Talk to Al Jazeera

Haiti was the first black republic in the 19th century, created by a revolution that overthrew slavery maintained by French colonial rule.

But independence came at a cost, and Haiti had to pay billions in compensation which left the country bankrupt since its creation.

Added to the nation's bankruptcy, high levels of inequality and poverty have persisted over the years, and political attempts to fight corruption have not ended well.

Jean Bertrand Aristide, the country's first democratically-elected president in 1994, was removed from office twice when he confronted the country's elite.

In 2010, a powerful 7.0 earthquake left the country destroyed and killed between 200,000 and 300,000 people. The earthquake left over 1.5 million people displaced and the international community saw the disaster as an opportunity to rethink foreign aid.

But little has changed in Haiti, a decade after the devastating earthquake.

Haiti's President Jovenel Moise talks to Al Jazeera about reconstruction efforts and what is next for the country.

"We must not confuse the post-earthquake crisis with the socio-economic crisis that we are currently going through in Haiti. The socio-economic crisis is a permanent crisis.The state we have today is a predatory state that is governed by a few corrupt oligarchs who seek to control the key areas of development," Moise explains.

Over $13bn were pledged to help Haiti recover from the earthquake. But only half of that money was released, according to the UN, and Haitians only received half of the money they were promised by donors led by the United States. Much of the funds were spent on short-term programmes to assist people with food, water and healthcare.

"This money should have been spent on building villages around Port-au-Prince, villages which would provide homes for I would say, tens of thousands of families. In terms of results, no reconstruction has actually taken place and I am someone who believes in lasting structural development," says Moise.

Last year thousands took to the streets to protest against corruption, demanding the resignation of President Jovenel Moise.

"Today it is as if I am being crucified, people are shouting: 'Crucify him! Crucify him! Crucify him!'," Moise says arguing that he has been fighting against corruption despite the accusations from protesters.

Moise was mentioned in a corruption scandal involving the PetroCaribe fund, a strategic oil alliance signed with Venezuela where Haiti, the poorest country in the Americas, bought subsidised oil from Venezuela. The Haitian government was supposed to use the extra money for social programmes and to advance the economy.

But billions from the fund were embezzled by those in charge and President Moise was mentioned in a 600-page investigation.

"I was placed on a cross and I descended from it to talk to the people to tell them that is was not my aim to work against them and now the people are beginning to understand," he says.

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With Libya's civil war now in its sixth year, world leaders gathered at a summit in Berlin in an attempt to restore stability and peace to Libya.

The summit was aimed at a stronger commitment from world powers and regional actors to non-interference in the oil-rich North African state and to genuinely support a fragile ceasefire.

All participating parties pledged to respect a UN-imposed arms embargo that has so far failed to stop an influx of troops, money and weapons to the country.

Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj, who leads the internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli, and renegade military commander Khalifa Haftar, who heads the eastern-based Libyan National Army (LNA), attended the talks, but not in the same room.

"The main cause of the Libyan crisis is the hostile foreign interventions," Fayez al-Sarraj told Al Jazeera in an exclusive interview.

"Violations to the arms embargo have been taking place for years. This is what led the opposition to believe that they have military power and pushed them away from finding a political solution. This is because of its excessive military and security support."

Al-Sarraj says a political solution is the only way to end the conflict and that they don't want to become "another Syria or a source of conflict or a proxy war on Libyan soil".

"We know that some countries, including Russia, have interests and ambitions in Libya ... We wonder why the UAE is building a military base in eastern Libya, sending its planes and supporting one side at the expense of the other ... It is not correct to recognise a party and then support the other party the way they are doing it."

"Libya, in its current situation, leads to security problems and terrorism, uncontrolled borders and violence. This can impact neighbouring countries, too," he warned. "Everyone is now talking about stopping the flow of arms to Libya. We hope that this will be the last conference. And hopefully, the Libyan crisis will finally be resolved."

Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj talks to Al Jazeera about the Berlin summit, foreign interference in Libya and his hopes for the future.

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In January 2019, Juan Guaido, the almost unknown president of Venezuela's opposition-controlled national assembly took his country and the world by surprise: Guaido declared himself interim president of Venezuela.

The justification was that President Nicolas Maduro was not a legitimately elected leader but an usurpator and dictator.

Venezuelans, desperate for economic and political change, rushed to show their support. And with the US leading the charge, nearly 60 countries followed suit.

But 12 months later, the promise of political change seems to have evaporated.

With help from China, Russia, Iran and others Maduro has circumvented harsh economic sanctions meant to force him out. Negotiations to allow new presidential elections have failed miserably, as has Guaido's appeal to the army to support regime change.

