Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

The author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

President Lee Jae Myung declined to exercise his veto against the so-called three judicial reform bills—introducing constitutional complaints against court rulings, creating the crime of distortion of law and expanding the number of Supreme Court justices—and instead approved them at a Cabinet meeting.

Warnings from Chief Justice Jo Hee-de that the measures could directly harm citizens, along with criticism from former presidents of the Korean Bar Association who described the legislation as a fundamental blow to the judicial structure and the separation of powers, were ultimately set aside.

Holding both executive and legislative power, the ruling bloc pushed the measures through despite objections from the judiciary and revised the framework of an 80-year-old judicial system in ways critics say favor those in power. That is precisely what many observers view as an infringement on the principle of separation of powers. Whether the intended beneficiary is President Lee or someone else does not change the underlying concern.

Lee's swift decision may not be unrelated to the low approval ratings of the People Power Party, the main opposition force. A survey released in late February showed the party's support at 17 percent. The figure came from the National Barometer Survey conducted by Embrain Public, KStat Research, Korea Research and Hankook Research and released on Feb. 26. The number is even lower than the party's rating during the Dec. 3 martial law crisis in 2024, when its support stood at 26 percent.

Song Eon-seog, floor leader of the People Power Party, condemned the passage of the judicial reform bills in the National Assembly and warned that "dictatorship has already begun." Whether the current administration should be described as authoritarian will likely depend on political affiliation. The more notable reality is that many polls show support for the Democratic Party roughly double that of the People Power Party, while approval ratings for President Lee's administration exceed 60 percent.

Political parties do not operate solely according to polling numbers. Yet the fact that the People Power Party's support is far lower today than during the martial law crisis demands attention. The 17 percent figure likely reflects disappointment and anger among moderate conservatives and centrist voters who believe the party has failed, even after more than a year, to move beyond the legacy of martial law and the impeachment crisis that followed.

Many people regarded the declaration of emergency martial law as the delusional decision of former President Yoon Suk Yeol alone. In fact 18 lawmakers from the People Power Party voted in the National Assembly to lift the martial law order and the party itself was not involved in planning it. A clean break with Yoon therefore seemed the natural next step.

Instead party leader Jang Dong-hyeok refused to sever ties. Supporters who defended martial law and opposed Yoon's impeachment, sometimes described as the "Yoon Again" faction, soon gathered around the leadership. For many voters who had hoped the party would return to a more conventional conservative stance, that decision became the turning point that drove them away.

Several developments in the party have puzzled observers. One concerns the leadership's reading of public sentiment. Jang reportedly told lawmakers that internal polling showed more than 70 percent of People Power Party supporters opposed the life sentence handed down to Yoon and urged the party to focus on consolidating its base.

Elections, however, are not won with core supporters alone. Without support from centrist voters, victory becomes nearly impossible. Surveys suggest that among centrists 45 percent consider the life sentence too lenient while 31 percent view it as appropriate. Another poll found that 71 percent of centrists regard the Dec. 3 martial law declaration as an act of insurrection.

Despi...

Oh Se-jung

The author is a professor emeritus of physics and astronomy and a former president of Seoul National University.

In early March 2016, Korea hosted the historic Go match between AlphaGo and professional player Lee Se-dol, though many people did not fully grasp its significance at the time. This match foreshadowed humanity's future, as a computer powered by AI demonstrated that it could surpass human capabilities in certain domains.

Many observers initially dismissed the event as a phenomenon limited to the specialized field of Go. That perception changed dramatically in late November 2022, when the generative AI chatbot ChatGPT was released. Major technology companies around the world began investing enormous sums into AI development, causing the technology to advance rapidly. AI systems are now capable of carrying out complex assignments through so-called agentic AI.

However, one important issue has been pushed aside: the social implications and ethical questions surrounding AI.

AI is a disruptive technology, and its influence may ultimately surpass that of any earlier technological development, with many expecting it to transform everyday life and reshape social structures.

Some observers have even speculated that the emergence of artificial superintelligence could pose existential risks to humanity. Geoffrey Hinton, often referred to as a pioneer of modern AI research, has warned about the technology's potential dangers and has said he sometimes regrets his own role in advancing it.

Despite such concerns, companies locked in fierce competition largely treat these issues as someone else's problem. Countries leading the race to develop AI technologies, particularly the United States and China, have focused primarily on technological advancement rather than the broader social consequences. Korea is no exception.

