Key: Rob’s comments are in italics, Derek’s comments in normal font.
Introduction to Economics
Our topic today is economics and an introduction to some of the key people throughout history that have helped develop economics and economic theory, because we think that understanding these people and their thinking helps to understand the world as it is today. So, I think, firstly, let's maybe just start by defining what is economics?
Okay, so I think if you asked 20 economists, you'd probably get 20 definitions. But, I mean, broadly, it's the theory about how resources are allocated between actors in society in response to financial signals. And perhaps it also touches on... how policies can be formulated to produce any specific outcome.
And from a sovereign finance lens, for us at individual level, this matters because it's the pool that we're swimming in, I guess?
It's the pool that we're swimming in, and we're constantly assailed by a confidently asserted statements and assertions from government and from spokesmen and pundits on the TV about what's happening in economic terms and what the reasons for this are and what there is to be done about it. And of course, there are enormous areas of controversy between followers of different prominent economic figures. I mean, probably in the 20th and 21st century, the tussle has been with the so-called Keynesians who feel that economic conditions for the population at large can be ameliorated by government intervention and the monetarists, people like Ludwig von Mises and Milton Friedman, who insists that the problems are caused by the government monkeying with the money supply and that the solution to it is sound money. And then, of course, there is the perennial argument between the free market and some kind of market controls.
The free market is suggesting that government should stay out of things entirely and leave it to the magic of the marketplace to produce the best result. And opponents to that view suggesting that free marketing just ends up with a small elite monopolizing the assets of society as a whole and everybody else being exploited to that end.
So if you're in that small elite, you probably want the narrative of the free markets to be the popularly accepted doctrine.
Economics as a ‘Science’
Exactly. Anyway, so I'm just going to give an outline of the main figures. I've mentioned Keynes and von Mises and Friedman. And I think the... The background to this is economics wanting to regard itself as a science, or rather economists wanting their subject matter to be regarded as a science.
So in a science you have various theories and by a mixture of experimentation and demonstration and rational discussion between scientists, you eventually decide that one theory is the best approximation to reality and others are discarded as being obsolete attempts to understand that area of reality. And so an idea that...
The arguments should be settled by concluding the one theory is right and the other one's wrong. Whereas what I'm going to suggest in the course of this talk is that, in fact... The theories put forward by one person were to address the most pressing problems of their time. And on the face of it, those of them were dealing with the problems that in their time, in their experience, were the most pressing ones. So let's go back and...
If I can just jump in, the reality of the world is very complicated. It's a complex system. So any theory you create on it is at best only going to be partially true, a true reflection of what's going on.
Well, this of course applies even to the hardest of the hard sciences. What you have is a model of reality which ignores certain aspects of it and focuses on others. And so definitely once you get into the realm of social sciences, that's going to be even more the case.
Just before we jump into these figures, I did an economics degree, a module as part of my degree, and quickly realised it was going to get very mathematically heavy very quickly, so did not pursue that. Is this kind of maths focus an element to help science?
Well, my theory, my perspective is that the intensely mathematical treatment is an attempt by economists to provide a veneer of respectability to their science.
It definitely made it unaccessible!
Yes, exactly. And what I would say is that a mathematical treatment is fine if the mathematical variables and the mathematical relationships are really congruent with reality. I mean, if you look at... mechanics in physics, you have forces, masses and accelerations, and they're built up by this equation Newton's second law of motion that acceleration equals force divided by mass. The point is that you can independently measure those variables. You can see that there is that relationship between them and you can verify whether that's the case or not. In the case of economics, the numbers that you're feeding into the equations are themselves so nebulous and so suspect. And the alleged relationship between one of those variables and another is itself grossly oversimplified at best, and possibly completely erroneous. And therefore, the phrase that comes to mind for me is the one from the computer world, garbage in, garbage out. It doesn't matter how sophisticated your calculations are, if the fundamental reality that they're mirroring is not represented in the relationships and the measurements that you're feeding in, the conclusions are going to be very little use. Once again, I would say that this speaks for itself in terms of the validity of predictions that are made in the realm of economics.
We're continuously being given the assertion that such and such a thing is going to happen over the next month or the next six months or the next year or the next five years. And almost invariably, it turns out not to be the case. If you had a physical theory that predicted that objects falling under gravity would have a certain outcome, a certain speed after a certain length of time, and then you did the measurements and found out that that wasn't the case, then you'd throw that theory out. Whereas economics seems to be oblivious to this. I've heard it many times. We're disappointed.
If employment rises from... X percent to X percent, then the theory states that certain things are going to happen, but then those things don't always happen because how are those people being employed? How are they spending the money that they're earning?
And I mean, interestingly, there have been very, very few economic predictions that have been vindicated over any substantial period of time. Interestingly, one of the ones that was extraordinarily accurate is that sometime in the 1860s, an economist called Our topic today is economics and an introduction to some of the key people throughout history that have helped develop economics and economic theory, because we think that understanding these people and their thinking helps to understand the world as it is today. So, I think, firstly, let's maybe just start by defining what is economics?