Maduro has retaliated by arresting or exiling scores of opponents.

Driven by worsening poverty and hyperinflation, disheartened Venezuelans have joined the unprecedented exodus of millions of their compatriots to neighbouring countries.

On January 5, soldiers surrounded parliament to block Guaido's reelection as speaker of the house while the pro-government minority named someone of its choosing.

While much of the international community calls the latest conflict escalation a sham, and continues to recognise Guaido as the leader of Venezuela's only independent institution, the crisis seems to be reaching a new tipping point. And the possibility of regime change seems like a very distant possibility.

So, what is next for Guaido and Venezuela? Has Guaido underestimated Maduro's resilience? And how can Guaido stop the military-based government from consolidating its power?

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The Middle East peace process is a term that has been used by world leaders time and time again.

It refers to efforts by the international community to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

One of the most significant events of the past 50 years was the Oslo Accords, a set of agreements that were first signed in 1993 by the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).

It put in place a series of procedures based on United Nations (UN) resolutions for the eventual goal of an independent Palestinian state.

To oversee this agreement the UN established the office of the special coordinator for the Middle East peace process. The coordinator's mandate is to lead the UN system in all political and diplomatic efforts related to the peace process.

But nearly 30 years since its establishment, how has it affected Palestinians, Israelis and the broader region? And is there hope to achieve peace in the region?

"There is no Middle East peace process," says Nickolay Mladenov, who has been the UN's special coordinator for the Middle East peace process since 2015. "I don't think either the Israeli or the Palestinian side - for various different reasons - are in a position to actually currently engage in meaningful negotiations.... I feel that a lot of our work currently is focused more on preventing war in Gaza ..., preserving the consensus internationally as much as possible on how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be resolved, and really working quietly to build conditions for the future leadership on both sides to hopefully come back to the negotiating table in a meaningful manner."

He points out that despite changing realities on the ground and ongoing conflict, "ultimately ... you have two million people in Gaza, three million people in the West Bank - and they are not going anywhere. As much as Israel has a right to stay ... in the land between the river and the sea, so do they."

Mladenov shares his concerns about the future of the region and the situation in Gaza, and he says, "I am very fearful; if you look at the rest of the Middle East, if you look at Iraq, if you look at Syria. If you leave a community long enough marginalised, and disempowered and disenfranchised and segregated and closed, that community collapses and becomes a breeding ground for radicals. We don't want to see that happening," he says.

"I fear every single day that we are just days away from another war in Gaza."

The UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Nickolay Mladenov, talks to Al Jazeera about Jared Kushner's Middle East plans, Israeli settlements, and the challenges facing the Middle East.

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For years, private armies have provided services to governments around the world. They are often secretive and operate in the shadows.

Blackwater - now known as Academi - is one of the most well-known private armies. It has provided troops and other services to the US government in different conflicts, including the Iraq war.

But it is not always clear how these private armies are formed, where they operate, or even what their missions consist of.

Eeben Barlow is chairman of 'Specialised Tasks, Training, Equipment and Protection International' - a private army that - according to Barlow - has operated throughout Africa and beyond. He was also behind another similar company that shut down in 1998 - called Executive Outcomes.

And while many argue private armies are mercenaries doing the jobs governments do not want to do - Barlow insists his operations are legitimate and follow international law.

So who makes sure these armies are indeed following international law? How do they operate? And is there accountability?

Eeben Barlow provides an insight into the world of private military contractors as he talks to Al Jazeera about his company's role in fighting Boko Haram in Nigeria, the LRA in Uganda and other conflicts across Africa.

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For years, private armies have provided services to governments around the world. They are often secretive and operate in the shadows.

Blackwater - now known as Academi - is one of the most well-known private armies. It has provided troops and other services to the US government in different conflicts, including the Iraq war.

But it is not always clear how these private armies are formed, where they operate, or even what their missions consist of.

Eeben Barlow is chairman of 'Specialised Tasks, Training, Equipment and Protection International' - a private army that - according to Barlow - has operated throughout Africa and beyond. He was also behind another similar company that shut down in 1998 - called Executive Outcomes.

And while many argue private armies are mercenaries doing the jobs governments do not want to do - Barlow insists his operations are legitimate and follow international law.

"We don't see ourselves as mercenaries. We are first of all contracted by a national government. We become part of their armed forces, we wear their uniforms, we follow their procedures and guidelines, we fall under the legal regulations of that country. So, in other words, we serve the country that contracts us. And yes, we get paid for it, but we certainly don't get paid to run around and cause chaos," says Barlow.

