Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

K-pop powerhouse HYBE's first Latin boy band Santos Bravos landed in Korea — the birthplace of a production system that helped shape them into the artists they are today.

"We're the first Latin pop group coming from HYBE — that's a lot of weight to carry," member Gabi admitted with a laugh during a press conference held at HYBE's headquarters in central Seoul on Friday.

"But we're trying for this group to be not only be known in Latin America but all over the world," he continued. "We think Korea is a market that is very important to us, because it's where HYBE was born."

Formed through the audition program "Santos Bravos" (2025) and managed by HYBE Latin America, Santos Bravos debuted in October last year with single "0%." The five-member act consists of Drew, a Mexican American, Alejandro from Peru, Gabi from Puerto Rico, Kauê from Brazil and Kenneth from Mexico.

Friday's press event marked Santos Bravos' first official visit to Korea, where the group is set to promote its first EP, "Dual," released in March. The members will appear on Korean television and radio programs, including weekly music shows.

"Dual" features six songs: the lead tracks "MHM" and "Velocidade," along with "0%," "Wow," "Kawasaki" and "FE."

"'Dual' is a very special project to us not only because it's our first EP, but also because it presents our music and art to the world," said Kauê. "It shows how versatile we can be as artists."

Leader Drew said that the rookies — now six months into their careers — are eager to learn from K-pop acts during their stay in Seoul.

"We're so excited to be here as it is our first time in Korea, and most definitely that comes with learning from our big brothers, sunbaenims," said Drew, using the Korean word meaning seniors.

"We cannot wait to be doing challenges [with them], as we were so inspired by many groups — Cortis, obviously BTS, Le Sserafim and many more."

As Santos Bravos serves as a key project for HYBE's "multi-home, multi-genre" initiative, aiming to expand the K-pop production model into other markets, the members said that the rigorous artist training system that defines K-pop played a key role in shaping them.

"The artist development training program that we went through was very tough, but it pushed us mentally in the best possible way," said Drew, noting that the K-pop methodology of the trainee system helped them build their perseverance and a sense of teamwork.

Positioned at the intersection of Latin American culture and the K-pop production system, the group said it hopes to become a strong representation of its own culture — much like Bad Bunny.

"He, without a doubt, is an inspiration for all of us," Gabi said of the Puerto Rican superstar, referring him as "representing Latin music in ways that are so difficult to reach."

Expressing that he loved the Puerto Rican singer's recent performance at Super Bowl halftime show in February, Gabi said, "We're working very hard to hopefully do a little of the impact that he has done in Latin America."

This article is by Choi Hyun-ju and read by an artificial voice.

Just as online stores appeared to be pushing their physical counterparts to the brink, offline shops in regional areas are making an unexpected comeback.

Beauty and fashion retailers are expanding their operations beyond the greater Seoul region by opening new stores and investing heavily in local markets as they make efforts to use shifting shopping habits to their advantage and to attract new customers while retaining those who still value in-person experiences.

CJ Olive Young will invest 123.8 billion won ($84 million) this year to open and renovate stores in regional areas and strengthen its logistics infrastructure, according to the company on Thursday. The proposed amount is more than triple its 2023 investment.

Of the 78 large Olive Young stores, or those that measure more than 330 square meters (3,552 square feet), 43 are in areas outside the capital region.

Fashion brand Musinsa will also open a branch at the Shinsegae Department Store in Gwangju, its first in the Jeolla region, on Thursday. The opening follows earlier expansions into the central city of Daejeon and the Gyeongsang region, with store openings in Busan, Daegu and Ulsan.

Retailers had previously been reluctant to open stores in areas outside the capital region due to their lower population density. Seoul has a population density of 15,365 people per square kilometer (2.6 square miles), far exceeding the national average of 531, according to government statistics.

Its population density also far exceeds that of major cities — such as Busan, with 4,223 people per square kilometer, and Gwangju, with 2,883, making it difficult for stores outside of Seoul to attract large numbers of visitors.

