Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Chang Yoon-seo and read by an artificial voice.

AI, once treated as a nuisance during elections because of deepfakes, is taking on a different role ahead of the June 3 local races as campaigns embrace the technology, deploying it for everything from nomination screening and campaign routes to content production.

Political parties are rolling out local election strategies using AI, according to political sources on Monday.

The Reform Party even developed its own app, called AI Campaign Manager, which analyzes floating population data by region to suggest GPS-based campaign routes. It even includes a chatbot that answers questions about election law.

"Hiring one campaign manager costs millions of won, and consulting costs tens of millions of won, leaving only people with money or connections in politics," Reform Party leader Lee Jun-seok said in March, explaining why the app was developed.

The party also introduced an AI YouTube Shorts production program last month. The program automatically completes subtitles and edits the moment a candidate speaks at a campaign site, allowing the person to create video content on the spot without a separate filming team.

Campaign manager, promoter and even brains

AI is moving beyond a promotional tool and becoming part of the election management infrastructure. The technology is being adopted across party lines, from pledge analysis and candidate vetting to policy proposal organization.

The ruling Democratic Party (DP) introduced an AI tool on its local election website that helps voters learn about candidates and propose policies to them. When voters submit policy ideas, AI organizes them into summaries, key points and expected effects, then delivers them to candidates.

Voters can also check candidates' profiles, summaries of their pledges and even AI-predicted MBTI personality types and leadership styles. MBTI refers to the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator personality test.

"Starting with these local elections, we plan to fully introduce AI into election-related work going forward," a DP official said.

The opposition People Power Party (PPP) earlier used an AI-based political credit evaluation model during its nomination process.

AI quantifies and compares applicants' contributions to the party, public activities in their regions and ethical standards, while optical character recognition (OCR) technology automatically identifies key items in submitted documents and cross-checks them against application forms. OCR technology converts documents or text images into machine-readable digital texts.

"The system minimized errors that can occur under the previous manual verification-centered approach, while improving both the speed and accuracy of administrative processing," the PPP said.

AI in global politics

AI is also being actively used in elections overseas.

In Japan's House of Representatives election last month, Team Mirai, a political party founded by AI engineer Takahiro Anno, which campaigned under the slogan "political decision-making using AI," won 11 seats — a significant achievement for a party just nine months old.

"We need to increase Nagatacho's processing speed tenfold," said the party leader Anno, referring to the Tokyo neighborhood where Japan's legislature is located.

There is even a case where AI has become an actual politician.

In Albania, the world's first AI minister was appointed in September last year. The AI, named Diella, meaning sun in Albanian, was tasked with making decisions on government public tenders without human intervention.

"Diella is a virtually created Cabinet member," Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama said. "It will help prevent corruption in public tenders and improve government transparency."

Though AI has emerged as a potential solution to lowering barriers to entry in election campaigns, concerns over side effects remain.

Methods of manipulating public opinion using AI, including deepfakes, are becoming increasingly sophisticated d...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

Advanced AI is wiping out a vast number of human jobs, fueling calls for a so-called "robot tax" as a hedge against mass technological unemployment.

Korea is weighing the introduction of such a levy as the threat of AI-led disruption grows more tangible, underscored by the debut of the Atlas humanoid at CES 2026.

OpenAI recently suggested the concept of taxing "automated labor," while major tech figures, including Bill Gates and Elon Musk, have long advocated for a so-called robot tax, or more broadly, an "AI tax."

The National Assembly Futures Institute recently released a report urging swift legislation for an "AI social security tax," designed to channel profits generated by AI back into society. President Lee Jae Myung has also said that a robot tax could be considered.

However, questions remain over scope, amid concerns that poorly calibrated measures could dampen innovation and gradually erode sustained economic dynamism.

No country has yet officially adopted a robot tax, but similar policy directions are emerging through measures such as the European Union's AI Act, which establishes a comprehensive regulatory framework for AI based on risk, transparency and accountability, and a proposed automation layoff tax bill in New York State, which would impose costs on firms that replace workers through large-scale automation.