Okay, so I think if you asked 20 economists, you'd probably get 20 definitions. But, I mean, broadly, it's the theory about how resources are allocated between actors in society in response to financial signals. And perhaps it also touches on... how policies can be formulated to produce any specific outcome.
And from a sovereign finance lens, for us at individual level, this matters because it's the pool that we're swimming in, I guess?
It's the pool that we're swimming in, and we're constantly assailed by a confidently asserted statements and assertions from government and from spokesmen and pundits on the TV about what's happening in economic terms and what the reasons for this are and what there is to be done about it. And of course,
there are enormous areas of controversy between followers of different prominent economic figures. I mean, probably in the 20th and 21st century, The tussle has been with the so-called Keynesians who feel that economic conditions for the population at large can be ameliorated by government intervention and the monetarists, people like Ludwig von Mises and Milton Friedman,
who insists that the problems are caused by the government monkeying with the money supply and that the solution to it is sound money. And then, of course, there is the perennial argument between the free market and some kind of market controls with The free market is suggesting that government should stay out of things entirely
and leave it to the magic of the marketplace to produce the best result. And opponents to that view suggesting that free marketing just ends up with a small elite monopolizing the assets of society as a whole and everybody else being exploited to that end.
So if you're in that small elite, you probably want the narrative of the free markets to be the popularly accepted doctrine.
Exactly. Anyway, so I'm just going to give an outline of the main figures. I've mentioned Keynes and von Mises and Friedman. And I think the... The background to this is economics wanting to regard itself as a science, or rather economists wanting their subject matter to be regarded as a science.
So in a science you have various theories and by a mixture of experimentation and demonstration and rational discussion between scientists, you eventually decide that one theory is the best approximation to reality and others are discarded as being obsolete attempts to understand that area of reality. And so an idea that...
The arguments should be settled by concluding the one theory is right and the other one's wrong. Whereas what I'm going to suggest in the course of this talk is that, in fact... The theories put forward by one person were to address the most pressing problems of their time. And on the face of it,
those of them were dealing with the problems that in their time, in their experience, were the most pressing ones. So let's go back and...
If I can just jump in, the reality of the world is very complicated. It's a complex system. So any theory you create on it is at best only going to be partially true, a true reflection of what's going on.
Well, this of course applies even to the hardest of the hard sciences. What you have is a model of reality which ignores certain aspects of it and focuses on others. And so definitely once you get into the realm of social sciences, that's going to be even more the case.
Just before we jump into these figures, I did an economics degree, a module as part of my degree, and quickly realised it was going to get very mathematically heavy very quickly, so did not pursue that. Is this kind of maths focus an element to help science?
Well, my theory, my perspective is that... The intensely mathematical treatment is an attempt by economists to provide a veneer of respectability to their science.
It definitely made it unaccessible.
Yes, exactly. And what I would say is that A mathematical treatment is fine if the mathematical variables and the mathematical relationships are really congruent with reality. I mean, if you look at... mechanics in physics, you have forces, masses and accelerations, and they're built up by this equation Newton's second law of motion that
acceleration equals force divided by mass. The point is that you can independently measure those variables. You can see that there is that relationship between them and you can verify whether that's the case or not. In the case of economics, the numbers that you're feeding into the equations are themselves so nebulous and so suspect. And the...
alleged relationship between one of those variables and another is itself grossly oversimplified at best, and possibly completely erroneous. And therefore, the phrase that comes to mind for me is the one from the computer world, garbage in, garbage out. It doesn't matter how sophisticated your calculations are, if the fundamental
reality that they're mirroring is not represented in the relationships and the measurements that you're feeding in, the conclusions are going to be very little use. Once again, I would say that this speaks for itself in terms of the validity of predictions that are made in the realm of economics.
We're continuously being given the assertion that such and such a thing is going to happen over the next month or the next six months or the next year or the next five years. And almost invariably, it turns out not to be the case. If you had a physical theory that predicted that objects falling under gravity
would have a certain outcome, a certain speed after a certain length of time, and then you did the measurements and found out that that wasn't the case, then you'd throw that theory out. Whereas economics seems to be oblivious to this. I've heard it many times. We're disappointed.
If employment rises from... X percent to X percent, then the theory states that certain things are going to happen, but then those things don't always happen because how are those people being employed? How are they spending the money that they're earning?
Yeah.
And so on.