Despite this, many companies have recently decided to launch stores in regions outside the capital.

In the greater Seoul area, where major brand stores are already common, consumers tend to purchase products that they are familiar with online. Consumers outside the capital, by contrast, have fewer opportunities to see or try new products in person, which creates demand for offline experiences.

"Online shopping tends to be goal-oriented, meaning consumers purchase products or brands that they are already familiar with," a fashion industry source said. "But offline shopping allows consumers to discover products [...] and test them, leading to more spontaneous purchases and attracting new customers."

Moreover, thanks to the growing number of foreign tourists traveling beyond the capital, the retail demand in non-Seoul areas is rising, particularly among solo travelers from Japan and China.

CJ Olive Young's share of sales from foreign customers in Busan rose from 0.1 percent in 2021 to 33.6 percent last year. On Jeju Island, the share increased from 0.1 percent to 62.9 percent over the same period, even surpassing that of domestic customers.

Areas beyond Seoul also benefit from lower operating costs, such as rent, and lower competition compared to the oversaturated capital region.

The average rent for small commercial spaces in Seoul stood at 52,200 won per 3.3 square meters last year, more than double that of Busan at 26,300 won and Daegu at 20,600 won, according to the Korea Real Estate Board.

"The top two grossing stores for last year's major sales event were located in Daegu and Daejeon," a CJ Olive Young representative said. "These stores can serve as 'anchor tenants' [a key store that attracts customers to the area] that bring in younger customers and tourists, contributing to local commercial activity and job creation."

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Cho Mun-gyu, Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

Chinese President Xi Jinping reaffirmed Beijing's belief in a single Chinese nation, and its opposition to Taiwanese independence, in his first meeting in a decade with the chair of Taiwan's main opposition Kuomintang on Friday.

Xi told Kuomintang leader Cheng Li-wun that "people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait are all Chinese, and the future of cross-strait relations lies in the hands of the Chinese people" during their talks at the Great Hall of the People, according to China Central Television and Reuters.

The Kuomintang-dominated Republic of China retreated to Taiwan after losing the 1927-49 Chinese Civil War to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which founded the People's Republic of China that has ruled the mainland since. However, both parties remain committed to the "One China" principle that the island and the mainland constitute one country, though they disagree over who should govern.

The meeting between Xi and Cheng marks the first high-level exchange between the Chinese Communist Party and Kuomintang since then-Kuomintang leader Hung Hsiu-chu met with Chinese leaders in 2016.

A year prior to that meeting, Xi held a landmark meeting in Singapore with then-Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou, who previously served as chair of the Kuomintang. Ma met Xi again in Beijing in April 2024.

While the CCP has occasionally held exchanges with the conservative Kuomintang, its relations with Taipei's ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) are fraught.

Beijing has regularly denounced DPP officials for making statements supporting Taiwanese independence or suggesting that Taiwan is already a separate state.

The "One China" issue was recently at the heart of a diplomatic clash between Taipei and Seoul, which labeled the island "China (Taiwan)" on a list of departure points and destinations in the Korean e-arrival system. Korea announced an administrative solution at the end of March.

Analysts say the latest talks between Xi and Cheng are likely to have touched on sensitive issues including Taiwan's purchases of U.S. weapons and the island's next presidential election, due to be held in 2028.

Wang Hung-jen, a professor of political science at National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, told Taiwan's Central News Agency that the closed-door talks between Xi and Cheng "could include the Kuomintang's role in arms procurement decisions and its future election strategy."

Cheng arrived in China on Tuesday for a six-day visit at Xi's invitation. She began her trip by paying tribute to Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen at his mausoleum in Nanjing. Although Sun founded the Republic of China and the Kuomintang, he is revered on both sides of the Taiwan Strait as the founding father of the modern Chinese state.

According to the Kuomintang, Cheng stated she aims to "lay a foundation for peace" and strengthen regional stability during her trip.