The government has adopted a national strategy aimed at turning Korea into one of the world's top three leading AI powers. To support that goal, it established the National AI Strategy Committee directly under the president. The committee is organized into eight divisions, most of which focus on technological innovation, industrial development and training specialists. Only one division is dedicated to examining the social impact of AI, and this choice reveals where the government's priorities lie.

But AI has already entered the daily lives of ordinary people. It is no longer a matter that concerns only developers and researchers. Among university students, for example, those who have never used AI tools are now likely a small minority. And workers, observing the rapid progress of robotics, often described as physical AI, have begun to worry that their jobs may eventually disappear.

AI systems are also becoming capable of performing tasks once handled by entry-level workers, such as research and data analysis. As a result, some law firms and accounting firms have already begun reducing the number of new recruits.

If these trends spread widely, people will undoubtedly begin to ask serious questions. Who will support the livelihoods of workers whose jobs disappear? Who will pay taxes if large numbers of employees are displaced? If companies stop hiring entry-level workers altogether, how will experienced professionals be trained to detect and correct the mistakes that AI systems inevitably make?

Such questions suggest that cultivating skilled AI engineers should not be our only priority. What is equally important is preparing responses for the many people, institutions and social systems that have already been affected by the application of AI technologies.

Timing complicates matters even more. Technological innovation often proceeds rapidly, but the creation of new social institutions and regulatory frameworks tends to take far longer. For that reason, preparation must begin well in advance. But discussions about the "social acceptance" of AI remain limited.

Universities offer a clear example of this gap....

A sharp rise in domestic fuel prices following tensions in the Middle East has prompted the government to consider an unprecedented intervention in the gasoline market.

President Lee Jae Myung on Thursday ordered officials to prepare a "maximum price designation system" for gasoline. The measure would allow the government to set a ceiling on retail fuel prices if authorities determine that excessive increases are occurring.

Lee said the government must respond firmly to attempts to hoard fuel or exploit the crisis through unreasonable profits. "Even if people say money can be a devil, this seems excessive," he said, criticizing what he described as opportunistic price increases.

Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol also warned against sharp price hikes. He said that considering the usual time lag between international oil prices and domestic fuel costs, it is too early for global price movements to significantly affect Korea's retail market. Raising prices excessively under such conditions amounts to profiteering that harms ordinary people's livelihoods, he added.

Fuel prices have indeed climbed quickly. As of 4 p.m. Thursday, the average price of gasoline at stations nationwide stood at 1,834.32 won per liter ($6.94 per gallon), up 56.84 won, or 3.2 percent, from the previous day. The figure marks the highest level in three years and seven months.

Domestic gasoline prices usually follow refined product prices in the Singapore market with a lag of two to three weeks. Although international oil prices have risen and currency volatility has increased pressure on import costs, the recent pace of price increases appears excessive.

The government is right to crack down on market disruptions such as hoarding, collusion or other practices that exploit a crisis, analysts say.

At the same time, however, direct government regulation of market prices should be approached with caution.

The Petroleum and Alternative Fuel Business Act provides a legal basis for the government to designate maximum fuel prices in exceptional circumstances. Yet there are few precedents for nationwide regulation of retail gasoline prices at service stations.

Lee appeared aware of these concerns when he said that if a uniform national ceiling proves difficult, authorities should explore practical alternatives such as applying the policy by region or by fuel type.

The debate comes shortly after the government issued a rare order requiring flour producers suspected of collusion to reset prices. Although the Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act contains such provisions, they have not been invoked in about two decades.

The long period of nonuse reflects the government's reluctance to intervene directly in market pricing.

Having a legal basis for intervention does not automatically make such actions desirable. Regulation based solely on legal authority is not always the best policy response, nor does it necessarily reflect sound governance under the rule of law.

Authorities should therefore carefully distinguish between what the government must do and what should be left to the market.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

Continuing on its three-star status from last year, Mingles is also the only three-star restaurant in Korea selected by the Guide this year.

Located in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, Mingles is a contemporary fine-dining restaurant that interprets traditional Korean flavors with modern twist.

It has ranked two Michelin stars for seven consecutive years until earning its third star last year.

