Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice.

Incheon Mayor Yoo Jeong-bok signed agreements this week with two British private schools as the port city moves to expand its role as an international education hub.

The Incheon Metropolitan City said on Wednesday that Yoo visited Wycombe Abbey and the Rugby School during an official trip to Britain on Tuesday, seeking to strengthen cooperation on the establishment of international schools and the city's reputation as an education center.

At Wycombe Abbey, a historic school in Buckinghamshire that was founded in 1896, Yoo toured campus facilities and signed a memorandum of understanding with Peter Warren, the school's chairman of council. The agreement outlines cooperation on the creation of a new campus in Incheon, Wycombe Abbey's obligation to comply with Korean regulations and the division of responsibilities between the school and the Incheon Free Economic Zone (IFEZ) during the preparatory phase, according to city officials.

The two sides plan to finalize a formal project agreement in the first half of the year and open the school in the second half of 2028. The IFEZ is currently reviewing construction plans for classrooms and related facilities on the site.

Wycombe Abbey was selected last year as the preferred bidder to establish a school in Midan City, an international district on Yeongjong Island, where Incheon International Airport is located.

Yoo also traveled to Warwickshire to visit the Rugby School, a 450-year-old institution widely regarded as one of Britain's elite schools and known as the birthplace of rugby football. Founded in 1567, the school's alumni include the writer Lewis Carroll, the cultural critic Matthew Arnold and the former British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain.

During meetings with Chair of Governors Nicholas Bacon and Head Master Gareth Parker-Jones, Yoo inspected the campus and discussed plans to open a new international school in Songdo. A separate MOU signed that day reflects the Rugby School's interest in establishing that campus and Incheon's commitment to reviewing the proposal through administrative channels.

"Talent development is the driving force behind Incheon's vision to become a global top 10 city," Yoo said in a press release.

"The establishment of international schools is essential to building a truly global educational environment," he added.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

NAMYANGJU, Gyeonggi — Always the first to enter when flames erupt — advancing into smoke-choked corridors to secure visibility, pinpoint the ignition source and chart a path for firefighters who follow.

Capable of projecting a powerful stream of water up to 50 meters with calibrated precision, they operate where human approach is perilous.

They are unmanned firefighting robots, developed by Hyundai Motor Group, with four units donated to Korea's National Fire Agency as part of the Korean conglomerate's commitment to protecting firefighters from death or injury. Over the past decade, a total of 1,802 firefighters were injured or killed in the line of duty.

Built on the electricity-driven multipurpose unmanned platform "HR-Sherpa" by Hyundai Rotem, the robots are equipped with a forward-mounted water cannon, a self-protection spray system, enhanced-vision cameras and a remote command unit.

Engineered to endure searing heat and blinding smoke, they are intended to execute suppression missions remotely, standing in for firefighters at the most treacherous of front lines.

The front-mounted water cannon features a nozzle capable of both direct-jet and dispersed spray patterns, allowing operators to adapt to shifting fire conditions. The robot can withstand external temperatures of up to 800 degrees Celsius and still maintain its internal systems at a comparatively stable 50 to 60 degrees.

The enhanced-vision camera mounted above the front assembly cuts through dense smoke, detecting ignition points and potential victims with notable clarity. The wireless remote-control interface streams real-time footage to operators, who can maneuver the vehicle and modulate suppression functions from a safe remove.

The robots are also fitted with luminescent hoses, which enable firefighters to advance more swiftly along an illuminated path while guiding trapped civilians toward safety by following the beam of light outward.

"We aim to produce 100 of these robots and distribute them nationwide in order create a safer working environment for our firefighters," said Euisun Chung, the executive chair of Hyundai Motor Group, at the donation event in Namyangju, Gyeonggi.

"As a manufacturing company — as an automaker — I believe it is incumbent upon us to do everything within our capacity." He added, "We hope the unmanned firefighting robots donated today will move one step ahead into danger and serve as steadfast teammates securing your safety."