Xi's decision to host the Taiwanese opposition leader ahead of meetings with U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin could be intended to signal its opposition to Taiwanese independence to Washington while politically isolating Taiwan's current president, Lai Ching-te.

After the reins of Taiwan's government shifted from the Kuomintang to the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party in 2016, Beijing has avoided official dialogue with Taipei, instead maintaining contact with opposition figures.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Cho Mun-gyu, Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

Chinese President Xi Jinping reaffirmed Beijing's belief in a single Chinese nation, and its opposition to Taiwanese independence, in his first meeting in a decade with the chair of Taiwan's main opposition Kuomintang on Friday.

Xi told Kuomintang leader Cheng Li-wun that "people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait are all Chinese, and the future of cross-strait relations lies in the hands of the Chinese people" during their talks at the Great Hall of the People, according to China Central Television and Reuters.

The Kuomintang-dominated Republic of China retreated to Taiwan after losing the 1927-49 Chinese Civil War to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which founded the People's Republic of China that has ruled the mainland since. However, both parties remain committed to the "One China" principle that the island and the mainland constitute one country, though they disagree over who should govern.

The meeting between Xi and Cheng marks the first high-level exchange between the Chinese Communist Party and Kuomintang since then-Kuomintang leader Hung Hsiu-chu met with Chinese leaders in 2016.

A year prior to that meeting, Xi held a landmark meeting in Singapore with then-Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou, who previously served as chair of the Kuomintang. Ma met Xi again in Beijing in April 2024.

While the CCP has occasionally held exchanges with the conservative Kuomintang, its relations with Taipei's ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) are fraught.

Beijing has regularly denounced DPP officials for making statements supporting Taiwanese independence or suggesting that Taiwan is already a separate state.

The "One China" issue was recently at the heart of a diplomatic clash between Taipei and Seoul, which labeled the island "China (Taiwan)" on a list of departure points and destinations in the Korean e-arrival system. Korea announced an administrative solution at the end of March.

Analysts say the latest talks between Xi and Cheng are likely to have touched on sensitive issues including Taiwan's purchases of U.S. weapons and the island's next presidential election, due to be held in 2028.

Wang Hung-jen, a professor of political science at National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, told Taiwan's Central News Agency that the closed-door talks between Xi and Cheng "could include the Kuomintang's role in arms procurement decisions and its future election strategy."

Cheng arrived in China on Tuesday for a six-day visit at Xi's invitation. She began her trip by paying tribute to Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen at his mausoleum in Nanjing. Although Sun founded the Republic of China and the Kuomintang, he is revered on both sides of the Taiwan Strait as the founding father of the modern Chinese state.

According to the Kuomintang, Cheng stated she aims to "lay a foundation for peace" and strengthen regional stability during her trip.

Xi's decision to host the Taiwanese opposition leader ahead of meetings with U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin could be intended to signal its opposition to Taiwanese independence to Washington while politically isolating Taiwan's current president, Lai Ching-te.

After the reins of Taiwan's government shifted from the Kuomintang to the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party in 2016, Beijing has avoided official dialogue with Taipei, instead maintaining contact with opposition figures.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Kim Hyo-seong, Jang Joo-young and read by an artificial voice.

A tumbling-enabled Atlas, showcased during Hyundai Motor Group's booth at CES 2026, is widely believed to be the model slated for real-world manufacturing deployment starting in 2028.

"But you know what? That's not the robot that will actually go into factories," a humanoid robotics researcher with knowledge of the matter said.

The silver Atlas — developed by Boston Dynamics, Hyundai Motor's U.S. subsidiary — is not intended for actual manufacturing use, as it is just a prototype built for technological validation.

The model that Hyundai plans to deploy in factories starting in 2028 is the mass-produced version: the blue mock-up also displayed at CES 2026. The two differ fundamentally, beginning with their leg structures.

Hyundai did distinguish between the research prototype and the production model in its presentation. But more attention was drawn to the tumbling Atlas while the production version remained largely overlooked.