Earned by AI, shared with everyone

At its core, the robot tax envisions companies that deploy robots paying into the public purse, with governments redistributing the proceeds, whether through direct cash transfers, public funds or targeted policy programs.

Proponents argue that while industrial robots generate vast profits, they remain largely outside traditional tax regimes, creating gaps in income tax revenues that would otherwise be collected if human workers filled those roles. As automation displaces workers at scale, they add, such a levy could finance retraining and support for those pushed out of the labor market.

The case carries particular weight in Korea, which has the world's highest robot density.

Korea deployed 1,012 industrial robots per 10,000 employees in 2023, far exceeding the global average of 162, according to data from the International Federation of Robotics. The gap is stark with Singapore, the runner-up, recording 770 units, followed by China at 470 and Germany at 430.

"The cleanest approach will be creating a dedicated 'AI tax' or 'robot tax,' for firms whose profits have surged on the back of AI, and redistributing the proceeds as a form of basic income to those displaced," said Jeon Chang-bae, chairman of the International Association for AI and Ethics.

"If deployed as public policy funding, priority should go to retraining and reemployment support," he added.

Labor tensions are already surfacing as the union at Hyundai has insisted that the introduction of its Atlas robot on factory floors "cannot proceed without prior consultation," and has written guarantees on employment and working conditions tied to AI adoption into this year's wage negotiations.

Yet much of the company's current factory work force entered in the 1970s and is nearing retirement, suggesting that a large-scale deployment of humanoids could coincide with their exit.

"Once the bulk of today's militant union cohort retires, the gap could be filled with humanoids rather than new hires," said Koh Tae-bong, an executive director at iM Securities, adding that the shift could deliver Hyundai "enormous gains."

Taxing the future before arrival

Critics warn that a premature robot tax could stifle technological progress and — given its tight link to national competitiveness — push companies to offshore operations in territories without such taxation.

Bind innovation with taxation, they argue, and firms will turn cautious on research and development, shifting their centers of gravity abroad.

"Companies already pay corporate taxes on t...

Kim Myung-hwa

The author is a playwright and director.

In the past, people often wrote letters. They shared news in handwritten form and waited for replies. This practice has gradually faded, especially as it does not align with the modern emphasis on speed. But the seemingly "unproductive" time spent composing a careful message and waiting for a response once carried a distinct and meaningful value.

Because letters can convey more emotion and sincerity than face-to-face encounters, they frequently serve as a central device in older plays. A delayed letter can trigger tragedy, while a single message can become the catalyst for truth. Some works even depict lovers who rely on others to ghostwrite their correspondence when they lack the skill to express themselves.

One well-known example is "Cyrano de Bergerac" (1897) by Edmond Rostand. The play draws on the historical figure Cyrano de Bergerac (1619-1655), who also served as a model for d'Artagnan in "The Three Musketeers" (1844). In Rostand's play, Cyrano, insecure about his unusually large nose, writes letters on behalf of his friend to the woman he loves, Roxane.

At first, Roxane is drawn to the friend's physical appearance. Over time, however, she comes to love the emotion expressed in the letters. Cyrano, who also loves her, never confesses to her. Although the letters are sincere, the feelings of the person who actually wrote them never reach their intended recipient. As a result, "Cyrano de Bergerac" is a poignant story of love in which truth exists but is not recognized.

A similar situation has recently drawn attention in Korea. As part of efforts to promote constitutional revision, the speaker of the National Assembly sent letters to opposition lawmakers, urging them to cooperate. More than a month has passed, but no reply has arrived. Many observers believe that, given the opposition's stance, the proposal is unlikely to overcome the threshold required for a vote in the Assembly.

The proposed revision would include the spirit of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement and the Busan-Masan Uprising in the Constitution's preamble. The significance of this move need not be confined to those events alone. Instead, it could serve as a broader symbolic affirmation rejecting unjust forms of power, including not only military dictatorship and coups but also the excesses of majority rule or legislative dominance.