Some private military contractors have been accused of prolonging conflicts instead of ending them, but Barlow believes that "there is a fine line between moral and immoral".

"But that really goes back to the people that are involved ... We've never prolonged a conflict, in fact, we've ended them despite them carrying on for decades and decades. We've ended them in a very short space of time. But I am aware of companies that do not mind if the conflict continues because that's the goose that lays the golden egg, and they certainly don't want to stop it," says Barlow.

He stresses the importance of cultural understanding and expertise needed to end conflicts across Africa.

"We are after all Africans that work in Africa. But I do think there is a major concern that Africans can actually end African conflicts," says Barlow.

"We look at all these private military companies going into Africa, they are just charging, they don't understand the environment they are in, they don't understand the area of operation, they don't understand the people and very quickly, they offend people ... If they are not going to add value and bring about ... stability and peace, then they shouldn't be there. But unfortunately, this has been allowed to drag on."

So who makes sure these armies are indeed following international law? How do they operate? And is there accountability?

Eeben Barlow provides an insight into the world of private military contractors as he talks to Al Jazeera about his company's role in fighting Boko Haram in Nigeria, the LRA in Uganda and other conflicts across Africa.

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In early 2018, a US-China trade war broke out with the two countries eventually imposing tariffs worth billions of dollars on each others' imports.

As tensions between the world's two biggest economies continue, analysts warn of potential harm to the global economy.

The IMF predicts that US-China trade tensions will have reduced global GDP by 0.8 percent by the beginning of next year, contributing to slowed global economic growth, which stands at 3 percent for 2019.

Huiyao Wang, the founder and president of the Center for China and Globalization, agrees the trade war "certainly is a big deal" for China, calling the situation "unprecedented".

"China and the US relations this year is exactly 40 years of diplomatic ties," he says.

"China ... largely opened up to the US and actually, for the last four decades, there's bumps, there's up and downs, but not as big a surprise as I expect at this one."

Wang claims that the tariffs have not affected business in China so much as possibly undermined confidence.

"I don't think there is a lot of economic impact. There could be some psychological impact, people just perhaps withholding from further heavy investing or maybe rolling back a bit of the employment on that. But basically, I think both China and the US are looking towards stability and towards a deal that can be mutually beneficial."

Meanwhile, Wang agrees that the effects of the trade war could reach beyond either countries' shores.

"The thing about the China-US trade war is that it dampens confidence, it actually makes people reluctant to invest and also ... the value chain is hitted on that. Because China is in the epicentre of the global value chain. You know, a lot of things go through China," he says.

"So, if China is really hitted by this trade war, all the other suppliers from other regions, from other countries, will all [be] affected ... So, in return that will have [an] effect on the US, as well. So, I don't see how the world economy will maintain such a strong growth and then them become effective."

He says coming to an agreement with the US is critical, noting that recent negotiations have been a step in the right direction.

"This partial deal that President Trump and China strike in the last month is absolutely crucial. Because if we do not do that, I mean the two biggest economic powers in the world and then, if they really fight ... all the others will suffer, absolutely. And then, we may drag the world into a recession. And that's quite possible, too, and we may have another financial crisis. Because this is really [an] alarming situation."

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Since the 1990s, globalisation gave the impression that emerging markets were and could converge with developed nations.

The BRICS and Next 11 became the latest investment craze. Hundreds of millions were lifted out of poverty and millions more climbed the social escalator into the middle class.

But something has gone wrong. The end of the commodity supercycle and easy money came long before populism and the threat to globalisation.

And it can be argued that most emerging market growth was attributable to China and India.

To dissect what countries really want from globalisation and more importantly Foreign Direct Investment, our panel at the Doha Forum 2019 is at the cutting edge of policymaking.

Panel:

Arancha Gonzalez - executive director of the International Trade Centre

Murat Emirdag - chief executive of Hepsiburada

Ali Alwaleed Al Thani - chief executive of the Investment Promotion Agency Qatar

Issam Abousleiman - regional director for the GCC at the World Bank

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Lebanon has been engulfed by nationwide anti-government protests which began in October.

People are demanding an end to corruption, a change in the political system and better management of the economy. As a result, Prime Minister Saad Hariri handed in his resignation in late October.

But protesters say that is not enough and have been calling for a complete overhaul of Lebanon's political system - and its sect-based power-sharing agreement.

And as people chant in the streets against politicians, the one name that seems to be singled out often is Gebran Bassil, Lebanon's foreign minister.

Bassil is President Michel Aoun's son-in-law and has previously held other ministerial positions without being an elected member of parliament.