Mosu, headed by celebrity chef Anh Sung-jae, won two stars after reopening in Itaewon-dong in Seoul last year. Mosu received three stars in 2024 with its previous outlet in Hannam-dong.

"I am honored to be here today with respectable chefs and those in the dining business. Our team members have worked hard. Thank you for recognizing our identity, our goal and the direction in which the restaurant is heading," said Ahn during the ceremony.

Sosuheon, a high-end sushi restaurant run by Chef Park Kyung-jae, was promoted to two-stars.

"I am 100 times happier than when I first received two stars a few years years ago," said Sosuheon chef.

Jungsik, Evett, Restaurant Allen, Kwonsooksoo, Mitou, La Yeon, alla prima and Soigné also received two stars.

The "Michelin Guide Seoul & Busan 2026," marking the guide's 10th anniversary in Korea, covers two cities — Seoul and Busan — with Busan having debuted in the guide in 2023. Of 223 selected restaurants, 178 are in Seoul and 55 are in Busan.

This year's Guide recorded the highest number of new Michelin-starred restaurants since its launch in Korea.

Four restaurants in Seoul debuted on this year's one-star list: GiwaKang, SAN, Sushi Kanesaka and Collage.

Among the restaurants promoted from Michelin's Selected category to one-star status are Jueun, GAGGEN by Choi Junho, Hakusi and Le DORER. The Selected category recognizes restaurants worth an entry-level recommendation for high-quality food and service but fall just short of receiving a star.

Le DORER chef Kim Chang-wook also received Young Chef, Korean contemporary in Busan, at this year's award. SAN recently won the One To Watch Award 2026 by Asia's 50 Best Restaurants.

This year, the Michelin Guide has added a new Opening of the Year award for its Korean edition, which went to IAán in Busan.

The award is given to new restaurants that have had a successful opening within the past 12 months, for their innovative concepts and creative approaches to cuisine.

Thursday's ceremony also announced special awards.

The Service Award, appreciating a restaurant's front-of-house hospitality, went to Kim Il-woo, manager of Italian Contemporary Gucci Osteria da Massimo Bottura in Gangnam.

The Green Star Award, given to restaurants practicing exceptional sustainability, went to four restaurants, including Fiotto, Gigas, Gosari Express and Mitou.

The Michelin Guide is a fine dining guide that lists restaurants and eateries that it recommends in various cities across the globe divided into four categories, from one-starred locations to three-starred, in addition to a Bib Gourmand selection for high quality meals at budget prices.

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

When Korean filmmaker Park Chan-wook was appointed as the President of the Jury for the feature films competition section of the Cannes Film Festival last month, some might have wondered why.

Although Park has long been considered a Cannes favorite, even sometimes called "Cannes Park" for winning the Grand Prix in 2004 for "Oldboy" (2003), the Jury Prize for "Thirst" (2009) and Best Director for "Decision to Leave" (2022), the 62-year-old director has never nabbed the Palme d'Or, the festival's top prize, which his peer Bong Joon-ho achieved with "Parasite" (2019).

Now, as the jury president, Park is to oversee the deliberation process to select the winners from the films in competition, including the festival's top honor, the Palme d'Or, alongside eight other jury members. This year's jury members have yet to be announced, as the panel is newly appointed each year. Park will also announce and present this year's Palme d'Or at the closing ceremony.

"Park Chan-wook's inventiveness, visual mastery and penchant for capturing the multiple impulses of women and men with strange destinies have given contemporary cinema some truly memorable moments," said festival president Iris Knobloch and director Thierry Frémaux in a press statement announcing the appointment. "We are delighted to celebrate his immense talent and, more broadly, the cinema of a country deeply engaged with the questioning of our time."

Yet the decision still invites questions: Why Park, why now and does this signal another step forward for Korean cinema?

While both Park and Bong are widely regarded as auteurs, Park's works, especially his "Vengeance Trilogy" — "Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance" (2002), "Oldboy" and "Sympathy for Lady Vengeance" (2005) — gained early and significant recognition in France, where the festival is based, following his first major accolade at the festival.

The film's Grand Prix win in 2004 was also the first time a Korean film received a major award at the festival, marking a turning point in introducing Korean cinema to global audiences, as well as Park's works. French magazine Télérama even wrote that the trilogy "exported Korean cinema beyond its borders."