Democracy advances through responses grounded in principle. Today, the public, like the recipients of a long-awaited letter, continues to wait for an answer that reflects a broader commitment to democratic values.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

In early March, cameras captured U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio chatting with lawmakers at the U.S. Capitol in Washington. Attention, however, shifted not to his words but to his feet. A noticeable gap, wide enough to fit two fingers, separated his heel from the back of his black leather shoes. The image seemed oddly at odds with the stature expected of a top diplomat.

Behind the scenes lies an anecdote. In December of last year, U.S. President Donald Trump reportedly criticized the shoes worn by Rubio and Vice President JD Vance during a meeting in the Oval Office. He then ordered Oxford shoes from his preferred brand, Florsheim, and presented them as gifts.

What followed drew more attention. Rather than exchanging the ill-fitting shoes, Rubio appeared in public wearing them despite their size. The visible gap at the heel was read by some as a symbolic gesture, suggesting that the leader's judgment took precedence over personal comfort. It became a visual cue of deference, even a performative display of loyalty.

The New York Times described the episode as part of Trump's broader effort to regulate the appearance of his aides, including facial hair and clothing. According to the report, Trump views his inner circle as "assets," expecting their outward image to align with his personal brand. The newspaper drew parallels between this tendency and the growing trend of "looksmaxxing" among young men in some Western countries.

Looksmaxxing refers to the practice of maximizing physical appearance through plastic surgery, diet and exercise, often quantified as a form of personal specification. It reflects a belief that in an uncertain future, the body is one of the few domains individuals can control. A similar logic appears to operate in politics. The difference is that the standard shifts from self-optimization to the preferences of a superior. Instead of demonstrating conviction or policy competence, individuals align themselves with an approved image to signal loyalty and capability. This phenomenon may be described as political looksmaxxing.

Such image-driven signaling is not unfamiliar in Korea. However, instead of formal symbols such as dress shoes, politicians often turn to more practical items such as sneakers. During the 2022 presidential election, Rep. Ahn Cheol-soo of the People Power Party (PPP), then a third-party candidate, appeared in red sneakers when announcing his unification with the PPP's nominee, Yoon Suk Yeol. The gesture condensed a complex political decision into a visual symbol. By adopting the color associated with another camp, the policy gap between the two figures was quickly reframed as a unified front.

A similar case involved President Lee Jae Myung and former Democratic Party floor leader Park Chan-dae. When Park launched his bid for the party leadership last year, he wore the same blue sneakers Lee had worn during the presidential campaign. While the message emphasized a hands-on approach to politics, the public largely interpreted it as a symbolic gesture of alignment with the leader. If Trump's shoes reveal hierarchical control, Korea's sneakers emphasize solidarity and unity. In both cases, however, the choice of image tends to follow power rather than personal conviction.

Korea is now entering the campaign period for the June 3 local elections. Campaign sites will once again be filled with candidates wearing sneakers and jackets in vivid party colors. They will lace up their shoes and highlight their presence on the ground. Yet if these images are consumed merely as symbols of loyalty rather than expressions of commitment, the implications are different.

The challenges facing Korea are far from superficial. The youth underemployment rate remains above 20 percent, while rising housing costs continue to strain household stability. The local elections will take place at a time when the population gap between Seoul and surrounding met...

The author is a professor of international studies at Korea University and head of the Ilmin International Relations Institute.

To understand today's international politics, the framework of "three worlds" proposed by John Ikenberry, a professor of international relations at Princeton University, offers a useful starting point. The Global West refers to traditional Western countries. The Global East points to a new bloc centered on China, Russia, Iran and North Korea. The Global South encompasses developing countries that seek to avoid full alignment with either side. For Korea, which has already entered the Western camp, diplomacy is no longer a binary question of which side to choose, but a matter of how to manage these three spaces at once in a coordinated way.

Among them, the weight of the Global South is steadily growing. Countries such as India, Indonesia, Brazil, Saudi Arabia and South Africa are no longer peripheral players. Many rank among the world's largest economies or hold leverage through energy, resources, population and expanding domestic markets. From global energy flows and sanctions on Russia to supply chain restructuring and trade realignments, meaningful international agreements are increasingly difficult without their participation. The era when great powers alone set direction and others simply followed has effectively come to an end.