Built on a different structure

A closer look reveals why. Based on remarks from multiple researchers, the research prototype possesses a parallel structure with multiple actuators — integrated systems that combine motors, gear reducers and controllers — around the knees and ankles.

This allows it to generate a high amount of force and absorb shocks effectively. Its ability to regain its balance immediately after a tumble stems from this design. Even visually, its leg movements resemble those of a human, bending naturally back and forth.

The production model, however, adopts a different structure, resembling a robotic arm used in factories. While sufficient for basic bending and extending motions, it appears less capable of handling movements at multiple angles or absorbing impact compared to the research prototype.

"Based on the images released, if the production model were deployed in factories today, it could lose its balance and fall if its center of gravity shifts abruptly, such as when it pulls a parts tray from a shelf," the researcher said.

Such differences are not unusual. Most humanoid developers, including Tesla, follow a similar approach, first building high-performance prototypes then refining them into mass-producible models after tests and demonstrations.

The production version has its own advantages. Protective covers over its joints and body shield core components and help them be resistant to water and dust. Its simpler joint structure lowers manufacturing costs and makes repairs easier. For industrial use, the ability to tumble is unnecessary, so designing for it would amount to overengineering.

Functionally, it remains competitive. The production version of Atlas features 56 degrees of freedom, meaning most joints can rotate 360 degrees. It is equipped with a 360-degree vision system for full environmental awareness. The robot can lift up to 50 kilograms (110 pounds), reach heights of 2.3 meters (7 feet) and operate in temperatures ranging from minus 20 degrees Celsius to 40 degrees Celsius (minus 4 degrees Fahrenheit to 104 degrees Fahrenheit). In terms of degrees of freedom, it exceeds Tesla's Optimus' 50 degrees of freedom and China's Unitree G1's 23 degrees of freedom.

However, no real-world footage of the production model in operation has been released. At CES 2026 and other exhibitions, it has appeared only as a mock-up. A factory deployment video released by Boston Dynamics on YouTube is a 3-D rendering rather than footage of an actual robot.

The first challenge for Hyundai in mass-producing humanoids, therefore, is finding a balance between target performance and affordability.

"The key is how reliably the performance of a full-spec research model can be implemented in a mass-produced version," Lee Dong-jun, a professor of mechanical engineering at Seoul National University, said. "Securing price competitiveness through mass production is also essential."

Atlas effect

The impact of Atlas ...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

Many K-pop fans know Goyang, Gyeonggi, for Goyang Stadium, one of South Korea's largest venues where global stars regularly take the stage. In fact, BTS is set to perform there on Thursday, Saturday and Sunday.

But once the encore ends, most people leave — as proven by local travel agencies' itineraries, which often focus solely on getting to and from Goyang Stadium.

Goyang is a sprawling satellite city that spans about 270 square kilometers (66,718 acres). But even South Koreans often overlook Goyang due to its remote location: approximately 20 kilometers (12.4 miles) from central Seoul, or about a half-hour drive.

While government-led initiatives in redevelopment have buoyed the popularity of regions such as Ilsan, much of the progress focuses on constructing high-rise apartments and residential complexes, which is why Goyang remains relatively marginal to both domestic visitors and international tourists. Recently, however, Bamridan-gil has emerged as a hot spot for younger crowds, thanks to its lineup of trendy cafes, bakeries and brunch spots.

But look even closer, and the city reveals a side of itself that's far more compelling than its glossy buildings or concert scene, such as its layered history, from its proximity to North Korea to its role as the resting place for Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) royalty and the site of one of the most significant battles of the Imjin War (1592-98).

So let's explore Goyang through the lens of history.

From restricted zone to walking trail

Goyang sits along a corridor that once connected Seoul and Kaesong, a city in the southern part of North Korea. Today, it remains one of the closest cities to the border, just about 10 kilometers from the demilitarized zone.

Decades ago, this proximity meant restriction. After the 1950-53 Korean War, the establishment of the DMZ and the civilian control line turned parts of Goyang into a restricted military zone for more than 40 years, when civilians were kept out by barbed-wire fences and guards.