Many consider him to be one of the most divisive figures in their country.

But Bassil says protesters are wrong to single him out and stresses that "the priority is to save the country".

"We are paying the price of 30 years of wrong policies and corruption ... The country is at the verge of collapsing ... Our economy has all the ingredients to rise up again. This is the priority right now. And later on, justice will prevail, truth will be apparent to everybody," he says.

"Lebanon is a country that is worth to survive. It is a model of diversity, pluralism and tolerance that is worth to preserve. We need Lebanon to be on its feet again to be that model of co-existence. If Lebanon vanishes it can only see extremism and terrorism in our region. So it's worth fighting for."

Bassil believes that the one thing Lebanon needs is an efficient government.

"We have a failed system but we don't want to have a failed state. The only salvation for Lebanon is a civil state. We are not there yet unfortunately, but we will fight for this first."

He explains that they are working on a series of anti-corruption laws and believes that "with the people rising we have an exceptional opportunity to pass these laws".

"This (the fight against corruption) is what's uniting us despite our political and religious differences. So we should seize the opportunity and unite all together," says Bassil.

"The republic is in danger," he warns. "Lebanon is a country that is paying for the mistakes of everybody around us. And we are paying a lot, but I think Lebanon should be saved by its friends. And the first thing to do is to stop the external interventions in our country, and not to allow the Lebanese to intervene in others' affairs."

At the 2019 Doha Forum, Lebanon's Foreign Minister, Gebran Bassil, talks to Al Jazeera about the uprising, the challenges facing Lebanon, his role in government, corruption and the best way to address the protesters' demands.

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Mahathir Mohamad served as Malaysia's prime minister for 22 years from 1981 to 2003. But the 94-year-old veteran politician returned to politics a few years back to oppose the political force he was once a part of, the Barisan Nasional coalition, which had ruled Malaysia since its independence from Britain in 1957.

During Mahathir's first tenure as Malaysia's prime minister, the country experienced a period of rapid modernisation and economic growth for the country's diverse population. Millions of Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists and Christians now live side by side in the country.

"In order to grow a country, to develop a country the first need is for stability. Ours is a multiracial nation and normally multiracial nations are not stable. So the first job that I had to do was to make sure that all the races were together for the country. That means, of course, that all the different races are represented in the government and they can speak for their own race and also for the nation," he told Al Jazeera.

"Because everybody has a fair share in the governance of the country, they feel satisfied that their problems will be taken care of and that leads to stability where development becomes possible."

His life achievements were recognised at the opening session of Doha Forum 2019. During his acceptance speech, he did not hold back from expressing his views on the modern world.

"Today's world is confronted with increased concern over the sustainability of global economic growth in the face of rising political, social, and environmental challenges," Mahathir said.

And he initiated a talk about his country's foreign policy and need for global markets, noting that Malaysia lost out on a big market when the United States applied sanctions against Iran.

"We don't believe in applying sanctions to force countries to accept certain ideologies and to change governments. It is not only the particular country that will suffer, but all the trading partners also will suffer economically. In a way, it is a form of dictatorship. A dictatorship that is worse than that in a country, it is international," he said.

The Malaysian prime minister also discussed the state of the global economy and its interconnectedness. He argued the US is leading the world in the wrong direction when it comes to multilateralism.

Commenting on the US-China trade war, Mahathir said, "Trade wars do not solve anything. They only antagonise people and other people not related to the war. There is too much politics involved ... if you follow economic rules ... perhaps you can solve the problem in a much much better way than confrontation and trying to destroy each other."

"Becoming very nationalist is good. But not at the expense of other people. Every country should care about itself but that needing to be protective or secure doesn't mean confronting others. It's better if we learn to work together," he told Al Jazeera. "We were going a long way towards multilateralism. But now nationalism seems to affect many countries."

For any leader no matter how great a run they have had in the office, one of the issues is when they will leave the political stage and what will happen next.

The Malaysian leader suggested he may seek to stay in power beyond 2020 and said he could not guarantee who would succeed him as prime minister. Asked if he would step down in 2020, he said he wanted to fix problems created by the previous government before resigning - with a new economic plan slated to be achieved between 2025 and 2030.

"This time around we want everybody to benefit, and not any particular group only," he said.

Could the modernisation of Malaysia have happened without Mahathir? Is the Malaysian prime minister going to step down in 2020? And who would he endorse to be his successor?

In this special edition of Talk to Al Jazeera at the Doha Forum 2019, Malaysia's Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad discusses his achievements, his vision for Malaysia, and the challenges the country faces.

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