Of the four units donated, two have already been stationed with specialized 119 rescue teams in the Seoul area and the Yeongnam region, where they are already operational. The remaining two are scheduled for deployment next month to fire headquarters in southern Gyeonggi and South Chungcheong.

Hyundai has been accelerating its support for firefighters in recent years. In 2023, it donated 10 rehabilitation support vehicles to fire departments nationwide, providing rest and recovery facilities designed with frontline input.

Hyundai developed and contributed 250 units of the "EV-Drill Lance," a penetrating suppression device that injects water directly into electric-vehicle battery packs to combat thermal runaway fires last year.

The company also plans to supply medical vehicles and equipment to the National Fire Hospital, Korea's first dedicated medical institution for firefighters, scheduled to open in June.

The author is an architect and a former president of the Korea National University of Arts.

In the first century B.C., the Iberian Peninsula, once ruled by Carthage, became the Roman province of Hispania after Rome's victory in the Punic Wars. A settlement established at the western edge for retired legionaries, Augusta Emerita, later grew into Mérida, the largest city in the region. Initially founded to support the development of nearby gold mines, the city prospered as a key hub along the inland trade route known as the Silver Way.

After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, the city declined under the rule of Germanic tribes and later Islamic Moors. Yet Mérida retained major remnants of Roman civilization, including aqueducts, bridges, temples, triumphal arches, an amphitheater and a theater, earning it the reputation of being "Rome within Spain."

Excavations around the amphitheater uncovered extensive remains, including Roman roads, water systems, residential structures and finely crafted sculptures. To preserve these ruins and display the artifacts, authorities decided to construct a site museum directly above the archaeological remains.

The National Museum of Roman Art in Mérida, opened in 1986, was designed by Spanish architect Rafael Moneo. Moneo has emphasized that architecture should begin by revealing the character of a place and by drawing on local building traditions, a concept often described as architectural "terroir." For this project, the central challenge was to establish a dialogue between ancient Roman ruins and modern construction technology separated by two millennia.

The exhibition halls are defined by a series of stacked brick arches, while the structural frame is reinforced concrete concealed behind the masonry. The long, slender bricks are not Roman originals but specially manufactured modern materials. Although the space evokes the atmosphere of a Roman basilica, the gallery, formed by the repetition of ten parallel walls, creates a distinctly contemporary interior.

Natural light enters through high clerestory windows, giving the galleries a clarity that recalls an open-air archaeological site. In contrast, the basement level, where actual excavation remains are preserved, uses tightly arranged brick arches to create a deliberate tension between the ancient ruins and the modern structure.

The museum's collection, which includes intricate mosaics and highly realistic sculptures, represents some of the finest Roman artifacts in Spain. Yet the architecture itself is equally significant. By creating a setting that feels like a plausible but reconstructed past, the building presents what critics have described as a "conceptual archaeology" — an architectural approach to accommodating historical time within a contemporary spatial experience.

This synthesis of history and modernity became one of Moneo's most celebrated works and contributed to his receiving the Pritzker Architecture Prize in 1996.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The phrase "double down" has taken on new meaning in Korea's exchange-traded fund (ETF) market. Leveraged ETFs tracking the Kospi and Kosdaq have become a magnet for retail investors seeking to maximize returns in a rising market. The surge of funds into these high-risk products has helped propel Korea's stock market into one of the world's hottest this year.

According to the Korea Exchange, individual investors have poured 13 trillion won ($9 billion) into domestic equity ETFs so far this year, more than twice their net purchases of individual stocks, which totaled 6.3 trillion won. The scale of these inflows has become a powerful force supporting the broader market.

At the center of the trading frenzy are leveraged ETFs. Although they account for only about 3.7 percent of total ETF assets, they represent roughly one-fifth of total ETF trading volume this year.