And I mean, interestingly, there have been very, very few economic predictions that have been vindicated over any substantial period of time. Interestingly, one of the ones that was extraordinarily accurate is that sometime in the 1860s, an economist called William Jevons predicted that within 100 years, Britain would run out of coal.
and would no longer be a major world power. This was regarded as inconceivable at the time. Britain was truly in the ascending. It was the most powerful nation on earth and it was gaining more power every decade. But in fact, by 1960, Britain's coal production was a small fraction of what it had been at its peak just
before the First World War, and Britain was indeed no longer a credible leading world power. Another pertinent long-term prediction was made by people who were not economists, and that's the group of MIT computer modelers who published the report to the Club of Rome in 1971, The Limits to Growth.
And I think we'll discuss that in more detail in another episode. But one thing I just would say, is that they didn't actually make predictions. They had produced various scenarios from their simulation of the world economy, one of which was called the business as usual, the reference run.
And they got embroiled in a great deal of controversy and criticism over that because it was dismissed as Malthusian and overly pessimistic. And it was not a prediction anyway. It was intended as a counterfactual. hypothetical projection and it was intended as a warning so that of what would
happen if we didn't change our policies but the policies didn't get changed and 50 years later we're almost exactly on track of that projection but as I said we'll talk about that in more detail in a different
I think in predicting the future, it's more about directional accuracy and the directional accuracy of the model appears to be correct in this case.
Yeah.
Whatever else you think about the club of Rome and whatever, but just looking at the models, but yeah, we'll... We'll talk about that next week. The other thing that came to mind as we were speaking was one of the first things I learned in economics was the Latin phrase, ceteris paribus, which means all else being held.
Yeah, all else being equal. So it's looking at one variable and just assuming that nothing else is going to change, which, of course, isn't the true reflection of the way the world works. Yeah, yeah.
We'll go into that again when we discuss the whole discipline of system dynamics of feedback mechanisms which can either reinforce other effects or they can inhibit or stabilise other effects. So we'll definitely go into that in a lot more detail later. I want to first of all review the three economists from the end of the 18th century,
Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and Thomas Maltage. And Adam Smith is often held up as a kind of poster boy for free market, laissez-faire economic theories.
Usually by people who clearly haven't read his work.
Yes, exactly. He pulled out one or two threads. I mean, one of them is the invisible hand of the marketplace. And what he was observing was that people collaborate because there is some advantage in it for themselves. I don't think anybody would quarrel with that. And they strike a balance.
But having said that, we've got to look at one or two things about what he meant by the marketplace. For one thing, in his time, the marketplace was a tangible, physical thing. You'd find the same vehicle there every week. Everybody would know one another. And it was in nobody's interest to give bad deals because...
If they did, very soon word would get around and people would stop dealing with them. Also, it was in an explicitly strongly Christian society and the biblical exaltation to do unto others as you have them do unto you was something that even if people struggled to, they couldn't be seen too flagrantly to be flouting.
Or again, they'd be socially ostracized.
This is true in hunter-gatherer societies as well, wasn't it? Where when humans lived in smaller groups, you couldn't have psychopaths because they'd be chucked out of the group. Yeah, absolutely.
Let's hope we get back to that situation on a larger scale soon. So... put forward this theory that the natural rate of pay for a labourer was the marginal increase of contribution they could make to the output. And of course, All of these three thinkers were just pre-industrial era. Virtually the entire economy was one of agricultural production.
Something like 80% of the population would be directly involved with producing agricultural produce. And one or two percent would be the ruling elite, who would be very wealthy off the back of everybody else. And then the rest in between would be various artisans and craftspersons. who would provide the other facilities for society. So the suggestion was that,
particularly if you're thinking about a farm, if the farm could get more value in terms of produce by hiring one extra labourer, they would do that, and if the pay of the extra labourer was more than the extra produce that they would produce, then it would make no sense to hire them.
And so the outcome of this was that it was inevitable that the majority of the population would be just barely living above subsistence level, because the there would always be somebody who was prepared to work for enough to keep themselves and their family alive. And so if anybody wanted more than that, they wouldn't be hired,
and the one who was prepared to accept a subsistence return would be hired. And of course, One way or another, this was a very convenient theory from the point of view of the ruling classes. And even when mechanization and industrialism got underway and productivity became much higher,
the wages of the common factory worker were pretty much at a minimal survival level. And it was only really with the rise of union power in the latter half of the 20th century that we managed to get a much higher level of pay and standard of living across a broader selection of the population.
It would appear that The powers that be are currently reversing that trend and trying to get incomes back down to the survivable level.
Yeah, and it's worth noting in passing that, in fact, in terms of having a prosperous and profitable industry, it actually is beneficial to pay people well so that they can afford to buy the... the output of those same industries. And increasing productivity by putting more and more robots into the factories may
give a short-term boost to the profits. But in the longer term, it's going to result in the erosion of buying power in the population at large, and it's going to be self-defeating.
Effectively, you create a recession by doing it.