In the years that followed, Park developed a cult audience in France for his distinctive cinematic style and was frequently described within French cinephile circles as an auteur marked by stylistic intensity. Reflecting its enduring popularity, the trilogy was rereleased in French theaters in 2024.

Park also served as a jury member at the 2017 Cannes Film Festival, presided over by Pedro Almodóvar.

By contrast, Bong Joon-ho — while equally regarded as an influential filmmaker and widely acclaimed by critics — has pursued a more active trajectory in Hollywood. His films tend to be more accessible to broader audiences, blending genre entertainment with sharp social satire. He has collaborated with major international studios, including Warner Bros. and Netflix, on English-language productions such as "Okja" (2017) and "Mickey 17" (2025).

As such, this foundation, along with Park's longstanding relationship with the festival, may have led to Park's appointment, critics say.

"The Cannes Film Festival is, after all, a festival held in France, and no matter how fairly it tries to judge, the perspectives of the French film community are likely to be reflected to some extent," pop culture critic Sung Sang-min said. "It's not that Bong's work hasn't been well received, but Park's 'Vengeance Trilogy' drew significant attention in France, even in a time when Korean cinema, more broadly Asian cinema, had far less global recognition."

"I do believe that the festival may have been more inclined to appoint a director who had, in many ways, left a strong impression on the French film scene."

Sustaining a high level of artistic achievement and public recognition over time is also no easy task for a director. And Park is regarded as a figu...

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

Israeli Ambassador to Seoul Rafael Harpaz said Thursday that Israel's airstrikes on Iran were driven in part by "lessons" drawn from the failure of the United States and South Korea to stop North Korea's nuclear program in the 1990s.

Speaking to reporters in Gwanghwamun, central Seoul, Harpaz said the ongoing U.S.-Israeli military operation — which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on Saturday — was intended to prevent Tehran from reaching the kind of nuclear breakout point that Pyongyang passed decades ago.

"We learned the lessons from what happened here between 1994 and 1996, which is approximately when North Korea's nuclear program reached the point of no return," he said.

Harpaz portrayed the decision by the administration of then-U.S. President Bill Clinton to pursue diplomacy with Pyongyang as a cautionary tale.

"The decision back then was not to take action," he said. "Now, North Korea possesses 40, 50, 60 nuclear warheads."

He added that Israel attacked Iran "exactly so that [it] won't be in the same situation 10 years later."

Harpaz described the operation — codenamed "Epic Fury" by the United States and "Roaring Lion" by Israel — as a joint effort by the two countries to "save the free world" from "an extreme regime that combines a radical Islamic ideology with weapons of mass destruction."

Harpaz pointed to Iran's missile strikes across the region in retaliation as an illustration of the security threat posed by Tehran.

"Civilian targets, such as airports and shopping malls, were attacked in Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and many more," he said, gesturing to a map showing countries struck by Iranian missiles in recent days.

The Israeli envoy also argued that Iran is intent on crippling the global economy by attempting to close the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly 20 percent of the world's liquefied gas and 25 percent of seaborne oil trade pass annually.

The Israeli ambassador further argued that the attack was "preemptive" in character, saying intelligence indicated that Iran was reconstructing its nuclear and missile programs after last year's conflict with Israel and the United States.

"Since the war last June, Iran has been trying to rebuild its nuclear program — this time by digging and building facilities deep underground so that even large American bombs cannot reach them," he said.

He also said that Tehran had begun production of ballistic missiles on a "massive" scale so that "there would not be a single country in the world capable of stopping" a barrage.

Preemptive military action, which refers to measures undertaken to stop or thwart an imminent attack, can be considered lawful under some interpretations of international law. Critics of the U.S.-Israeli campaign, however, say the two countries launched a preventive war aimed at stopping a potential future threat, a rationale generally viewed as illegal.

During the question-and-answer session, Harpaz cited Iran's enrichment of uranium to 60 percent — well beyond the five-percent level typically required for civilian energy production — as evidence that Tehran is pursuing a nuclear weapons capability. He also claimed that Iran would "definitely use nuclear weapons" if it successfully develops them.

When asked by the Korea JoongAng Daily whether attacking Iran could paradoxically harden North Korea's resolve to retain its own nuclear arsenal, Harpaz insisted the focus should remain on Iran's conduct, which he said included misleading the international community about the nature of its nuclear program.