Leveraged ETFs are inherently high-risk products. They are designed to track the daily performance of an underlying index by a fixed multiple. A two-times leveraged ETF rises about 2 percent when the index gains 1 percent, but it also falls twice as much when the market declines. In an upward cycle, the returns appear especially attractive. In a downturn, the losses can be severe.

Despite the possibility of sharp swings, investors continue to flock to these products because of their performance. As of Friday, leveraged ETFs dominated the top ranks of ETF returns this year, with several products posting gains exceeding 100 percent. Such figures have drawn in investors willing to take on substantial risk.

The number of first-time participants is also rising quickly. In January alone, about 167,000 people completed the mandatory training course on leveraged ETFs offered by the Korea Financial Investment Association. That figure equals 81.5 percent of the total number who completed the program in all of last year. Under current rules, investors must complete the course before trading leveraged ETFs. On Jan. 26, the surge in applicants briefly overwhelmed the training website.

Concerns about the boom have come not only from domestic observers but also from abroad. The Financial Times reported on Sunday that the surge in leveraged ETF trading reflects a combination of factors, including retail investors who missed last year's strong rally and government efforts to redirect funds from overseas markets back into domestic equities.

Market analysts say individual investors are increasingly driven by "FOMO," or the "fear of missing out." In a market that continues to hit record highs, many prioritize short-term gains over risk management. Government policy has also contributed to the shift. The administration of President Lee Jae Myung has sought to encourage investment in financial assets rather than real estate while promoting shareholder value through corporate governance reforms.

To attract funds back from overseas markets, the government has introduced tax incentives that reduce capital gains taxes on foreign stocks if investors sell them and reinvest the proceeds in domestic equities for at least one year, up to a ceiling of 50 million won.

The Financial Times also pointed to plans to introduce single-stock leveraged ETFs as early as the second quarter, calling the move evidence of a relatively permissive policy stance toward high-risk products. Regulators are preparing to allow two-times leveraged ETFs tracking major individual stocks such as Samsung Electronics and SK hynix.

Until now, investors seeking amplified returns from individual stocks have traded such products in overseas markets, including the United States and Hong Kong.

Expanding investment options to revitalize the domestic market may be justified. However, the potential impact of highly volatile single-stock leveraged products requires careful assessment. While the Financial Times warned that many retail investors may not fully understand the risk...

The author is a chair professor of economics at Seoul National University.

Politics is difficult. Human beings are inherently contradictory and when they divide into camps and clash, it is hard to imagine any politician aligning those conflicts into a consistent solution that satisfies everyone. That is why politics demands special qualities. Max Weber called it a vocation for this reason. Just as scholars endure days of reflection over a single number or word, politicians who lack a deep commitment to a larger cause risk becoming mere political operatives. As Weber observed, politics is "a strong and slow boring of hard boards with passion and perspective." Those who lack such qualities would do better not entering politics at all.

What, then, is the larger cause of the People Power Party? Like Martin Luther's declaration, "Here I stand; I can do no other," what conviction should be engraved in the hearts of Korea's conservative politicians? Yet today in Yeouido, the voice of statesmen seems absent, replaced by the noise of political maneuvering.

Supporters at the ideological extremes, often unaware that they themselves fuel conflict, seek to pull politicians toward their own beliefs. Meanwhile, those in the broad middle, concerned with the stability of the community and seeking a wider perspective, remain quiet observers, sometimes sighing in frustration. What cause can speak to them?

The British House of Lords once summarized the life of Benjamin Disraeli, widely regarded as one of the greatest Conservative prime ministers, as driven by a single passion: devotion to a great Britain. Korean conservatism must ask when it will be guided not by tactics to mobilize polarized supporters but by a similar commitment to the nation as a whole.

The core values of conservatism are self-reliance and freedom. Self-reliance is the capacity to build one's life without dependence on others. Freedom is the power to realize one's potential through voluntary choice. Conservatives believe excessive welfare or regulation, often associated with progressive excess, undermines self-reliance and constrains freedom.