I like the phrase to sum that up, which is that robots don't eat chocolate. Anyway, and then, of course, we come to Thomas Malthus, who's probably one of the most maligned figures in economic history. Malthus was a clergyman, and one of the things he noticed is that he was carrying out royal christenings, and he was Theodos,
and he reflected that the natural tendency of population was to expand exponentially, and certainly this was the case human nature and biological nature being what it is in the absence of some defective form of birth control. And so he concluded that since, although there were improvements to agricultural output, these were in a sense marginal and essentially linear.
So if you had at best a linear improvement in agricultural produce, but you had a potentially exponential expansion of population, the population would all always be bumping up against a limit where the most impoverished people were limited by starvation.
And this happens in nature as well. This isn't just humans.
Exactly, exactly. And of course, probably one of the most significant effects of Malthus is outside the realm of economics, because it was by reading his theories that Darwin settled on the theory of evolution by natural selection. However, so, you know, once again, it was valid for the club.
And one of the reasons that he's so heavily criticised is, of course, that his prediction, such as it was, was... spectacularly refuted by the fact that the population of England doubled and then quadrupled and then doubled again over the next couple of hundred years, and that the general level of prosperity of the population of Britain increased to
levels that was unimaginable. The people who put that forward effectively go, well, there you are, QED. Things are not going to run into limits. They're going to go along inevitably. But the circumstance was that, of course, the Industrial Revolution was only just beginning to get underway.
It had only been a couple of decades since efficient steam engines had been produced. And mass production of uh textiles was well underway this this was rolled out over the next hundred years And Britain, of course, was able to export its produce and export its technology all over the world.
And with that, buy food, which was produced in many other locations, and import that to this country. And that was what enabled the expansion and the prosperity of the British population. Not to mention a rather brutal crisis exploitation of the people in various other parts of the British Empire as it expanded.
It would obviously be rash not to recognize that we're now in a completely different situation whereby we have a pretty much unified world and the world as a whole does have finite limits of its resources. and there isn't another place outside this world that we can go and get our food.
Do you think there are too many humans in the world, or do you think that they're carrying...
I think this is a very unhealthy question to frame. The point is that It would be a lot easier to provide an adequate standard of living and the population being 4 billion rather than 8, as it was only about 40 years ago. and it would be easier still if it were 2 billion,
which was the population of the world a few decades before that. However, having said that, it's entirely possible that we could feed 8 billion healthily and comfortably, and we could provide clean water and sanitation and health care in clothing and housing to 8 billion people if we had the will to do so.
16 billion, 32 billion, I'm not too sure.
But yeah, if we stop making war and actually invested those resources in social structures and things that actually benefit the society at large, then who knows?
A small fraction of what is spent on warfare could resolve all of those problems. And of course, if you resolve those problems, the population question would take care of itself. Everywhere where people have a reasonable expectation if their children are surviving to adulthood and access to birth until the population stables without any coercion or pressure whatsoever.
So that doesn't need to be dealt with. As I think we'll see when we discuss the systems dynamics of the world, we have probably overshot and there probably is going to be a correction of a great many things, including the world population level. The likelihood of there being anything other than a very significant reduction
over the next few decades is remote indeed. And that's going to be immensely important for a great many people. But that's not something that anybody needs to deliberately manipulate.
It just works out of its own accord, yeah.
Yeah. Anyway, and finally, I just wanted to mention the 20th century thinkers. On the one hand, you've got the militarists. On the other hand, you've got the Keynesians. And it goes backwards and forwards between champions on one side and champions on the other, saying which is right.
And I would say yet again that it's not that one is right and the other is wrong. Either way round, what it is is that each of them put forward theories and proposals for policy which were appropriate to what they saw as the most pressing problem of the time. Keynes came to prominence during the 90s.
The biggest challenge was the Great Depression, which gripped the entire Western world. production of everything, including food, but certainly industrial production especially, was way below capacity. Employment was way below capacity. people were literally starving. This is, of course, one of the things which led to many intelligent people thinking that capitalism was
self-defeating and that communism was the answer. Well, Now we have the virtue of hindsight, we can look at the attempts to impose communism throughout the 20th century and the fact that that didn't solve problems and it was actually a worse system for solving them than capitalism had been. But Keynes was not anti-capitalist.
He was certainly anti-free marketeer because he saw that the unfettered extent of the market had not solved the problem of balancing supply and demand of anything. And so what he proposed was that the government should step in and do useful things. He never suggested paying people to be unproductive,
but he suggested that perhaps if you paid people to, for example, build a better road system, that better road system would enable society to operate more effectively in the future, so it would be in itself a worthwhile investment, and planning to do that would put the money in the pockets of the people who were building the roads,
and they would then have money to go and spend in the shops. The shops would then have money to either buy produce from the farms or from the factories, and the economy as a whole would reach an equilibrium operating at a higher level. Now, Keynes was not irresponsibly suggesting that money should be indefinitely created
out of thin air, which is more or less what has happened since then, not necessarily just due to government expenditure, as were other discussions. But he suggested that when the economy was then running at a surplus, that the government should increase its share of the revenues and pay off the debts that it had heard at the outset.