However, Harpaz did not offer a clear benchmark for whether the conflict would end with the destruction of Iran's nuclear and missile capabilities or with the fall of its government. Like Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Harpaz said the campaign would not be "open-ended," and that it would terminate when the threat posed by Iran is "no more."

Earlier in ...

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice.

Iran's top diplomat in Seoul warned Thursday that the potential mobilization of the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) for the escalating conflict in the Middle East would be an "adventurist" move that would effectively treat South Korea as a logistical platform for external wars.

"The United States often acts as if the land hosting its overseas bases is its own, bypassing the consent of host nations," Ambassador Saeed Koozechi said through an interpreter at a press conference held at the Iranian Embassy in Seoul, addressing reports of potential U.S. troop reallocations. "We cannot rule out [retaliatory] efforts if the U.S. attempts to utilize military capabilities, weapons or troop deployments from South Korea. If the U.S. pursues such adventurist actions […] it will likely lead to many casualties."

The ambassador's remarks come amid heightened speculation over "strategic flexibility," a doctrine that allows the United States to redeploy its Korea-based assets to other global hotspots.

Earlier in the day, local media reported that Seoul and Washington were "in consultations" on the deployment of USFK assets to the Middle East, while Seoul's Ministry of National Defense remained cautious toward a confirmation.

In a separate press release, the embassy underscored that Iran's countermeasures are strictly guided by the "principle of responding to aggression."

"Tehran's military operations are exclusively targeted at forces complicit in attacks on Iranian territory and the specific military bases utilized for those strikes," it wrote.

Regarding the growing anxiety over global energy supplies, Koozechi clarified that Tehran has not taken the step of formally closing the Strait of Hormuz — a vital artery for South Korean crude oil imports.

"We have made no official announcement to blockade the Strait," the envoy said, adding that shipping companies and insurers appear to be acting cautiously amid the conflict.

Koozechi also took aim at Seoul's diplomatic stance, characterizing it as "insufficient" for a country of its economic stature. On Monday, two days after the reported death of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Park Il, the spokesperson for Seoul's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, issued a measured statement aligning with Washington's justification for the strikes as a pre-emptive move to stop Iran's nuclear development.

"South Korea is leading in business and economy, and we expect Seoul to play a more active role in stopping this conflict," he said, drawing a comparison with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez's vocal condemnation of the military strikes.

On the other hand, Koozechi expressed formal gratitude for North Korea's recent condemnation.

"Iran and North Korea share a close relationship," he said. "We appreciate North Korea's stance in condemning this aggression."

The envoy further characterized the current situation as a breakdown of global order, saying that those who fail to speak out are allowing the world to revert to the "law of the jungle," where international charters and constitutions are ignored in favor of raw military power.

He dismissed recent antigovernment protests held by a segment of the community — estimated at around 100 people out of approximately 3,000 Iranians in the country — as a marginal group that has "lost touch with their homeland."

"It is deeply regrettable to see Iranians waving the flag of the Israeli regime, especially after the tragedy in June where 1,200 of our people were killed," the envoy said. "Those who welcome foreign aggression against their own country cannot be considered Iranian. I would say Iranian blood doesn't flow in their veins."

The ambassador specifically criticized protesters for holding portraits of the exiled Pahlavi Crown Prince, accusing the former royal family of remaining silent on the deaths of 165 Iranian schoolgirls in a bombing.

"One may criticize their government," Koozechi added. "But t...

This article is by Cho Mun-gyu and read by an artificial voice.

Seven Korean oil tankers have been unable to pass through the Strait of Hormuz, including vessels operated by HD Hyundai Oilbank and GS Caltex, following its closure amid military clashes involving the United States, Israel and Iran, according to industry sources on Thursday.

Democratic Party lawmaker Kim Young-bae, the party's floor leader on the National Assembly's Foreign Affairs and Unification Committee, briefed reporters on the situation in the Middle East the same day after a meeting with representatives from the petrochemical, refining and trade industries at the Assembly building in Yeouido, western Seoul.

"Petrochemical and refining companies reported that seven domestic oil tankers are currently stuck in the Strait of Hormuz," Kim said. "They called for countermeasures for the stranded vessels and also asked for support measures such as refund programs given the restructuring pressures faced by the refining sector."

Among the seven vessels, one crude oil tanker is carrying about 2 million barrels of oil, equivalent to Korea's daily crude consumption.