Politicians who advocate these values must embody them. Yet the People Power Party appears reluctant to stand on its own, instead relying on external forces and a small group of online influencers for political charisma. A party that outsources one of the essential qualities of political leadership risks losing credibility as a conservative force. True conservative leadership requires courage. Charisma grows from taking risks and confronting difficult choices, not from avoiding them.

Empathy is the spirit of conservatism and reform its outcome. Self-reliance cannot flourish on an uneven playing field. While progressives often turn first to welfare, conservatives emphasize institutional reform. Disraeli argued that if the wealthy ignored the struggles of the poor, the freedom of society as a whole would eventually collapse. He expanded voting rights to urban skilled workers and pursued reforms that improved housing, public health and labor protections.

These reforms reflected empathy. Adam Smith also stressed that the foundation of a market economy is the ability to see from another's perspective. The future of Korean conservatism depends on how deeply it understands the hardships of working families and the efforts of the middle class.

Conservatism is grounded in what may be called humble pessimism. It does not believe that even sweeping reform can create a utopia. Smith emphasized the limits of human knowledge and judgment. Because truth is difficult to know and even harder to achieve, he warned against excessive political intervention that treats society like a chessboard.

This humility should guide reform. Ideals matter but so do real-world constraints. Voters also need patience, recognizing that politics is an imperfect process shaped by compromise and conflict. In a deeply divided society like Korea, sharp scrutiny is necessar...

Stock markets are booming and exports continue to set monthly records. Yet beneath the economic momentum, one key indicator is moving in the opposite direction: youth employment.

According to data released by the Ministry of Data and Statistics on Tuesday, the number of jobs held by workers in their 20s and younger fell by 127,000 in the third quarter of last year compared with the same period a year earlier. This contrasts with an overall increase of 139,000 jobs across the economy. Youth employment has declined for 12 consecutive quarters.

Other indicators point to the same trend. While the overall employment rate for those aged 15 and older reached a record 61 percent in January, the rate for young people aged 15 to 29 stood at just 43.6 percent, the lowest level since 2021, when the economy was still affected by the Covid-19 shock.

Job losses among young workers are also outpacing demographic decline. The population in their 20s fell 3.5 percent from a year earlier, but the number of wage earners in that age group dropped 5.5 percent. The decline was even sharper for regular positions, often considered more stable employment, which fell 7.9 percent.

At this point, the deterioration in youth employment appears more structural than cyclical. Companies have steadily moved away from large-scale open recruitment toward rolling hiring and experienced workers. This shift reflects rising labor costs within a rigid employment system as well as a widening gap between industrial demand and the skills produced by the education system.

The rapid spread of AI is adding further pressure, with early-career and entry-level positions particularly vulnerable to automation. As job prospects weaken, the number of young people classified as neither working nor seeking employment has exceeded 700,000. Some observers warn of the emergence of a Korean version of a "lost generation."

If the problem is structural, the response must be structural as well. Calling in major business leaders and urging them to expand hiring is unlikely to produce lasting results. More fundamental policy changes may be needed to improve labor market flexibility and reduce regulatory burdens that discourage job creation.

President Lee Jae Myung has acknowledged the dilemma, saying that while job security is important, improving overall job quality also requires alternative approaches that increase labor flexibility.

The key issue is already well understood. What matters now is the speed of policy response. Even as the broader economy shows signs of strength, employment opportunities for young people continue to disappear.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

[EXPLAINER]

South Korea finds itself once again at a crossroads over how far it can align with Western nations in supporting Ukraine without inviting Russian retaliation on the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Tuesday.

The trigger this time is Seoul's possible participation in the Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL), a NATO-led program launched in July last year that coordinates and finances weapons and supplies for Kyiv.

Although South Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Friday that it is only in "consultations" with NATO on measures to support Ukraine, Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova responded by saying that Moscow could retaliate if Seoul joins the initiative.

