu-mi blushes after hearing the word "noona" from the younger male lead, Soon-rok.

"Can I just call you noona instead?" Soon-rok asks Yu-mi in a scene where their relationship begins evolving from colleagues into lovers. Yu-mi's heart instantly races, with the word lingering in her ears like a pounding heartbeat.

In another scene, the word noona is emphasized again as Yu-mi tries to reassure herself that it is "nothing unusual, just an everyday expression" after Soon-rok casually replies, "Yes, noona."

The series, a live-action adaptation of a popular digital comic, visualizes Yu-mi's emotions and inner thoughts through animated "cells" living inside her mind.

Within the so-called cell village, the repeated use of the word noona awakens Yu-mi's long-dormant "amorous cell," which soon declares its next mission: dating a younger man.

In the past, however, men generally avoided calling older women noona in romantic contexts.

A famous example appears in singer Lee Seung-gi's hit "Because You're My Woman" (2004), whose lyrics include the line, "I'll call you [the informal] 'you.'" The Korean title of the track reads, "Because noona is my lady."

But among Korea's Gen Z, attitudes have shifted dramatically.

Depending on the context, noona itself has evolved into a flirty gesture. Much like oppa, the word has taken on a dual role: both an everyday form of address and a romantic one.

The shift first became noticeable with JTBC's "Something in the Rain" (2018), the Korean title of which literally translates to "pretty noona who buys me meals a lot."

In line with shifting perceptions, powerful female characters are increasingly portrayed as more desirable on screen.

In tvN's series "Filing for Love," for instance, the female lead Joo In-a, played by Shin Hae-sun, serves as the head of an audit team. Her love interest is Noh Gi-jun, a much lower-ranking assistant manager played by Gong Myoung.

The drama has seen a steady rise in viewership, climbing from 4.4 percent at its premiere on April 25 to 7.9 percent by its eighth episode on May 17, according to Nielsen Korea.

Television dramas can mirror broader social trends. The number of couples with older women and younger men accounted for 20.2 percent of 198,603 first-time marriages last year, according to the Ministry of Data and Statistics. It marked the first time that couples with older women surpassed the 20 percent threshold.

Meanwhile, couples with older husbands and younger wives fell to a record low of 63 percent.

The first season of KBS reality dating show "Noona, You Are a Woman to Me" (2025–), which aired from October last year through January, produced three couples out of its potential five pairings.

Ahead of its second season which premiered on May 23, the broadcaster released promotional videos introducing contestants with phrases such as "a woman who earns 10 billion won ($6.6 million)" and "a man proud of his physique."

"People used to specifically say 'older-woman younger-man couple,' but now those relationships have become so common that the label itself is fading away," pop culture critic Jeong Deok-hyun said.

"The breakdown of fixed gender roles is driving this change, and the evolving function of the word noona reflects that broader shift as well."

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

BY JEONG EUN-HYE [lee.s...

This article is by Kim Seon-mi and read by an artificial voice.

Performance bonuses set to flow to workers at Samsung Electronics and SK hynix could reach a combined 60 trillion won ($39.7 billion) this year. That's equivalent to more than two percent of last year's national output and, apparently, large enough to reshape housing markets, monetary policy and the whole labor market across Korea.

Korea's major commercial banks have already begun positioning themselves around the chipmakers' payouts. One major bank is even considering stationing private bankers at satellite branches near the two companies' main sites, including SK hynix's headquarters in Icheon, Gyeonggi. Deploying private-banking staff for clients tied to a single employer is unusual, industry watchers said.

"Satellite branches usually have only general staff handling remittances and loans, but we expect demand for asset management from these companies' employees to grow," a spokesperson at the bank said. "We are looking at reassigning our strongest private bankers."

Another bank has held training sessions and product events at branches near SK hynix's headquarters, focused on individual retirement pensions, individual savings accounts, bancassurance and other tax-advantaged investment products.

"We are pitching long-term wealth management aligned with how and when the bonuses are paid out, including company shares and retirement pension components," a representative said.

Securities industry estimates put the combined bonus pool at roughly 30 trillion won for Samsung Electronics and 25 trillion won for SK hynix. The combined figure would exceed 2 percent of Korea's nominal GDP last year and more than double the 26.2 trillion won supplementary budget passed last month in response to the Middle East war.