Yet the Global South is also difficult to grasp. From a distance, it appears as a single, unified mass, but up close its shape becomes blurred and fragmented. It is less a clearly bounded geographical entity than a concept formed by shifting political circumstances. Mistaking it for a coherent bloc risks distorting Korea's diplomatic calculations from the outset and may lead to unrealistic expectations.

It is equally risky to equate the rise of the Global South with automatic alignment or shared values. The region is governed by pragmatic national interests. Assuming that it can be treated as a unified camp, or that appeals to solidarity alone will bring countries to one side, weakens strategic clarity. Even within groupings such as BRICS, internal rivalries are evident. India and China compete for influence, while tensions persist among Middle Eastern states. In practice, the Global South resembles a vast negotiating arena in which countries gather to expand their strategic options.

Korea has already experienced this reality at considerable cost. The recent bid to host a World Expo provided a clear example. Despite unprecedented diplomatic outreach and appeals for cooperation, many countries ultimately made decisions based on shifting national interests. Changes in position should not be seen as inconsistency but as part of a survival strategy. Rather than criticizing such behavior, Korea needs to assess what it overlooked and consider how to convert the networks formed during that process into lasting diplomatic assets. Diplomacy is not a one-time event but an accumulation of relationships and credibility over time.

Going forward, Korea requires a more refined approach that adapts to each group differently. First, toward the Global West, diplomacy must be anchored in trust. This is not optional but foundational. The Korea-U.S. alliance, along with cooperation with Europe and Japan, constitutes a long-term strategic base that extends beyond immediate interests. As global uncertainty increases, trust becomes an even more valuable asset. A firm foundation of trust also strengthens Korea's bargaining position in other diplomatic arenas.

Second, toward the Global East, a form of "invisible diplomacy" is needed. Countries such as China, Russia and Iran remain unavoidable counterparts despite strained relations. Instead of overt gestures or public signaling, Korea should prioritize careful risk management and the quiet pursuit of practical interests. In an environment shaped by sanctions, security tensions and geopolitical rivalry, overly visible engagement risks creating ...

An explosion and fire broke out late on May 4 aboard the Namu, a bulk carrier operated by HMM, while it was anchored off a port in the United Arab Emirates near the Strait of Hormuz. Although the cause has not been confirmed, the possibility of an attack linked to Iran is gaining attention. The vessel sustained heavy damage and is no longer able to navigate under its own power, requiring towing.

At the time, 24 crew members were on board, including six Korean nationals. Fortunately, no casualties were reported. This marks the first time a Korean vessel in the Hormuz area has been damaged since the outbreak of hostilities in March, when tensions in the region escalated into open conflict. A total of 26 Korean ships, carrying 123 Korean sailors, remain in the surrounding waters.

The government convened a meeting the following day, chaired by the presidential chief of staff, to assess the situation and discuss possible responses. Officials have indicated that their approach will prioritize identifying the cause before determining subsequent measures. Establishing the facts is essential to shaping an appropriate response, and Seoul is expected to work closely with the United States and other relevant countries to reach a swift conclusion.

While the Korean government has remained cautious about attributing responsibility, U.S. President Donald Trump suggested the possibility of Iranian involvement. In a social media post shortly after the incident, he stated that Iran had fired on vessels from non-involved countries, including a Korean cargo ship, in connection with what he described as "Project Freedom." He added that Washington would investigate whether the Korean vessel had been directly targeted.

If the damage is confirmed to have resulted from an Iranian attack, the situation would require a firm response. The government would need to lodge a strong protest with Tehran and demand measures to prevent recurrence. Until now, Seoul has sought to balance alliance considerations with its relationship with Iran, opting to support international efforts to ensure freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz after the conflict subsides rather than committing to immediate military involvement.

That calculation may need to be reconsidered if Korean vessels have become direct targets. With 25 other Korean ships still in the strait, the risk of similar incidents remains significant. The need for enhanced security measures is therefore growing more urgent.