The dispute threatens to spoil a potential thaw in relations between Russia and South Korea. As recently as January, Russian President Vladimir Putin said he hoped ties could recover after the prolonged chill that followed Seoul's decision to join Western sanctions against Moscow.

Russia had previously designated South Korea an "unfriendly country," and relations further deteriorated as Moscow deepened military cooperation with Pyongyang — first receiving weapons and ammunition, and later personnel to support its war effort in Ukraine.

The brewing spat over PURL raises the possibility that a tentative opening in Seoul-Moscow relations could close before it fully emerges.

What is South Korea's role in the war?

Since the start of Russia's invasion in 2022, South Korea has supported Ukraine politically and financially. Still, it has officially withheld direct military support, in line with its longstanding policy of not sending lethal weapons to countries engaged in active conflict.

That policy is partly rooted in South Korea's own security environment. Because of the technically still ongoing war with Pyongyang, Seoul maintains large stockpiles to preserve deterrence on the peninsula.

Ukraine has nonetheless repeatedly sought military aid from South Korea. As the conflict evolved into a war of attrition, Kyiv appealed for artillery shells, air defense systems and other weapons that South Korea is uniquely positioned to supply. For example, according to several analyses, South Korea can produce 200,000 155-millimeter shells per year, compared to the United States' annual production capacity of just 90,000 shells.

Still, Seoul resisted granting such requests, even after former President Yoon Suk Yeol suggested that policy could change if Russia's cooperation with North Korea deepened. Domestic political caution, diplomatic calculation and fears of provoking Moscow all reinforced Seoul's refusal to arm Kyiv directly.

Has Seoul not provided any weapons?

South Korea's refusal to provide direct arms transfers did not mean it remained entirely outside the military dimension of the war. At key moments, Seoul became a quiet but significant indirect contributor to Kyiv's war effort.

The clearest example involved 155-millimeter artillery shells. South Korea supplied hundreds of thousands of shells to the United States in 2024 under agreements stipulating that Washington would be the end user. In practice, however, such arrangements likely allowed the United States to replenish its own stocks after transferring ammunition to Ukraine.

A similar pattern emerged through defense exports to European countries such as Poland, which purchased South Korean-made systems while sending older Soviet-era equipment to Ukraine.

As a result, analysts increasingly described South Korea as one of the most consequential indirect suppliers supporting Kyiv's military sustainability, even without overt arms transfers.

Yet limits persist. Seoul has remained cautious about exporting certain categories of weapons, particularly missile systems. Some of South Korea's ballistic missile systems were developed with Russian technical cooperation after the Cold War, making the...

This article is by Sarah Chea, Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

With the Donald Trump administration moving to invoke an alternative trade law overseen by the United States Trade Representative (USTR), Korea is carefully reviewing a range of bills and regulations previously flagged by the USTR as unfair.

Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, now emerging as what some in Washington describe as Trump's "Plan B," carries no statutory ceiling on tariff rates and sectors. But even if Korea falls under the provision, experts say the country's key industries, such as semiconductors and automobiles, are expected to face limited impact.

While Korean carmakers are already subject to a 15 percent sectoral tariff reinstated despite the Supreme Court's decision, chipmakers such as Samsung Electronics and SK hynix supply a significant share of memory chips to the United States via Taiwan — a route that could shield them from potential reciprocal tariffs on semiconductors.

The USTR recently announced that it would examine whether major trading partners discriminate against U.S. companies in digital goods and services. The tariffs were imposed under Section 301 — the same authority Washington used to levy 25 percent duties on Chinese goods during Trump's first term.

Korea's trade surplus with the United States reached $49.5 billion last year.

What Washington has called 'unfair'

For years, the U.S. government has cited several Korean measures as de facto non-tariff barriers such as the efforts to legislate the Online Platform Act, restrictions on the overseas transfer of high-resolution geographic data, and limitations in agricultural and livestock markets, which may once again find themselves in the crosshairs.