Then in the 1990s, as Ilsan New Town was built to meet Seoul's growing housing demand, parts of the restricted zone began to open, and efforts to repurpose those spaces began.

This led to the creation of the DMZ Peace Trail.

Stretching across four DMZ border regions — Goyang, Paju, Gimpo and Yeoncheon — the trail spans a total of 12 courses. Courses 4 and 5 pass through Goyang.

Course 4 was created to allow visitors to experience a combination of the traces of the Korean war, the landscape of the Han River and the historical and cultural context and value of various sites, all while enjoying the simple pleasure of a peaceful walk.

Course 5 begins at Ilsan Lake Park, one of the largest artificial lake parks in South Korea and a surprisingly peaceful starting point, not far from Goyang Stadium.

Try taking part in the trail by hopping off the subway at Line No. 3's Jeongbalsan Station, then head out through exit 2 and cross the Ilsan cultural plaza, a large open square often used as a gathering space for events. At its center stands the 31-meter-tall (102-feet-tall) Goyang Independence Movement Monument honoring 74 independence activists from the region. Right next to it sits a tourism center, which offers helpful information for navigating the city.

After passing through the plaza, the city opens up to Ilsan Lake Park, where you'll be blessed with a picturesque view: sweeping verdant lawns; beautiful, calm waters, where you'll be able to spot fish and, if you're lucky, even a turtle resting on the rocks; and idyllic paths made for both strolling and cycling.

Built in the 1990s, the park remains one of Goyang's most beloved spaces. The International Horticulture Goyang Korea exhibition is also set to kick off here on April 24, turning parts of the park into a paradise of spring flowers.

From here, the trail carries you past Kintex and toward Goyang Stadium — an easy, hourlong walk. And if you'r...

Kwack Min-soo

The author is the director of the Korea Institute of Egyptology.

Among the candidates for the title of first pharaoh, Narmer stands out. Unlike Menes, discussed previously, Narmer's existence is firmly supported by archaeological evidence.

One of the most important discoveries was made in 1897 by British Egyptologist James Quibell at Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt. Excavating a temple site, Quibell uncovered a large number of early dynastic artifacts that had been buried for ritual purposes. Among them was the "Narmer Palette," a schist slab measuring 64 by 42 centimeters (25.2 by 16.5 inches) and engraved with symbols widely interpreted as representing the unification of Egypt. The artifact also bears Narmer's name, which combines the hieroglyphs nar (catfish) and mer (chisel) and is often translated as "fierce catfish."

Evidence of Narmer's existence has also been found beyond Egypt. Pottery fragments inscribed with his name have been discovered at sites such as Arad and Tel Erani in what is now Israel. These findings not only support the historical reality of Narmer but also suggest that Egypt's influence had already extended into the Levant during this early period.

A particularly significant piece of evidence emerged in 1985, when German archaeologist Günter Dreyer discovered a cylindrical seal at Abydos. Found in the tomb of Den, a pharaoh of the First Dynasty, the seal bears a sequential list of early rulers. Narmer appears at the very beginning of this list.

Taken together, these archaeological findings point to the "presence" of Narmer and the relative "absence" of Menes. At this stage, it is reasonable to draw a tentative conclusion that the first pharaoh may have been a ruler known as Narmer. This raises a further question: Who, then, was Menes? Was he another name for a historical figure or a symbolic construct created by later generations?

Written records reflect intention. Archaeological evidence, by contrast, consists of traces left behind without such intent. In other words, the former is "what was said," while the latter is "what remained." Researchers move between these two forms of evidence, interpreting the motives behind recorded accounts and reconstructing the meaning of material traces.

In this process, history does not emerge as a fixed set of facts. Rather, it resembles an image, the resolution of which is continually adjusted, coming into clearer focus over time.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Cho Min-geun

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

"The government will provide 100,000 won per person in high oil price relief funds to those in the bottom 70 percent of income earners."