Industry representatives urged the government to develop detailed response scenarios based on sector-specific crude demand and prepare contingency plans.

"Seven ships are stuck near the strait and cannot move into routes returning to Korea," said a business source who asked for anonymity. "If the situation persists, it could disrupt the country's crude oil supply."

The Strait of Hormuz is a critical shipping route, through which roughly 27 percent of global seaborne oil trade passes. Although the strait is about 55 kilometers (34 miles) wide, the navigable channel for oil tankers is less than 10 kilometers, all within Iranian territorial waters.

Korea relies heavily on the region for its oil supply. As of last year, 69.1 percent of Korea's crude imports came from the Middle East, and more than 95 percent of those shipments passed through the Strait of Hormuz. As a result, a prolonged closure of the strait could significantly affect domestic industries that depend on Middle Eastern crude.

"If the Strait of Hormuz remains closed for a long period, transportation costs per liter will rise and there will be a greater burden in diversifying supply sources," Kim said, adding that even if alternative shipping routes are secured, higher transportation costs would be unavoidable.

The meeting also highlighted potential medium-to-long-term concerns for the semiconductor industry — particularly regarding helium, an essential material in semiconductor production. Around 90 percent of Korea's supply of helium is imported from the Middle East.

Kim noted that several data centers were scheduled to be built in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and delays caused by the regional situation could disrupt semiconductor supply and demand.

"Disruptions in supplies of key semiconductor materials such as helium sourced from the UAE could affect semiconductor production," Kim said. "They also expressed concerns that rising oil prices could push up electricity costs in Korea, ultimately raising production costs and undermining price competitiveness."

Industry leaders also called for more detailed energy supply scenarios covering crude oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG).

"While the government holds energy reserves equivalent to 208 days of supply, there is a need for more concrete contingency plans," Kim said. "Although the peak winter demand for gas has passed, companies have stressed the need to diversify LNG supply sources given the difficulty of storing LNG."

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Ha Nam-hyun and read by an artificial voice.

Singer and actor Kim Jun-su is widely regarded as one of the most bankable performers in Korea's musical theater scene. Some even say that the first day he stepped onto the musical stage in "Mozart!", the former TVXQ reshaped the entire musical scene in Korea.

Even 16 years after his musical debut, fans must still fight through a fierce "ticketing war" to score tickets to his shows. The Korean premiere of the musical "Aladdin," which he headlined, ranked No. 1 in gross musical ticket sales for 2024 and the first half of 2025, according to the Korea Performing Arts Box Office Information System.

The Korean production of the musical "Beetlejuice" has also seen every performance featuring Kim sell out from December to the end of March. For "Death Note," which runs through May, tickets for his scheduled appearances are already sold out through March 29.

But despite his popularity and talent, he has been knocked for "playing it safe." That, Kim hopes, will end with his new endeavor in "Beetlejuice."

"I wanted the public to stop seeing me as an actor with a limited range," Kim said in an interview at a cafe in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, on Feb. 23.

Kim is best known as a former member of the popular K-pop boy band TVXQ, which debuted in 2003.

"'Beetlejuice' was so challenging because it drastically deviated from my previous works. I kept asking myself, 'Why did I choose to do this?'"

Based on its namesake 1988 film directed by Tim Burton, "Beetlejuice" is a musical about the eccentric ghost and the trouble that unfolds after he meets a human girl named Lydia.

Conventionally, Kim is best known for portraying tragic roles in productions such as "Elisabeth" and "Dracula," shows much more grounded and less flashy than his new show. He chose to take on an unexpected role of Beetlejuice in the face of a tonal shift — because he sensed a larger shift happening in the audience itself.

"In Korea, productions with darker narratives and lyrical music had long been favored. But seeing the success of quirky, exciting musicals like 'Kinky Boots' and 'Aladdin,' I felt the audiences' tastes had changed," Kim said. "I thought 'Beetlejuice' added a unique touch of black comedy to the quirky musical genre, so I decided to challenge myself by stepping into a comedic musical for the first time."

The actor believes his public perception may also have changed after "Beetlejuice."

"When my casting was first announced, some audience members reacted with confusion. There had been comments that I carefully chose roles that suited me and that I wasn't an actor with a wide range of acting spectrum. I believed that if I pulled this off, such critics would no longer follow me," Kim confessed.