The issue also intersects with the recent Coupang issue, as U.S. investors to the firm including GreenOaks and Altimeter Capital, petitioned the USTR last month to investigate what they described as Korean government actions affecting Coupang and to consider remedies under Section 301.

"Measures such as the Online Platform Act or agricultural market restrictions — long identified by the United States as non-tariff trade barriers — are likely to be raised as grounds for action under Section 301," said Shin Tong-chan, an international trade attorney at law firm Yulchon.

"Ordinarily, such investigations take nine months to a year," he added. "But given the urgency of the current administration, it may be concluded within five months, with announcements made sequentially as each country's review is completed."

The Online Platform Act has been championed by the governing Democratic Party as a means of curbing alleged unfair practices by dominant domestic platforms like Naver and Kakao and protecting small merchants.

Yet Washington has repeatedly objected, viewing the legislation as disproportionately affecting U.S. tech firms.

Uncertainty also surrounds digital regulations tied to high-precision mapping data, requested by U.S. companies such as Google and Apple.

Earlier this month, Google submitted supplementary documentation in support of its request to transfer 1:5,000-scale mapping data overseas. While the company is said to have accepted many government conditions, including masking sensitive security facilities, it reportedly did not include a commitment to establish a domestic data center, a major condition from the Korean government. A government review meeting is expected later this month.

Following the recent Supreme Court ruling, Trump signaled his intention to invoke Section 122 of the Trade Act to raise reciprocal tariffs to 15 percent as a temporary substitute for existing duties — a measure that may remain in effect for up to 150 days without additional congressional approval.

Tariffs risk backfiring on U.S. Big Tech

Industry experts broadly agree that imposing tariffs on semiconductors — whether universal, reciprocal or sector-specific — would hurt the AI industry as a whole. However, the bru...

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice.

A senior South Korean government official said Tuesday that the United States has not yet agreed to Seoul's push to restore a no-fly zone under an inter-Korean military accord, exposing lingering differences between the allies despite recent optimism emanating from the minister of unification.

"The U.S. side has not yet agreed, and close consultations are currently underway," the official said in a closed-door briefing at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Seoul.

The no-fly zone, tied to Seoul's broader intent to revive elements of the Sept. 19 inter-Korean military agreement of 2018 as part of its policies to reduce border tensions, has emerged as another variable intersecting with U.S. concerns about potential gaps in technical reconnaissance. Unification Minister Chung Dong-young publicly put restoring the Sept. 19 pact, including re-designating a no-fly zone, on the table on Wednesday after expressing regret over unauthorized civilian drone flights into North Korea.

Separately, United States Forces Korea reportedly voiced reluctance over what it views as South Korea's abrupt notice that the annual Freedom Shield exercise would be scaled down, according to local media reports, adding to strains in alliance coordination.

The remarks came as the senior government official sought to tamp down speculation that follow-up Seoul-Washington consultations — including talks involving nuclear-powered submarines and broader bilateral cooperation on nuclear energy and shipbuilding, in line with the implementation of a joint fact sheet that Seoul and Washington released in November of last year outlining agreements in the security and trade sectors — are being delayed for political reasons.

The official stressed that the delay is "a simple scheduling issue" and said a planned visit to Seoul by a pan-government U.S. negotiating team — initially expected in late February or early March — is now being delayed due to Washington's crowded agenda.

"U.S. political circumstances are hard to predict, and there are multiple complicated issues — the possibility of a war breaking out with Iran, Ukraine ceasefire discussions and preparations for a U.S.-China summit," the official said, adding that there is also "a technical issue" because the agenda requires interagency coordination such as among the U.S. Department of Energy, the Department of State and the National Security Council.

"If this is misread, it could fuel needless worries that there is a problem with implementing the joint fact sheet that the two sides produced after a successful leaders' summit," the official said, adding that Seoul is also keeping open the option of visiting Washington directly if the U.S. team's trip continues to face delays.