"The semiconductor boom is likely to spread through the wage structures of other industries and expand cash in circulation, with significant implications for the macro economy," said Yang Jun-sok, a professor of economics at Catholic University. "It could also feed into monetary policy decisions, including the base rate and economic outlook."

The concern is that the sudden surge of cash will fuel inflation.

In a report on Tuesday, Bloomberg Economics said the bonuses could make Korea's AI-driven chip boom a new driver of inflation and housing costs that the central bank will need to confront.

The payouts are shifting from a company-level labor matter into a force that spreads semiconductor profits across the wider economy, feeding household cash, asset prices and wages, wrote Kwon Hyo-sung, the firm's Korea and Taiwan economist.

"For the Bank of Korea, this adds to both financial-stability and inflation risks," Kwon wrote, adding that the trend leaves room for at least 1 percentage point of monetary tightening by the first half of 2027.

The Bank of Korea is also watching whether the chipmakers' profit- and performance-linked bonus structures spread to other industries such as automaking, shipbuilding, refining and finance.

An overall higher level of wage settlements with unions would lead to pressure on inflation, but unions at Hyundai Motor, Kia, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries and LG U+ are already ramping up their demand for higher paychecks.

Increased government spending based on higher corporate tax revenue is another inflation variable, fueling expectations of rate hikes. Kim Sang-bong, a professor of economics at Hansung University, said the geographic distribution of those receipts would matter.

"If a substantial portion of the increased tax revenue is concentrated as local tax in regions where the companies' worksites are located, it could lead to gaps in infrastructure," Kim said.

The bonus story is showing up in education and job markets too. A decades-old Korean ranking for so-called prestigious university majors — medicine, dentistry, oriental medicine, pharmacy and veterinary science — has even welcomed semiconductors as its latest addition.

A n...

Yang Sung-hee

The author is a cultural columnist.

"People of 100 years from now, are you still eating tuna sashimi rolls? Are you still drinking local craft beer? Do you still read scraps of poetry? I regret that I will not live for 100 more years and so cannot hear your answer. Are you happy now?"

Those lines — rendered from the original Japanese text — are from a short poem, the title of which translates to "A Message to the World 100 Years from Now," by Japanese poet Shuntaro Tanikawa.

While reading the poem, I remembered a moment from my high school years. Looking out a bus window, I saw a young mother carrying a baby at a bus stop. Suddenly, I was struck by the thought that 100 years in the future, neither I nor the mother, the child or anyone standing there would still exist. The realization landed like a blow. It may have been my first encounter with the feeling of impermanence.

An acquaintance often repeated the phrase "dust after 100 years." Since everyone becomes dust after a century, he would say, there is little reason to fight or struggle so desperately. The Bible offers a similar reminder: "For dust thou art, and into dust shalt thou return."

Tanikawa, widely regarded as Japan's national poet, gives readers existential resonance through plain and concise language. Without grand declarations, he asks readers a century in the future whether they are happy. Customs may change, but human life continues. His gentle wish for the happiness of unknown future readers carries an unexpected emotional weight.

The quoted poem appears at the end of the 2013 book "Writing Poetry" (translated), adapted from Tanikawa's appearance on NHK's interview program "100 Years Interview" (translated), featuring figures expected to be remembered a century later. In the book, Tanikawa reflects that unexpected words arrive when a person empties themselves of as much as possible. He also suggests that the universe is fundamentally meaningless and that human beings drape it with meaning through language.

Readers of his work sense that poetry is less a search for answers than an attentive way of noticing fleeting things before they disappear from around us.

Several of his poems appear in Japanese school textbooks. One of the best known, the title of which translates to "Living," captures the wonder of ordinary existence: "To be alive now means to be thirsty, to see sunlight shining through leaves, to suddenly remember a song, to sneeze, to hold your hand." The poem reminds readers that life is a magnificent collection of small moments encountered every day.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Son Sook-mee

The author is the chair of the Gender Equality Committee at the Hansun Foundation and a former head of the Korea Population, Health and Welfare Association.