Well, that was probably over-optimistic to imagine that any government was ever going to do that. I don't know whether Keynes was naive or whether he was simply ignoring the longer-term challenges in focusing on dealing with the immediate problems most effectively. Then, on the other hand, you have the monetarists who say, no, no,
the government should run a balanced budget and we should have sound money. Well, as we've seen in the discussions on what is money, how is it created, how is it destroyed, and what are its functions, sound money is definitely a good idea. And the fact that this was the perennial solution that was put forward by von Mises
and Milton Friedman and the monetarists was a reflection of their experience in Germany and Austria in the wake of the First World War, when of course they had hyperinflation and the value of people's savings was wiped out almost overnight. And once again, the fact that we now have had several decades of uncontrolled expansion of the money supply,
out of all proportion to any increase in genuine productivity, has brought us to the brink where we've certainly had very substantial inflation over the past year or two. Probably rather more inflation in reality than the official numbers would indicate. And there is, at the very most optimistic,
every likelihood of this continuing to be the case and a very real possibility that it will tip over into hyperinflation and run away, and the value of people's cash holdings will once again be completely wiped out. All over the Western world, because we have such a tightly coupled system.
And this has happened in individual civilizations throughout history, like it happened to the Romans, for instance, but only in the Empire of Rome, not everywhere.
Yeah, yeah. Exactly. And of course, we now have the world fracturing into a rival economic bloc, which with Russia and China and Brazil at the heart of it, but a great many other nations wondering whether they should cast in their lot with that group rather than with the US censored economic system,
which has been predominant for the last 100 years. Anyway, I think that pretty much wraps up most of the things I wanted to say. Have you got any comments or any other questions arising out of that? A few comments.
So it feels like all of the economists that we've covered, they all had an element of truth in what they were saying. Exactly. I don't think anyone was absolutely right or wrong. And there was definitely, when you consider their time and the world that they lived in at the time, it makes sense what they were saying.
The other thought I had was that in terms of the 20th century argument between free market economics and Keynesian government intervention, it's observable that we force developing countries to adopt free market policies using tools like the World Bank and the IMF, whereas many of our industries are actually quite well protected.
If you look at big tech, it's a good example. If you look at what they do and not at what they say, the situation perhaps becomes a bit clearer. Our topic today is economics and an introduction to some of the key people throughout history that have helped develop economics and economic theory, because we think that understanding these people and their thinking helps to understand the world as it is today. So, I think, firstly, let's maybe just start by defining what is economics?
Okay, so I think if you asked 20 economists, you'd probably get 20 definitions. But, I mean, broadly, it's the theory about how resources are allocated between actors in society in response to financial signals. And perhaps it also touches on... how policies can be formulated to produce any specific outcome.
And from a sovereign finance lens, for us at individual level, this matters because it's the pool that we're swimming in, I guess?
It's the pool that we're swimming in, and we're constantly assailed by a confidently asserted statements and assertions from government and from spokesmen and pundits on the TV about what's happening in economic terms and what the reasons for this are and what there is to be done about it. And of course,
there are enormous areas of controversy between followers of different prominent economic figures. I mean, probably in the 20th and 21st century, The tussle has been with the so-called Keynesians who feel that economic conditions for the population at large can be ameliorated by government intervention and the monetarists, people like Ludwig von Mises and Milton Friedman,
who insists that the problems are caused by the government monkeying with the money supply and that the solution to it is sound money. And then, of course, there is the perennial argument between the free market and some kind of market controls with The free market is suggesting that government should stay out of things entirely
and leave it to the magic of the marketplace to produce the best result. And opponents to that view suggesting that free marketing just ends up with a small elite monopolizing the assets of society as a whole and everybody else being exploited to that end.
So if you're in that small elite, you probably want the narrative of the free markets to be the popularly accepted doctrine.
Exactly. Anyway, so I'm just going to give an outline of the main figures. I've mentioned Keynes and von Mises and Friedman. And I think the... The background to this is economics wanting to regard itself as a science, or rather economists wanting their subject matter to be regarded as a science.
So in a science you have various theories and by a mixture of experimentation and demonstration and rational discussion between scientists, you eventually decide that one theory is the best approximation to reality and others are discarded as being obsolete attempts to understand that area of reality. And so an idea that...
The arguments should be settled by concluding the one theory is right and the other one's wrong. Whereas what I'm going to suggest in the course of this talk is that, in fact... The theories put forward by one person were to address the most pressing problems of their time. And on the face of it,
those of them were dealing with the problems that in their time, in their experience, were the most pressing ones. So let's go back and...
If I can just jump in, the reality of the world is very complicated. It's a complex system. So any theory you create on it is at best only going to be partially true, a true reflection of what's going on.
Well, this of course applies even to the hardest of the hard sciences. What you have is a model of reality which ignores certain aspects of it and focuses on others. And so definitely once you get into the realm of social sciences, that's going to be even more the case.