The official also said Seoul has sought to ease U.S. concerns about delays in the National Assembly's legislative process related to investment in the United States, stressing it should not be viewed as a "delaying tactic" but rather a democratic "due process."

Cho later told the National Assembly during a government questioning session on Feb. 9 that Greer warned tariffs would have to rise unless South Korea improves what the United States views as "nontariff" barriers — such as Seoul's push for online platform regulations that would affect U.S. tech firms including the U.S.-listed e-commerce company Coupang.

The South Korean foreign minister is set to depart for Canada to attend a "two-plus-two" meeting of foreign and defense ministers on Wednesday.

The meeting is expected to include the signing of an agreement on the protection of classified defense information, while Seoul also plans high-level outreach to support its bid for a Canadian submarine procurement project worth 60 trillion won ($41 billion), going head-to-head with Germany.

"The government has been making an all-out effort to win Canada's submarine procurement project," Cho told reporters at the ministry on Tuesda...

This article is by Yoon Seung-jin and read by an artificial voice.

[Hired in Korea]

As more internationals look to build careers in Korea, many find themselves facing practical hurdles — from limited guidance to a lack of firsthand experience. To bridge that gap, the Korea JoongAng Daily talks with professionals who have carved out their paths in diverse fields, offering readers real-world insights on how to start their careers in the country in this series "Hired in Korea."

Attracted by the music and aesthetics of K-pop groups such as Girls' Generation and EXO, Muhammad Naufal Bin Omar, from Malaysia, quickly fell in love with Korea — so much so that he studied hard to earn a trip to the country.

The visit deepened his passion, leading him to take part in a six-month exchange program at Semyung University in Jecheon, North Chungcheong, which ultimately prompted him to pursue further studies there. After completing a master's degree in graphic design, Bin Omar now works for cosmetics brand Glutanex under Nexus Pharma, where he manages social media content and public relations.

"I'm proud to be working for my company because I can witness the growth not only of the company but also of Korea's cosmetics industry itself," Bin Omar said in an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily. "In Southeast Asia, Korean cosmetics are everywhere, and they're reaching other corners of the world as well. I think it's really worth working in the cosmetics industry in Korea."

"Don't give up, because there are many opportunities here, and we never know exactly how things will play out. You may be hired because companies need you to enter the market where you're from, or you may take on a role that's not directly related to your major," he added.

The Korea JoongAng Daily sat down with Bin Omar to hear more about his journey, the challenges of being a professional in Korea and his advice for those hoping to build a career here.

Q. What is your role at the company, and how did you end up where you are?

A. I manage social media and marketing content, as well as press releases in both English and Korean.

When I first joined the company, I didn't apply for a full social media marketing role. I came in as a graphic designer because, as you know, your job in Korea usually needs to be closely linked to your field of study for visa purposes.

Because of that, I couldn't immediately switch into a pure social media marketing position. I initially joined as a graphic designer with some social media responsibilities, but over time, my role shifted more toward social media marketing.

For many international students, it can be helpful to start in a role that is clearly connected to their majors and then transition gradually. It's also important to give yourself time to adjust to the work environment and industry terminology.

Sometimes companies specifically look for social media specialists from Southeast Asia when they plan to expand into that market. I had an edge because the company was trying to expand into the Southeast Asian market, including Malaysia, Indonesia, Hong Kong, Thailand and the Philippines. So, I would definitely recommend keeping an eye out for those kinds of opportunities.

Do you have any memorable experiences from the job application process or tips for those looking for jobs?

While job hunting, I often asked my [senior colleagues] for CV formats and tips because resume styles in Korea are quite different. They tend to follow a much more structured and formal format. I definitely recommend doing the same, since expectations here may differ from your home country.

Along with the CV, preparing a strong design portfolio was very important. You should not simply upload everything you have ever done. Instead, carefully curate your best and most relevant work before going into interviews.

The interview process itself was mixed. Some went well, while others were a bit confusing. Sometimes I could not tell whether they liked my answers, and th...