For decades, Korea's marriage culture has been built around the idea of a "fully prepared marriage." A couple was expected to secure a respectable newlywed home, typically through a jeonse lease, furnish it adequately and hold stable jobs before crossing the threshold into married life. Although attitudes have evolved, traces of this traditional mindset remain deeply embedded in the public consciousness.

Among these requirements, housing has long been the greatest obstacle. Unique among Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, Korea's jeonse system historically functioned as a housing ladder, allowing ordinary households to reduce monthly housing expenses and accumulate assets through large lump-sum deposits instead of monthly rent.

Yet the system has also drawn criticism for fueling housing speculation through so-called gap investments. The Lee Jae Myung administration's tighter lending regulations and expansion of land transaction permit zones were intended to curb speculative demand. In practice, however, the market has witnessed a sharp decline in jeonse listings and a surge in lease prices. Across the country, households are struggling with simultaneous increases in jeonse, monthly rent and home purchase prices.

As the jeonse system enters what many view as a period of structural decline, landlords facing heavier property tax burdens are increasingly converting leases to monthly rent in pursuit of stable cash flow. According to the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, monthly-rent contracts accounted for 68.3 percent of all lease transactions in the first quarter, highlighting the speed of this transition.

Among newly-married renter households, the share living under jeonse contracts has fallen because of concerns about rental fraud, tighter loan regulations and limited new housing supply. Meanwhile, the proportion relying on monthly rent continues to rise rapidly.

Few advanced countries place as much psychological importance on securing a home before marriage as Korea does. In Western countries and Japan, couples commonly begin married life in rental housing, gradually save money and purchase a starter home before moving up over time. Marriage is viewed as a process of growth rather than a finished achievement.

Korea places a particularly heavy burden on men. Social expectations that a groom should at least provide an apartment under a jeonse contract create significant pressure for men and raise barriers for women as well. A cultural tendency to regard beginning married life in a studio apartment or small villa as a sign of hardship or failure reinforces a status-conscious approach to marriage and pushes young people toward unrealistic standards.

The decline of jeonse and the expansion of a rent-based market could reduce the immediate burden of raising hundreds of millions of won for a housing deposit. For couples who postponed marriage because they could not secure such funds, the shift may create an opportunity to begin married life sooner.

The challenge comes afterward. When a large share of household income is devoted to rent, housing insecurity remains unresolved. Young couples may marry but continue postponing childbirth for years. High rental costs make it difficult to accumulate assets and erode confidence in the future.

Simply urging people to change their attitudes toward marriage will not solve the problem. For a culture in which newlyweds naturally begin in modest rental housing to take root, government and society must meet three conditions.

First, housing prices must stabilize and gradually decline over the long term. As long as people fear that failing to buy now means never owning a home, few will choose a growth-oriented path to marriage.

Second, the supply of high-quality long-term public...

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Son Sook-mee

The author is the chair of the Gender Equality Committee at the Hansun Foundation and a former head of the Korea Population, Health and Welfare Association.

For decades, Korea's marriage culture has been built around the idea of a "fully prepared marriage." A couple was expected to secure a respectable newlywed home, typically through a jeonse lease, furnish it adequately and hold stable jobs before crossing the threshold into married life. Although attitudes have evolved, traces of this traditional mindset remain deeply embedded in the public consciousness.

Among these requirements, housing has long been the greatest obstacle. Unique among Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, Korea's jeonse system historically functioned as a housing ladder, allowing ordinary households to reduce monthly housing expenses and accumulate assets through large lump-sum deposits instead of monthly rent.

Yet the system has also drawn criticism for fueling housing speculation through so-called gap investments. The Lee Jae Myung administration's tighter lending regulations and expansion of land transaction permit zones were intended to curb speculative demand. In practice, however, the market has witnessed a sharp decline in jeonse listings and a surge in lease prices. Across the country, households are struggling with simultaneous increases in jeonse, monthly rent and home purchase prices.

As the jeonse system enters what many view as a period of structural decline, landlords facing heavier property tax burdens are increasingly converting leases to monthly rent in pursuit of stable cash flow. According to the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, monthly-rent contracts accounted for 68.3 percent of all lease transactions in the first quarter, highlighting the speed of this transition.

Among newly-married renter households, the share living under jeonse contracts has fallen because of concerns about rental fraud, tighter loan regulations and limited new housing supply. Meanwhile, the proportion relying on monthly rent continues to rise rapidly.