In this context, participation in the U.S.-led "Project Freedom" is likely to come under renewed review. Options could include expanding the operational scope of the Cheonghae Unit, currently deployed to the Gulf of Aden for anti-piracy missions, to cover the Strait of Hormuz, or considering additional deployments within the limits of maintaining readiness on the Korean Peninsula. Even initiating consultations with the National Assembly on these measures could help deter further attacks.

President Lee Jae Myung has repeatedly emphasized that public safety is the government's top priority. In light of this incident, Seoul must mobilize all available diplomatic and security resources to protect its citizens and vessels operating in increasingly volatile waters.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Kim Min-young and read by an artificial voice.

Walk into the 12-story Daiso in Myeongdong on any afternoon and you will struggle to hear Korean. Tourists drag rolling suitcases up the stairs because the elevator line is too long. They fill baskets with 1,000 won ($0.68) snacks and 3,000 won cosmetics.

Foreign card payments at Daiso rose 50 percent in 2024, 60 percent in 2025 and another 70 percent in the first three months of 2026. A store where almost nothing costs more than 5,000 won has become one of the hottest retail stories in Korea.

The foreign tourist surge is one of the reasons Daiso is currently towering over its competitors. The dollar-shop chain that started out selling 1,000 won household goods in 1997 booked 4.54 trillion won in revenue last year, surpassing Lotte Mart's domestic sales for the first time and threatening the dominance of Korea's traditional mart giants.

In operating profit, Daiso has already left them behind. The chain posted 442.4 billion won in operating profit in 2025, dwarfing Emart's supermarket division at 87.2 billion won and Lotte Mart, which swung to a 7 billion won operating loss for the year. Daiso's operating margin also exceeded 10 percent, significantly higher than the roughly 3 percent level seen at large discount store chains.

When this Korea JoongAng Daily reporter visited the Myeongdong Station branch in Jung District, central Seoul, on Wednesday, all sorts of languages could be heard up and down the building. While Daiso stores tend to be quiet in general, a buzz like whisper can be heard from people shopping in groups, all in different languages.

"There are no products that are exclusive only to stores with many foreign visitors," said a Daiso staff. "However, we adjust the product mix depending on customer demand and the characteristics of each commercial area."

That tailoring is visible the moment you walk into the Myeongdong Station branch. Cosmetics and snacks dominate the lower floors and the most prominent shelf positions near the entrance, alongside Korean-themed souvenirs, character keyrings and travel accessories.

A more typical office-area branch like the Gwanghwamun store, by contrast, leans toward stationery, household tools and lunchtime essentials aimed at workers in nearby offices.

The popularity of the dollar store chain was apparent from the first floor, where foreigners were lining up just to get on the elevator. When this reporter tried to get on the elevator at different floors, the sheer amount of people created overly long waiting times, making it impossible to use.

Snacks dominate the food aisles. Honey-flavored treats, traditional confections and chocolate-coated rice cakes move in volume, with shoppers often loading five or six identical packages into a single basket. The range of the snacks is impressive, with some local delicacies like Korean traditional sweets, hangwa, or seemingly obscure western foreign brands as well.

Cosmetics tell a similar story. Sheet masks, lip tints, sunscreens and skincare ampoules priced between 1,000 and 5,000 won line entire walls of the lower floors. The purchase risk is essentially zero.

"One of the things that we have seen is that there's a good quality cheap makeup," said Joelle, a Belgian woman who was shopping with her daughter, "We're also looking around here in the food area just to find snacks that we don't know that are different just to discover something else."

The Myeongdong branch expanded from five floors to 12 in 2024, introduced on-site tax refund systems and hired multilingual staff. Cosmetics and snack categories were moved to prominent positions near entrances. Bulk-buy displays were added for tourists purchasing in volume.

Tourists research products on TikTok and YouTube before arriving, come in with a list and then add impulse purchases on site.

"Daiso was mentioned so much in the Korean YouTube content I watched," said Warunya Phongphat from Thailand. "I naturally got curi...

This article is by Choi Hye-ri and read by an artificial voice.