Just before we jump into these figures, I did an economics degree, a module as part of my degree, and quickly realised it was going to get very mathematically heavy very quickly, so did not pursue that. Is this kind of maths focus an element to help science?
Well, my theory, my perspective is that... The intensely mathematical treatment is an attempt by economists to provide a veneer of respectability to their science.
It definitely made it unaccessible.
Yes, exactly. And what I would say is that A mathematical treatment is fine if the mathematical variables and the mathematical relationships are really congruent with reality. I mean, if you look at... mechanics in physics, you have forces, masses and accelerations, and they're built up by this equation Newton's second law of motion that
acceleration equals force divided by mass. The point is that you can independently measure those variables. You can see that there is that relationship between them and you can verify whether that's the case or not. In the case of economics, the numbers that you're feeding into the equations are themselves so nebulous and so suspect. And the...
alleged relationship between one of those variables and another is itself grossly oversimplified at best, and possibly completely erroneous. And therefore, the phrase that comes to mind for me is the one from the computer world, garbage in, garbage out. It doesn't matter how sophisticated your calculations are, if the fundamental
reality that they're mirroring is not represented in the relationships and the measurements that you're feeding in, the conclusions are going to be very little use. Once again, I would say that this speaks for itself in terms of the validity of predictions that are made in the realm of economics.
We're continuously being given the assertion that such and such a thing is going to happen over the next month or the next six months or the next year or the next five years. And almost invariably, it turns out not to be the case. If you had a physical theory that predicted that objects falling under gravity
would have a certain outcome, a certain speed after a certain length of time, and then you did the measurements and found out that that wasn't the case, then you'd throw that theory out. Whereas economics seems to be oblivious to this.
If employment rises from... X percent to X percent, then the theory states that certain things are going to happen, but then those things don't always happen because how are those people being employed? How are they spending the money that they're earning?
Yeah. And so on.
The Difficulty With Predictions…
And I mean, interestingly, there have been very, very few economic predictions that have been vindicated over any substantial period of time. Interestingly, one of the ones that was extraordinarily accurate is that sometime in the 1860s, an economist called William Jevons predicted that within 100 years, Britain would run out of coal and would no longer be a major world power. This was regarded as inconceivable at the time. Britain was truly in the ascending. It was the most powerful nation on earth and it was gaining more power every decade. But in fact, by 1960, Britain's coal production was a small fraction of what it had been at its peak just before the First World War, and Britain was indeed no longer a credible leading world power.
Another pertinent long-term prediction was made by people who were not economists, and that's the group of MIT computer modelers who published the report to the Club of Rome in 1971, The Limits to Growth. We'll discuss that in more detail in another episode. But one thing I just would say, is that they didn't actually make predictions. They had produced various scenarios from their simulation of the world economy, one of which was called the business as usual, the reference run.
They got embroiled in a great deal of controversy and criticism over that because it was dismissed as Malthusian and overly pessimistic. And it was not a prediction anyway. It was intended as a counterfactual. hypothetical projection and it was intended as a warning so that of what would happen if we didn't change our policies but the policies didn't get changed and 50 years later we're almost exactly on track of that projection but as I said we'll talk about that in more detail in a different
I think in predicting the future, it's more about directional accuracy and the directional accuracy of the model appears to be correct in this case.
Yeah.
Whatever else you think about the club of Rome and whatever, but just looking at the models, but yeah, we'll... We'll talk about that next week.
The other thing that came to mind as we were speaking was one of the first things I learned in economics was the Latin phrase, ceteris paribus, which means all else being held.
Yeah, all else being equal. So it's looking at one variable and just assuming that nothing else is going to change, which, of course, isn't the true reflection of the way the world works. Yeah, yeah.
We'll go into that again when we discuss the whole discipline of system dynamics of feedback mechanisms which can either reinforce other effects or they can inhibit or stabilise other effects. So we'll definitely go into that in a lot more detail later. I want to first of all review the three economists from the end of the 18th century,
Adam Smith
And Adam Smith is often held up as a kind of poster boy for free market, laissez-faire economic theories.
Usually by people who clearly haven't read his work.
Yes, exactly. He pulled out one or two threads. I mean, one of them is the invisible hand of the marketplace. And what he was observing was that people collaborate because there is some advantage in it for themselves. I don't think anybody would quarrel with that. And they strike a balance.
But having said that, we've got to look at one or two things about what he meant by the marketplace. For one thing, in his time, the marketplace was a tangible, physical thing. You'd find the same vehicle there every week. Everybody would know one another. And it was in nobody's interest to give bad deals because...
If they did, very soon word would get around and people would stop dealing with them. Also, it was in an explicitly strongly Christian society and the biblical exaltation to do unto others as you have them do unto you was something that even if people struggled to, they couldn't be seen too flagrantly to be flouting. Or again, they'd be socially ostracized.