Rather than strictly adhering to the original film, Kim added his own touch to bring Beetlejuice to life.

"It may feel somewhat different from the original version, but I tried to add a touch of cuteness, like Casper the Friendly Ghost, instead of portraying him as a grotesque monster," Kim explained. "The production team was on board as well. If I had been forced to adhere strictly to the original film, it would have been difficult for me to take on the role."

Starting March 10, Kim will also reprise his role of L in "Death Note," a musical based on the famous manga of the same name. The show focuses on the battle between a genius high school student, Light, and detective L over a notebook that can kill anyone whose name is written in it. Kim has played L since the show's 2015 premiere and is returning for the fourth production.

"Although it's the same character, reinterpreting the character from my previous performances is another challenge," Kim said.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Ko Suk-hyun and read by an artificial voice.

BUSAN — No more incidents like with the Titanic? A 24-hour AI autonomous navigation system is beginning to take a more active role on the bridge of a large container ship sailing the Pacific, with its operators saying it can help plot routes, guide the vessel's speed and improve collision avoidance.

HMM has been testing the solution on the 13,000-twenty-foot-equivalent-unit (TEU) HMM Emerald and plans to expand its application across its fleet.

"It feels like we've gained one more savvy navigator for the long ocean-crossing voyage," said Park Sang-hyun, the captain of the HMM Emerald, referring to the Hyundai Intelligent Navigation Assistant System (HiNAS), an AI-powered autonomous navigation solution, on Feb. 26.

Park, a veteran with 23 years at sea and nine years as a captain under his belt, said the system has proven its worth.

The 13,000-TEU container ship has been undergoing trial operations since November 2024 as the first HMM vessel to adopt HiNAS. The system was developed by Avikus, an autonomous navigation firm under HD Hyundai Group, and has supported the ship on trips totaling 100,000 nautical miles, or about 176,600 kilometers (109,700 miles).

HMM plans to introduce HiNAS to 40 vessels by the end of this year.

The HMM Emerald, which operates an eight-week round trip between Busan and Los Angeles on a U.S. West Coast route, measures 335 meters (1,100 feet) long, 51 meters wide and 66 meters high, roughly comparable to a 10-story apartment building. A total of 23 people are on board, including Korean deck and engine officers and Filipino crew.

Stepping onto the ship, which had arrived at Busan Port overnight, the heavy smell of fuel lingered in the sea wind. The highest point on board, the compass deck, was packed with observation equipment, such as radar detectors. There, the HiNAS navigation camera unit, a box-shaped device about 31 to 33 centimeters (12 to 13 inches) by 24 centimeters, is installed.

"Six cameras — three optical and three infrared — serve as the ship's eyes both day and night," said Kim Hyeon-jae, a lead at Avikus. "Using data [from the cameras], the AI keeps the vessel on its planned track and maintains its speed according to preset conditions."

The collected data is transmitted via cables to the bridge, where the helm, charts and communications equipment are located. On a large monitor in the chart room, a video feed of real-time conditions in front of the ship appears alongside information regarding the route, speed, water depth, rudder angle and nearby vessels.

Jeon Tae-young, the HMM Emerald's second officer, said HiNAS's capabilities go beyond what earlier autopilots could do. "The autopilot functions on existing ships largely focus on [the vessel's direction]," Jeon said. "HiNAS can set an optimal route on its own and sail based on that route."

"If the navigator inputs the desired arrival time for a destination, the system automatically calculates guidance for optimal engine revolutions per minute and speed by factoring in real-time weather and routing," Jeon added. "We're working with the AI by analyzing a range of navigation data in real time to improve efficiency and keep precisely to the planned track."

HiNAS also includes a collision-avoidance function that detects other vessels and supports evasive maneuvers.

"When another ship enters a set range, [the system] alerts the navigator and, if necessary, can alter course to avoid it and then return to the original route," Kim said. Jeon said the feature is most useful in open-ocean stretches with little traffic, while manual control remains the norm in congested waters.

Pilot testing post-HiNAS adoption showed annual fuel savings of 2.5 to 4.5 percent, along with accompanying reductions in carbon emissions, according to HMM. A large ship's annual fuel bill typically runs about 10 billion to 20 billion won ($6.8 million to $13.6 million), and Avikus said fuel savings alon...