Few advanced countries place as much psychological importance on securing a home before marriage as Korea does. In Western countries and Japan, couples commonly begin married life in rental housing, gradually save money and purchase a starter home before moving up over time. Marriage is viewed as a process of growth rather than a finished achievement.

Korea places a particularly heavy burden on men. Social expectations that a groom should at least provide an apartment under a jeonse contract create significant pressure for men and raise barriers for women as well. A cultural tendency to regard beginning married life in a studio apartment or small villa as a sign of hardship or failure reinforces a status-conscious approach to marriage and pushes young people toward unrealistic standards.

The decline of jeonse and the expansion of a rent-based market could reduce the immediate burden of raising hundreds of millions of won for a housing deposit. For couples who postponed marriage because they could not secure such funds, the shift may create an opportunity to begin married life sooner.

The challenge comes afterward. When a large share of household income is devoted to rent, housing insecurity remains unresolved. Young couples may marry but continue postponing childbirth for years. High rental costs make it difficult to accumulate assets and erode confidence in the future.

Simply urging people to change their attitudes toward marriage will not solve the problem. For a culture in which newlyweds naturally begin in modest rental housing to take root, government and society must meet three conditions.

First, housing prices must stabilize and gradually decline over the long term. As long as people fear that failing to buy now means never owning a home, few will choose a growth-oriented path to marriage.

Seco...

The author is a professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University.

As political parties focus on Wednesday's local elections, another milestone arrives the following day. Thursday marks the first anniversary of the Lee Jae Myung administration.

Much has changed during President Lee's first year in office. Most notably, his administration restored a measure of stability after six months of severe turmoil, division and uncertainty triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law. Diplomatically, the government managed relations with the United States despite U.S. President Donald Trump's unpredictable tariff and security policies and achieved progress in relations with Japan. Economically, exports increased despite difficult conditions, and the stock market enjoyed a strong run. These developments helped sustain Lee's approval ratings in the 60 percent range.

Political factors also contributed to that success. The first year of any presidency typically benefits from a honeymoon period. Public memories of the turmoil surrounding martial law and impeachment remained fresh. The opposition, meanwhile, struggled to escape Yoon's shadow even after losing power. Against that backdrop, the administration often found it easier to govern. Whenever political difficulties arose, the president and the ruling party could invoke the cause of "overcoming the insurrection" as a powerful political argument.

Yet it would be unrealistic to expect such favorable conditions to continue into the second year.

One notable feature of the local election campaign is that the Democratic Party (DP)'s insurrection narrative appears to be losing its political effectiveness. Party leader Jung Chung-rae repeatedly raised the issue on the campaign trail, but the public response was noticeably weaker than before. The election may mark a turning point at which Yoon Suk Yeol's political impact has faded, and the Lee administration itself has become the primary object of public evaluation.

Before the campaign began, many expected the DP to win nearly every metropolitan mayoral and gubernatorial race outside North Gyeongsang. As campaigning intensified, however, races in politically significant cities such as Seoul and Busan became increasingly competitive. Whatever the election outcome, the Lee administration is entering a new phase in which it can no longer rely on criticism of its predecessor as a political shield.

From now on, the administration's achievements and shortcomings will be judged on their own merits.

One of the most important challenges facing President Lee is restoring Korean democracy. Since democratization, Korea has faced two major crises: the Asian financial crisis and the period surrounding the declaration of martial law. President Kim Dae-jung overcame the economic emergency by emphasizing burden-sharing and national unity while transforming the economy's structure. That achievement remains central to his legacy.

The democratic crisis, however, has not yet been resolved. Judicial proceedings concerning the martial law episode continue, but the political polarization that helped produce the crisis remains unchanged. The DP's majoritarian approach has become normalized. President Lee himself often frames politics as a struggle between "us" and those perceived as harming communities and livelihoods.

Several controversial initiatives have fueled suspicions that political considerations linked to the president's legal risks are influencing policy decisions. Together with the so-called judicial reform bills, these moves have raised concerns about the judiciary's neutrality and independence. During the first year, many such issues were overshadowed by the legacy of the previous administration. Going forward, however, similar actions are likely to translate directly into negative assessments of the current government.