This is true in hunter-gatherer societies as well, wasn't it? Where when humans lived in smaller groups, you couldn't have psychopaths because they'd be chucked out of the group.
Yeah, absolutely.
David Ricardo
Let's hope we get back to that situation on a larger scale soon. So David Ricardo put forward this theory that the natural rate of pay for a labourer was the marginal increase of contribution they could make to the output. And of course, All of these three thinkers were just pre-industrial era. Virtually the entire economy was one of agricultural production.
Something like 80% of the population would be directly involved with producing agricultural produce. And one or two percent would be the ruling elite, who would be very wealthy off the back of everybody else. And then the rest in between would be various artisans and craftspersons. who would provide the other facilities for society. So the suggestion was that, particularly if you're thinking about a farm, if the farm could get more value in terms of produce by hiring one extra labourer, they would do that, and if the pay of the extra labourer was more than the extra produce that they would produce, then it would make no sense to hire them.
And so the outcome of this was that it was inevitable that the majority of the population would be just barely living above subsistence level, because the there would always be somebody who was prepared to work for enough to keep themselves and their family alive. And so if anybody wanted more than that, they wouldn't be hired, and the one who was prepared to accept a subsistence return would be hired.
Of course, One way or another, this was a very convenient theory from the point of view of the ruling classes. And even when mechanization and industrialism got underway and productivity became much higher, the wages of the common factory worker were pretty much at a minimal survival level. And it was only really with the rise of union power in the latter half of the 20th century that we managed to get a much higher level of pay and standard of living across a broader selection of the population.
It would appear that The powers that be are currently reversing that trend and trying to get incomes back down to the survivable level.
Yeah, and it's worth noting in passing that, in fact, in terms of having a prosperous and profitable industry, it actually is beneficial to pay people well so that they can afford to buy the... the output of those same industries. And increasing productivity by putting more and more robots into the factories may give a short-term boost to the profits. But in the longer term, it's going to result in the erosion of buying power in the population at large, and it's going to be self-defeating.
Effectively, you create a recession by doing it.
Thomas Malthus
I like the phrase to sum that up, which is that robots don't eat chocolate. Anyway, and then, of course, we come to Thomas Malthus, who's probably one of the most maligned figures in economic history. Malthus was a clergyman, and one of the things he noticed is that he was carrying out royal christenings, and he reflected that the natural tendency of population was to expand exponentially, and certainly this was the case human nature and biological nature being what it is in the absence of some defective form of birth control. And so he concluded that since, although there were improvements to agricultural output, these were in a sense marginal and essentially linear.
So if you had at best a linear improvement in agricultural produce, but you had a potentially exponential expansion of population, the population would all always be bumping up against a limit where the most impoverished people were limited by starvation.
And this happens in nature as well. This isn't just humans.
Exactly, exactly. And of course, probably one of the most significant effects of Malthus is outside the realm of economics, because it was by reading his theories that Darwin settled on the theory of evolution by natural selection. However, so, you know, once again, it was valid for the club.
And one of the reasons that he's so heavily criticised is, of course, that his prediction, such as it was, was... spectacularly refuted by the fact that the population of England doubled and then quadrupled and then doubled again over the next couple of hundred years, and that the general level of prosperity of the population of Britain increased to levels that was unimaginable. The people who put that forward effectively go, well, there you are, QED. Things are not going to run into limits. They're going to go along inevitably. But the circumstance was that, of course, the Industrial Revolution was only just beginning to get underway.
It had only been a couple of decades since efficient steam engines had been produced. And mass production of uh textiles was well underway this this was rolled out over the next hundred years And Britain, of course, was able to export its produce and export its technology all over the world.
And with that, buy food, which was produced in many other locations, and import that to this country. And that was what enabled the expansion and the prosperity of the British population. Not to mention a rather brutal crisis exploitation of the people in various other parts of the British Empire as it expanded.
It would obviously be rash not to recognize that we're now in a completely different situation whereby we have a pretty much unified world and the world as a whole does have finite limits of its resources. and there isn't another place outside this world that we can go and get our food.
Do you think there are too many humans in the world?
I think this is a very unhealthy question to frame. The point is that It would be a lot easier to provide an adequate standard of living and the population being 4 billion rather than 8, as it was only about 40 years ago. and it would be easier still if it were 2 billion, which was the population of the world a few decades before that. However, having said that, it's entirely possible that we could feed 8 billion healthily and comfortably, and we could provide clean water and sanitation and health care in clothing and housing to 8 billion people if we had the will to do so. 16 billion, 32 billion? I'm not too sure.
But yeah, if we stop making war and actually invested those resources in social structures and things that actually benefit the society at large, then who knows?
A small fraction of what is spent on warfare could resolve all of those problems. And of course, if you resolve those problems, the population question would take care of itself. Everywhere where people have a reasonable expectation if their children are surviving to adulthood and access to birth until the population stables without any coercion or pressure whatsoever.