Reading Budget Minister Park Hong-keun's supplementary budget announcement on March 31, one phrase stood out as oddly jarring: "bottom 70 percent." Regardless of whether the eligibility threshold is appropriate, attaching the label "bottom" to such a large share of the population feels awkward. The expression began to gain currency during the Moon Jae-in administration when emergency relief payments were distributed using similar criteria. As such programs became more frequent, the terminology appears to have entered official government language without much hesitation.

According to government estimates, the "bottom 70 percent" referenced by Park includes 32.56 million people. If this group is considered the lower tier, the remainder would presumably be the upper tier. Yet this binary framing leaves something out: the middle. A significant portion of those classified within the bottom 70 percent are, in fact, members of the middle class.

In the past, policymakers often used expressions such as "households earning less than 150 percent of the median income." By international standards, the 70 percent threshold reaches well into the upper range of the middle class. For a four-person household, this can approach an annual income of 100 million won (about $67,500). After taxes and living expenses, such families may not feel affluent, but they are typically diligent taxpayers raising children and saving to buy homes. Even with financial support, being labeled as part of the "bottom" may feel uncomfortable.

This is not merely a matter of semantics. It reflects the fading visibility of what might be called the "forgotten middle class." In the past, policymakers recognized the middle class as a core constituency, believing that a broad and stable middle was essential for both economic vitality and social cohesion. Over time, however, the middle class has become less visible in policy discussions. Today, the population is often framed simply as either lower or upper-income groups.

This pattern has been evident in real estate policy. Recent government measures have largely focused on curbing housing prices in affluent districts such as Gangnam or expanding public rental housing. One former official noted that while many speak of "K-shaped polarization" and focus on rising apartment prices in wealthy areas, the real center of housing stability lies in the middle segment, which receives little attention. Meanwhile, housing prices for mid-range apartments and jeonse leases, which are primarily used by middle-income households, have continued to rise together.

Policies such as land transaction permit systems, which effectively require owner occupancy, have reduced the availability of rental units. As a result, demand has shifted toward relatively affordable housing with fewer lending restrictions, pushing prices higher. For genuine market stability, the government needs to send a clear signal that it will steadily supply housing at prices accessible to the middle class. Yet recent policies have paid less attention to supply.

Some may argue that widening economic inequality inevitably shapes policy priorities. If so, consistency is still necessary. The middle class is treated as part of the "bottom" when receiving benefits, but as part of the "top" when paying taxes. Last year, Korea collected 68.4 trillion won in earned income tax, a 12.1 percent increase from the previous year, even as corporate and value-added tax revenues stagnated or declined. This has fueled dissatisfaction among salaried middle-income workers, who see their nominal wages rise while tax brackets remain largely unchanged for nearly two decades, effectively resulting in what some call a "stealth tax increase."

Calls have emerged to introduce an inflation-indexed ...

Cho Yoon-je

The author is a special appointment professor at the Graduate School of Economics at Yonsei University.

One of the most dramatic political shifts in early 20th-century Britain was the collapse of the Liberal Party. Rooted in the Whig tradition, the Liberals had stood at the center of British politics in the late 19th century, producing prominent leaders such as William Gladstone. Yet within a generation, they were pushed to the margins. Though they championed free trade and represented industrial capitalists and the middle class, they failed to incorporate the rising working class through a broader agenda. As a result, they ceded political ground to the newly formed Labour Party. Internal divisions and leadership conflicts surrounding World War I accelerated their decline, and after Prime Minister David Lloyd George, the party faded into irrelevance in the 1920s.

The history of Western political parties shows that their values and policy orientations evolve in response to social change. The roots of today's Democratic Party in the United States lie in the early Republican movement led by Thomas Jefferson, who opposed Alexander Hamilton's federalism and advocacy of a strong central government. Renamed the Democratic Party in the 1820s, it has since evolved into a party that supports a more active state and progressive policies. Conversely, the modern Republican Party, formed in the 1850s, inherited elements of Hamiltonian federalism but now emphasizes limited government, once associated with Jeffersonian ideals. The U.S. Constitution itself made no mention of political parties, yet parties endured because they adapted to shifting public demands, forming new coalitions and helping sustain democratic competition.