The president may also need to reconsider his governing style.

If Lee...

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Kang Won-taek

The author is a professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University.

As political parties focus on Wednesday's local elections, another milestone arrives the following day. Thursday marks the first anniversary of the Lee Jae Myung administration.

Much has changed during President Lee's first year in office. Most notably, his administration restored a measure of stability after six months of severe turmoil, division and uncertainty triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law. Diplomatically, the government managed relations with the United States despite U.S. President Donald Trump's unpredictable tariff and security policies and achieved progress in relations with Japan. Economically, exports increased despite difficult conditions, and the stock market enjoyed a strong run. These developments helped sustain Lee's approval ratings in the 60 percent range.

Political factors also contributed to that success. The first year of any presidency typically benefits from a honeymoon period. Public memories of the turmoil surrounding martial law and impeachment remained fresh. The opposition, meanwhile, struggled to escape Yoon's shadow even after losing power. Against that backdrop, the administration often found it easier to govern. Whenever political difficulties arose, the president and the ruling party could invoke the cause of "overcoming the insurrection" as a powerful political argument.

Yet it would be unrealistic to expect such favorable conditions to continue into the second year.

One notable feature of the local election campaign is that the Democratic Party (DP)'s insurrection narrative appears to be losing its political effectiveness. Party leader Jung Chung-rae repeatedly raised the issue on the campaign trail, but the public response was noticeably weaker than before. The election may mark a turning point at which Yoon Suk Yeol's political impact has faded, and the Lee administration itself has become the primary object of public evaluation.

Before the campaign began, many expected the DP to win nearly every metropolitan mayoral and gubernatorial race outside North Gyeongsang. As campaigning intensified, however, races in politically significant cities such as Seoul and Busan became increasingly competitive. Whatever the election outcome, the Lee administration is entering a new phase in which it can no longer rely on criticism of its predecessor as a political shield.

From now on, the administration's achievements and shortcomings will be judged on their own merits.

One of the most important challenges facing President Lee is restoring Korean democracy. Since democratization, Korea has faced two major crises: the Asian financial crisis and the period surrounding the declaration of martial law. President Kim Dae-jung overcame the economic emergency by emphasizing burden-sharing and national unity while transforming the economy's structure. That achievement remains central to his legacy.

The democratic crisis, however, has not yet been resolved. Judicial proceedings concerning the martial law episode continue, but the political polarization that helped produce the crisis remains unchanged. The DP's majoritarian approach has become normalized. President Lee himself often frames politics as a struggle between "us" and those perceived as harming communities and livelihoods.

Several controversial initiatives have fueled suspicions that political considerations linked to the president's legal risks are influencing policy decisions. Together with the so-called judicial reform bills, these moves have raised concerns about the judiciary's neutrality and independence. During the first year, many such issues were overshadowed by the legacy of the previous administration. Going forward, however, similar actions are likely to translate directly into negative assessments of the current government.

The presi...

A bilateral meeting aimed at implementing South Korea-U.S. security agreements on nuclear-powered submarines, uranium enrichment and the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel is set to take place on Tuesday. The gathering comes eight months after the leaders of the two countries reached their agreement in October of last year, highlighting the uneasy state of relations between the allies.

The delay in follow-up consultations reflects several factors, including U.S. dissatisfaction over delays in Korean investment commitments and the fallout from the controversy over Seoul's efforts to investigate Coupang, a U.S.-based company, over a massive data breach, as well as geopolitical disruptions such as the war with Iran. During that period, cooperation among China, Russia and North Korea has continued to deepen. Russian President Vladimir Putin's visit to China in May and speculation about Chinese President Xi Jinping's impending trip to North Korea underscore the growing alignment among the three countries.

Although the process started later than expected for Seoul and Washington, this meeting should serve as an opportunity for the allies to accelerate the implementation of their agreements and ease concerns about growing mistrust within the alliance.

Most importantly, trade issues should not again obstruct the execution of security agreements. Seoul should move ahead with investment commitments in the United States following the enactment of a special law on June 18. In return, Washington should seriously consider a currency swap arrangement to alleviate South Korea's concerns over exchange-rate instability resulting from large-scale investments in the United States.