So that doesn't need to be dealt with. As I think we'll see when we discuss the systems dynamics of the world, we have probably overshot and there probably is going to be a correction of a great many things, including the world population level. The likelihood of there being anything other than a very significant reduction over the next few decades is remote indeed. And that's going to be immensely important for a great many people. But that's not something that anybody needs to deliberately manipulate.
It just works out of its own accord, yeah.
John Maynard Keynes
Yeah. Anyway, and finally, I just wanted to mention the 20th century thinkers. On the one hand, you've got the militarists. On the other hand, you've got the Keynesians. And it goes backwards and forwards between champions on one side and champions on the other, saying which is right.
And I would say yet again that it's not that one is right and the other is wrong. Either way round, what it is is that each of them put forward theories and proposals for policy which were appropriate to what they saw as the most pressing problem of the time. Keynes came to prominence during the 1930s. The biggest challenge was the Great Depression, which gripped the entire Western world. production of everything, including food, but certainly industrial production especially, was way below capacity. Employment was way below capacity. people were literally starving. This is, of course, one of the things which led to many intelligent people thinking that capitalism was self-defeating and that communism was the answer. Well, Now we have the virtue of hindsight, we can look at the attempts to impose communism throughout the 20th century and the fact that that didn't solve problems and it was actually a worse system for solving them than capitalism had been. But Keynes was not anti-capitalist.
He was certainly anti-free marketeer because he saw that the unfettered extent of the market had not solved the problem of balancing supply and demand of anything. And so what he proposed was that the government should step in and do useful things. He never suggested paying people to be unproductive, but he suggested that perhaps if you paid people to, for example, build a better road system, that better road system would enable society to operate more effectively in the future, so it would be in itself a worthwhile investment, and planning to do that would put the money in the pockets of the people who were building the roads, and they would then have money to go and spend in the shops. The shops would then have money to either buy produce from the farms or from the factories, and the economy as a whole would reach an equilibrium operating at a higher level.
Now, Keynes was not irresponsibly suggesting that money should be indefinitely created out of thin air, which is more or less what has happened since then, not necessarily just due to government expenditure, as were other discussions. But he suggested that when the economy was then running at a surplus, that the government should increase its share of the revenues and pay off the debts that it had heard at the outset.
Well, that was probably over-optimistic to imagine that any government was ever going to do that. I don't know whether Keynes was naive or whether he was simply ignoring the longer-term challenges in focusing on dealing with the immediate problems most effectively.
Milton Friedman
Then, on the other hand, you have the monetarists who say the government should run a balanced budget and we should have sound money. Well, as we've seen in the discussions on what is money, how is it created, how is it destroyed, and what are its functions, sound money is definitely a good idea. And the fact that this was the perennial solution that was put forward by von Mises and Milton Friedman and the monetarists was a reflection of their experience in Germany and Austria in the wake of the First World War, when of course they had hyperinflation and the value of people's savings was wiped out almost overnight. And once again, the fact that we now have had several decades of uncontrolled expansion of the money supply, out of all proportion to any increase in genuine productivity, has brought us to the brink where we've certainly had very substantial inflation over the past year or two. Probably rather more inflation in reality than the official numbers would indicate.
And there is, at the very most optimistic, every likelihood of this continuing to be the case and a very real possibility that it will tip over into hyperinflation and run away, and the value of people's cash holdings will once again be completely wiped out. All over the Western world, because we have such a tightly coupled system.
And this has happened in individual civilizations throughout history, like it happened to the Romans, for instance, but only in the Empire of Rome, not everywhere.
Yeah, yeah. Exactly. And of course, we now have the world fracturing into a rival economic bloc, which with Russia and China and Brazil at the heart of it, but a great many other nations wondering whether they should cast in their lot with that group rather than with the US censored economic system, which has been predominant for the last 100 years. Anyway, I think that pretty much wraps up most of the things I wanted to say. Have you got any comments or any other questions arising out of that?
Conclusion
So it feels like all of the economists that we've covered, they all had an element of truth in what they were saying. Exactly. I don't think anyone was absolutely right or wrong. And there was definitely, when you consider their time and the world that they lived in at the time, it makes sense what they were saying.
The other thought I had was that in terms of the 20th century argument between free market economics and Keynesian government intervention, it's observable that we force developing countries to adopt free market policies using tools like the World Bank and the IMF, whereas many of our industries are actually quite well protected.
If you look at big tech, it's a good example. If you look at what they do and not at what they say, the situation perhaps becomes a bit clearer.
Thanks for reading this episode of Sovereign Finance. For more episodes, transcripts, in-depth articles, and the community, please take a minute now to subscribe free using the button above. You’ll receive a free email notification whenever we publish a new article or conversation.
This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit sovereignfinance.substack.com