There were once eight people in their 20s who loved films and dreamed of making them. Back in their club room, they would critique others' work and read screenplays together. After 20 years, the members of this group had all found their place in the film industry as directors and producers — all except one, Hwang Dong-man, the aspiring director, who had written 14 screenplays over two decades but had yet to make a single film.

Dong-man never misses the group's gatherings and makes sure to stand out at each one. He repeats the same stories over and over, talks nonstop while devouring food and strains to draw attention.

This is the premise of JTBC's latest drama "We Are All Trying Here," which has been on air since April 18.

The series is the latest work by writer Park Hae-young, known for "Another Miss Oh" (2016), "My Mister" (2018) and "My Liberation Notes" (2022), and is directed by Cha Young-hun, who previously helmed "When the Camellia Blooms" (2019) and "Welcome to Samdal-ri" (2023).

The show features actors Koo Kyo-hwan, who plays the aspiring director, Dong-man, Go Young-jung as Byeon Eun-a and Oh Jung-se as Park Gyeong-se.

While its ratings have hovered around 2 percent, according to Nielsen Korea as of April 29, the drama has drawn buzz by topping Netflix's Top 10 series chart in Korea. After four of the 12 episodes had aired on April 26, the director sat down with the JoongAng Ilbo at its building in Sangam-dong, western Seoul.

"I got a call from writer Park Hae-young in February last year," director Cha said. "She asked if I wanted to work on her next project. I remember thinking, 'Me? Really?'"

The scripts for the first two episodes were titled "We Are All Trying Here." Curious about the unusual name, the director began reading — only to find himself repeatedly struck by the dialogue.

"'Why do I have to live how you want me to?' 'You're someone with a thousand open doors.' Lines like these felt like they left a mark on my heart," he said.

"They're not things you'd normally hear in everyday life, but they resonate when spoken by a character in a drama, which is the power that Park Hae-young's works have."

The way Dong-man was portrayed in the script felt unfamiliar to the director.

"He's not the kind of male lead you usually see in Korean dramas," he said. "He's pathetic, but you can't quite hate him. He's the kind of person who can't even offer a word of praise for someone else's work. I felt that if we tried to soften or glorify him even a little, we'd lose what makes the story compelling."

Casting the actor for the role took about four days. After receiving the second episode script, the idea of Koo was immediately brought up in a casting meeting.

The writer suggested Koo first and the director agreed right away. Koo decided to join the project within two days of receiving the script.

Eun-a, a film company planning producer who both admires Dong-man's boldness and finds comfort in it, was also quickly cast. The role went to Go, who had built a strong presence in earlier works such as "Law School" (2021) and "Resident Playbook" (2025).

In the series, Dong-man loudly criticizes the film his friend, Gyeong-se, made and its actors while attending an after-party for the film premiere in front of everyone. However, since he has not yet established a significant career, people ask who he is.

Unable to answer that he is a director or simply unemployed, Dong-man leaves in embarrassment, bangs his head against a bus window and runs downhill toward home, shouting the line, "If I can't prove myself by succeeding, I'll prove it by wrecking myself," twice before collapsing.

This scene stood out to director Cha.

"It shows the kind of desperate struggle Dong-man is going through just to survive," the director said. "I really wanted to do that scene justice because it's where Dong-man's 'patheticness' is laid bare."

The drama does not treat Dong-man with const...

The author is a professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University.

With local elections just a month away, political parties and candidates are moving quickly. Elections held during a president's term often serve as midterm evaluations of the administration and the ruling party, typically placing them at a disadvantage. This election can also be seen as a retrospective judgment on the first year of President Lee Jae Myung's government. Yet that dynamic appears muted, as the opposition has not fully regained public trust nor organizational coherence.

Even so, a defeat in the midterm elections would still be politically burdensome for the president and the ruling party. This likely explains efforts to leverage policy measures such as a supplementary budget framed as a "wartime" response and fuel subsidies, alongside an active schedule of regional events intended to appeal directly to voters.

Against this backdrop, the Democratic Party (DP) has introduced a bill to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate what it calls "fabricated indictments." The bill targets all cases in which President Lee has been indicted and would grant the special prosecutor the authority to cancel indictments. Although the party has offered several justifications, the move has drawn criticism for attempting to use legislative power to block judicial proceedings that are already underway.