The government and ruling party should also remember that handling sensitive issues through a domestic political lens rather than according to global standards can damage national interests. The repercussions of the Coupang dispute illustrate that risk.

The security agreement offers a direct path toward significantly strengthening South Korea's independent defense capabilities. At the recent Shangri-La Dialogue, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said expanding allies' share of security responsibilities is one of the core objectives of the U.S. National Defense Strategy.

The United States has already agreed to provide Australia with three operational secondhand nuclear-powered submarines. Faced with difficulties in constructing new vessels quickly enough, Washington chose an alternative solution to reinforce burden-sharing among allies.

Seoul, meanwhile, possesses one of the world's most advanced shipbuilding industries and has the capacity to build such submarines domestically. Whether the goal of acquiring nuclear-powered submarines can ultimately be achieved depends largely on the level of trust between Seoul and Washington.

Continued friction over the Lee Jae Myung administration's push to complete the transfer of wartime operational control (Opcon) during the president's term is also a cause for concern. Differences over timing should not become an obstacle in the current security consultations.

The public's objective is not merely the transfer itself but stronger security. Without U.S. cooperation, Opcon cannot be transferred successfully, nor would such a move strengthen national defense. The greatest risk is allowing disagreements and deadlines to generate further mistrust between the allies, making cooperation more difficult when closer coordination is needed most.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jeong Jae-hong, Park Eun-jee, Cho Yong-jun and read by an artificial voice.

The now-famous "Kkanbu meeting" — a casual gathering of Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang, Samsung Electronics Executive Chairman Lee Jae-yong and Hyundai Motor Group Executive Chair Euisun Chung at a chicken joint last October — may soon get a sequel.

As Huang prepares for another Korea visit this week, local media are already speculating about a " samgyeopsal meeting" on Friday, with reports pointing to a pork belly restaurant in Seoul's trendy Seongsu district as a possible venue.

This time, the companions are expected to be Hyundai's Chung, SK Chairman Chey Tae-won, LG Group Koo Kwang-mo, Naver Chairman Lee Hae-jin and Doosan Chairman Park Jeong-won, prompting the shares of the companies to shoot up on Monday.

Samsung's Lee is highly likely to be absent this time, as the gathering overlaps with an overseas trip.

The visit will follow Nvidia's GTC conference in Taipei, Taiwan, alongside the Computex 2026 trade show, where he unveiled new products and platforms, including the Vera Rubin architecture and the Vera CPU designed for AI agents. SK's Chey participated in the conference as the group's chip unit, SK hynix, stands as a primary memory supplier for Nvidia's high-performing chips.

Even before the visit, Korea's stock market rode the hype surrounding the iconic tech guru.

LG Group affiliates, such as electronic component manufacturer LG Innotek and information technology company LG CNS, gained significantly, in line with the recent winning streak. Internet giant Naver rose 16.03 percent after climbing 14.15 percent in the previous session.

Physical AI is expected to be a key topic during Huang's visit. The technology refers to AI systems that operate in the physical world, such as robotics, autonomous driving and smart factories.

"The first round of meetings focused largely on factories and semiconductors," said Kim Doo-un, an analyst at Hana Securities. "This time, the discussions are expected to expand into physical AI and platforms."

The market is also drawing on the so-called learning effect from Huang's previous visit. Since the Oct. 30 outing last year, shares of Samsung Electronics and Hyundai Motor have risen 235 percent and 183 percent, respectively. Huang met up with the chiefs for a special chimaek (chicken and beer) at Kkanbu Chicken in Seoul.

"The fact that Jensen Huang is returning to Korea just seven months later — and apparently for business reasons alone — suggests Nvidia's dependence on Korea has grown significantly," said Kim Dong-won, head of research at KB Securities.

Some analysts, however, cautioned that investors may be getting ahead of themselves.

"A photo op is a one-day story, but memorandums of understanding, joint development projects, data centers, robotics platforms and smart factories can create long-term momentum," said Kim Doo-un, an analyst at Hana Securities. "What matters isn't who meets Jensen Huang. It's who can generate recurring revenue within Nvidia's ecosystem."

Another anticipated stop includes Naver's new office during his trip to Korea this week, drawing attention to the possibility of expanded AI cooperation between the two companies.