Korea's conservative opposition, the People Power Party, traces its roots to forces that led the country's industrialization. However, Korea's industrialization was driven largely by a state-led model that, by today's standards, might be considered interventionist or even progressive. The party's traditional anti-communist stance has also lost some of its earlier significance following the end of the Cold War and changes in the global order. Since the end of military-backed rule, the party has struggled to cultivate leaders internally, often relying on external figures to secure power. Of the four presidents it has produced since democratization, two were impeached and removed from office. Former President Yoon Suk Yeol repeatedly emphasized "freedom" in his inaugural address, invoking the term 35 times, but his tenure ultimately raised questions about how deeply that value had been internalized.

Korea has undergone discontinuous transformation over the past century. Traditional knowledge and values have often been rendered obsolete within a single generation. Those educated in classical village schools lost relevance as modern education systems emerged. Professors trained in Japanese-era institutions were later overshadowed by younger scholars returning with degrees from the United States and Europe. These ruptures weakened the continuity of knowledge, eroding the authority of senior generations. Individuals trained abroad and firms that adapted foreign models often achieved greater success than those rooted in domestic traditions. In contrast, European societies developed knowledge and institutions cumulatively. Isaac Newton famously remarked that he stood "on the shoulders of giants," underscoring the incremental nature of intellectual progress. In Korea, however, the space for conservative values has remained limited, as the country's political origins include a legacy of military coups.

Yet the present moment may call for a renewed role for conservative values. Over the past seven decades, Korea has achieved remarkable economic and social progress. Values such as diligence, reward for effort, educational rigor and respect for social order remain important. However, Korea's labor practices and regula...

North Korea has claimed it successfully tested cluster munitions that disperse submunitions in midair as well as electromagnetic pulse weapons designed to disable power systems. The state-run Korean Central News Agency reported that evaluation tests conducted between Monday and Wednesday confirmed the weapons could devastate a target area of 6.5 to 7 hectares (16 to 17 acres).

Cluster munitions, referred to by North Korea as "dispersion bombs," release multiple explosive devices over a wide area. The weapons have been widely criticized for their indiscriminate nature, with the international community urging restraint in their use. Electromagnetic weapons that can disable power grids also raise concerns over potential violations of international law, including conventions that prohibit attacks on civilians during wartime.

North Korea's decision to highlight these capabilities at this moment may reflect lessons drawn from recent conflicts. Observers suggest Pyongyang could be signaling its military strength ahead of a possible meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump next month. Reports that cluster munitions were used effectively in the Iran conflict, reportedly penetrating Israel's Iron Dome missile defense system, may have reinforced this calculation. The message appears to be twofold: that North Korea should not be treated like Iran and that it retains the capacity to threaten South Korea and U.S. forces stationed on the peninsula.

Regardless of the motive, North Korea's evolving conventional weapons capabilities should not be underestimated. The country has already deployed long-range cruise missiles that require sophisticated three-dimensional mapping and significant resources. It has also developed ballistic missiles capable of maneuvering in multiple directions during their terminal phase, complicating interception efforts by South Korea and U.S. forces.

At the same time, North Korea continues to modernize its military hardware, including new tanks, nuclear-powered submarines and 5,000-ton-class destroyers. These developments challenge assumptions that South Korea maintains overwhelming superiority in conventional arms, despite its position as one of the world's leading defense powers.

Given these trends, complacency would be a mistake. South Korea must accelerate the development of its Korea Air and Missile Defense system and expand efforts to build cost-effective laser-based defense networks. While maintaining a stable security environment that discourages the use of such weapons remains important, it is equally critical to ensure the capability to impose decisive costs in the event of conflict.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.