The DP has argued that weakening the prosecution is necessary to prevent abuses of power and politically motivated investigations. However, critics point out the contradiction in empowering a "special" prosecutor — recommended by the party and appointed by the president — to cancel indictments related to the sitting president, raising questions about neutrality.

Many individuals may feel wronged in their own legal cases, but the accepted course is to seek redress through the courts and prove innocence through due process. This principle has underpinned the rule of law. The DP, however, appears to be seeking to influence judicial procedures in the president's cases by using its parliamentary majority to cancel indictments altogether. Such a move raises concerns about violating the principle of separation of powers and the constitutional guarantee that all citizens, including the president, are equal before the law.

Why has the party chosen this course, particularly with elections approaching? One possibility is that it believes the electoral outcome is already decided. Opinion polls offer some basis for such confidence. Support for the DP has consistently been more than double that of the People Power Party (PPP), reflecting a persistent imbalance in party competition.

President Lee's approval ratings have remained stably in the mid-60 percent range. According to a recent survey by Gallup Korea, positive evaluations of President Lee exceed negative ones by at least 20 percentage points across all regions, including both traditional strongholds and opposition areas. The DP also leads the PPP in every region. Even in Daegu and North Gyeongsang, typically conservative areas, the DP recorded 34 percent support compared to 33 percent for the opposition.

This sense of confidence may explain what critics describe as the party's complacency. Previous controversial legislative measures affecting the judiciary passed without significant public backlash, reinforcing the belief that a special prosecutor bill aimed at canceling indictments would not provoke serious resistance. There may also be a calculation that voters are preoccupied with issues such as the war involving Iran and stock market volatility, leaving limited room for complex legal debates to influence electoral outcomes.

A more fundamental reason may lie in the perceived weakness of the opposition. Despite more than a year since a major political setback, the PPP has struggled to recover. A credible opposition might use the election as an opportunity to reflect on past mistak...

Recent remarks by President Lee Jae Myung have renewed debate over how far the government should go in protecting borrowers from illegal private lending. In a post on X, formerly Twitter, Lee said borrowers need not repay illegal loans exceeding the legal ceiling. He was reinforcing a message after Financial Services Commission Chairman Lee Eog-weon shared on social media a revised enforcement decree to the Loan Business Act aimed at strengthening protections against illegal lending.

Kim Yong-beom, chief of policy at the presidential office, also posted for three straight days, asking why Korean finance is "so cruel" and describing credit ratings as "invisible badges of class." The remarks reflect the administration's determination to root out illegal lenders and ease financial polarization. But good intentions can raise concerns if they risk shaking basic principles of finance.

Credit is a core tool for pricing risk and allocating resources. If credit ratings are framed as class labels and credit discipline is weakened, institutions will face confusion over risk management. Warning signs are already visible in delinquency rates and nonperforming loans across the financial sector. Protecting vulnerable borrowers is necessary, but it must not undermine financial system stability.

Korea already has multiple safeguards for vulnerable borrowers. The legal maximum interest rate, once above 60 percent a year, has been lowered to 20 percent since 2021. The government is also carrying out selective and conditional debt adjustment programs. Through the disposal of bad loans overdue for more than seven years and principal reductions, more than 1 million people are being helped to make a fresh start. A debt adjustment program worth up to 20 trillion won ($13.6 billion) is also underway for small business owners. These measures are part of inclusive finance for vulnerable groups. Policy loans such as Sunshine Loans also provide more than 10 trillion won annually to borrowers with medium and low credit ratings.

Predatory illegal lending, such as the 4,149 percent annual interest case cited by Lee Eog-weon, should be punished firmly with the full force of state authority. Relief procedures for victims should also be made faster and more proactive.

But the process must not create moral hazards or unfairly disadvantage borrowers who repay faithfully. Interest is the price of credit. If responsible borrowers are not respected, trust in the financial system will weaken. It is the government's role to build a tighter system so vulnerable people are not pushed toward illegal lenders. Inclusive finance is possible only on a sound financial foundation.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.