Huang is coordinating with Naver to stop by its 1784 building in Seongnam, Gyeonggi, with June 8 considered the most probable date for his visit, industry sources said on Monday.

Naver has been expanding its physical AI business on the back of its AI, cloud and digital twin technologies, and some expect the scope of its strategic cooperation with Nvidia to bolster those efforts.

Naver 1784 is right next to the company's headquarters, and this proximity brings together advanced technologies, including robots, cloud computing, digital twins and a dedicated 5G network. AMD CEO Lisa Su also visited the building during a trip to Korea in March, when she met with Naver CEO Choi Soo-yeon and other executives.

During this meeting, Naver and AMD signed a memorandu...

The now-famous "Kkanbu meeting" — a casual gathering of Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang, Samsung Electronics Executive Chairman Lee Jae-yong and Hyundai Motor Group Executive Chair Euisun Chung at a chicken joint last October — may soon get a sequel.

As Huang prepares for another Korea visit this week, local media are already speculating about a "samgyeopsal meeting" on Friday, with reports pointing to a pork belly restaurant in Seoul's trendy Seongsu district as a possible venue.

This time, the companions are expected to be Hyundai's Chung, SK Chairman Chey Tae-won, LG Group Koo Kwang-mo, Naver Chairman Lee Hae-jin and Doosan Chairman Park Jeong-won, prompting the shares of the companies to shoot up on Monday.

Samsung's Lee is highly likely to be absent this time, as the gathering overlaps with an overseas trip.

The visit will follow Nvidia's GTC conference in Taipei, Taiwan, alongside the Computex 2026 trade show, where he unveiled new products and platforms, including the Vera Rubin architecture and the Vera CPU designed for AI agents. SK's Chey participated in the conference as the group's chip unit, SK hynix, stands as a primary memory supplier for Nvidia's high-performing chips.

Even before the visit, Korea's stock market rode the hype surrounding the iconic tech guru.

LG Group affiliates, such as electronic component manufacturer LG Innotek and information technology company LG CNS, gained significantly, in line with the recent winning streak. Internet giant Naver rose 16.03 percent after climbing 14.15 percent in the previous session.

Physical AI is expected to be a key topic during Huang's visit. The technology refers to AI systems that operate in the physical world, such as robotics, autonomous driving and smart factories.

"The first round of meetings focused largely on factories and semiconductors," said Kim Doo-un, an analyst at Hana Securities. "This time, the discussions are expected to expand into physical AI and platforms."

The market is also drawing on the so-called learning effect from Huang's previous visit. Since the Oct. 30 outing last year, shares of Samsung Electronics and Hyundai Motor have risen 235 percent and 183 percent, respectively. Huang met up with the chiefs for a special chimaek (chicken and beer) at Kkanbu Chicken in Seoul.

"The fact that Jensen Huang is returning to Korea just seven months later — and apparently for business reasons alone — suggests Nvidia's dependence on Korea has grown significantly," said Kim Dong-won, head of research at KB Securities.

Some analysts, however, cautioned that investors may be getting ahead of themselves.

"A photo op is a one-day story, but memorandums of understanding, joint development projects, data centers, robotics platforms and smart factories can create long-term momentum," said Kim Doo-un, an analyst at Hana Securities. "What matters isn't who meets Jensen Huang. It's who can generate recurring revenue within Nvidia's ecosystem."

Another anticipated stop includes Naver's new office during his trip to Korea this week, drawing attention to the possibility of expanded AI cooperation between the two companies.

Huang is coordinating with Naver to stop by its 1784 building in Seongnam, Gyeonggi, with June 8 considered the most probable date for his visit, industry sources said on Monday.

Naver has been expanding its physical AI business on the back of its AI, cloud and digital twin technologies, and some expect the scope of its strategic cooperation with Nvidia to bolster those efforts.

Naver 1784 is right next to the company's headquarters, and this proximity brings together advanced technologies, including robots, cloud computing, digital twins and a dedicated 5G network. AMD CEO Lisa Su also visited the building during a trip to Korea in March, when she met with Naver CEO Choi Soo-yeon and other executives.

During this meeting, Naver and AMD signed a memorandum of understanding to expand the AI ecosystem and cooperate on next-generation infrastructure.

N...