The Supreme Court's decision on how to legally define a woman under equality law is having a wide impact on policies and guidance across the UK.

After the decision, which ruled that the definition of "woman" should be defined by biological sex only, there was confusion among charities and public bodies about how this would impact current policies on gender inclusion.

Ferret Fact Service takes a look at what the ruling does and does not say, and what its impact could be.

How did we get here?

The Supreme Court's ruling came as a result of several legal challenges, which began after the Scottish Parliament passed a bill in 2018 to tackle underrepresentation of women on the boards of public bodies.

The definition of "women" in the law included people who were living as a woman after gender reassignment, or were proposing to undergo the gender reassignment process.

This was challenged by For Women Scotland, a 'gender critical' campaigning organisation which opposes changes to gender recognition law.

This Scottish Government act was found to be unlawful in 2020 as it was legislating on equal opportunities, which is an area of law reserved to the UK Parliament.

A lot of legislation that becomes law in the Scottish and UK parliaments is underpinned by previous regulations. In this case the relevant legislation was the Equality Act, which came into force in 2010 and is enshrined in law across the UK.

After it was deemed unlawful, the Scottish Government released new guidance relating to its public bodies representation law, stating that the definition of a "woman" in the act was the same as it is in the Equality Act, which defines a woman as "a female of any age".

This included, according to the Scottish Government's guidance, anyone with a gender recognition certificate (GRC) which showed their gender as female. A GRC is a document that a transgender person can apply for, which means they are legally recognised as their affirmed gender.

This guidance was again challenged by For Women Scotland in 2022. The group argued that the definition of a woman in the Equality Act refers to biological sex, meaning that a trans woman with a gender recognition certificate would not be considered a woman for the purposes of the law. This argument was rejected in Scotland's court of session but For Women Scotland appealed to the Supreme Court, the final and highest appeal court in the UK for civil cases.

The Supreme Court was asked to rule on how the Equality Act definition of a woman should be interpreted, and announced its decision in April this year.

What did the Supreme Court find?

The court upheld the appeal, finding that the definition of "woman", "man" and "sex" in the Equality Act refer to biological sex (this refers to the sex someone is assigned at birth). It stated that including those with a gender recognition certificate would make the Equality Act "incoherent and impracticable to operate".

The Scottish Government's guidance that a trans woman could be included under the definition of "woman" in the Equality Act was found to be incorrect.

In the judgment, Lord Hodge, Lady Rose and Lady Simler stated: "It is not the role of the court to adjudicate on the arguments in the public domain on the meaning of gender or sex, nor is it to define the meaning of the word "woman" other than when it is used in the provisions of the Equality Act 2010".

The finding, they said, does not remove protection from trans people, with or without a GRC. A trans woman can be victimised under the law on the grounds of gender reassignment, and when she faces discrimination because she is "perceived as a woman and can compare her treatment with that of a person not perceived to be a woman".

What did the equality commission say?

The Supreme Court's interpretation of the law led to a significant knock-on effect, with public bodies, charities and other public-facing sectors like the hospitality and events industry questioning what the impact of the ruling would be on...

More than 135,000 fish have died at a salmon farm in the northwest Highlands run by a Norwegian company in the last two years, The Ferret can reveal.

A total of 135,016 lumpfish and wrasse - aka 'cleaner' fish which are used to remove sea-lice from salmon - have died at Mowi Scotland's site at Torridon since September 2023.

Fish deaths were due to environmental issues, natural causes, disease and treatments to remove lice from salmon.

The mortality rate was described as a "catastrophe" by an animal welfare charity, while a law firm dedicated to animal protection complained to the Crown Office, alleging that some fish "were subjected to inappropriate, unnecessary, and often fatal treatments" at the farm.

In response, Mowi said it has a "very strict health and welfare policy" and meets all the standards set out to ensure the welfare of cleaner fish. The firm added it was not aware of any complaint.

A spokesperson for the Crown Office said investigations of allegations are for the police, and decisions on prosecutions are the remit of the procurator fiscal.

Wrasse and lumpfish are small and eat lice that can infest and damage farmed salmon. Freshwater treatments are also used to remove lice from salmon. This involves salmon being temporarily transferred to wellboats filled with freshwater where the lice are removed by various methods, some of which can kill cleanerfish.

But wrasse and lumpfish can be removed prior to freshwater treatments conducted on wellboats.

The mass death of tens of thousands of these animals is yet another grim reminder of how the industry disregards aquatic life.

Abigail Penny, Animal Equality UK

An official report by the Fish Health Inspectorate - following an inspection at the Torridon site last October - said freshwater treatments had been carried out in March, July and September last year, but that some "happened on a boat that can't grade out (remove them) lumpfish."

In September 2023, the first batch of 63,089 lumpfish arrived on site and not long after lumpfish mortality started to rise, the report said. It added: "After testing by the company it was found that furunculosis (a painful skin infection resulting in boils) was the cause (lumpfish were vaccinated but further testing revealed it was a different strain)." Mowi believed the cause of the outbreak was wrasse on site.

Environmental issues were also noted as causes of the fish deaths. Warming seas mean jellyfish and algae are making their way to more northerly climes which present challenges for farmed salmon. Jellyfish sting salmons' eyes, skin and gills, resulting in health problems and death, while harmful algal blooms can be fatal to fish.

A complaint to the Crown Office by a law firm called Advocates for Animals, claimed Mowi's decision to stop removing lumpfish on the Torridon site prior to treatments, was "unnecessary, being a departure from previous practices" and "caused death to lumpfish". Edie Bowles, solicitor at Advocates for Animals, told The Ferret: "Like other animals under human control, fish must have their welfare needs met and not be subject to unnecessary suffering."

Abigail Penny, executive director of the charity, Animal Equality UK, said: "The mass death of tens of thousands of these animals is yet another grim reminder of how the industry disregards aquatic life, treating them as mere commodities rather than sentient creatures capable of suffering."

A spokesperson for Mowi said it takes all fish welfare "very seriously"and that it works closely with the Fish Health Inspectorate and the Animal and Plant Health Agency on any welfare concerns reported.

"We have invested hugely in the latest generation of well boats which we use as a freshwater treatment for gill infections such as amoebic gill disease (AGD) and also for the removal of sea lice," the Mowi spokesperson continued. "A feature of these well boats is a grading function which sorts cleaner fish and separates them from the salmon so that only the salmon receive...

A company closely linked to a family whose members have donated to the Conservatives and Better Together has faced scrutiny from the UN over allegations of land grabbing and human rights abuses in Indonesia.

Jardine Matheson - a Hong Kong-based firm with Scottish roots - was contacted last October by UN officials seeking "clarification" about allegations raised against another firm it ultimately controls, Astra Agro Lestari (AAL), which produces palm oil on the island of Sulawesi.

The UN's letter details accusations that AAL operates without necessary permits, and has failed to obtain consent to cultivate Indigenous communities' land. It also documented alleged intimidation of community activists by company employees.

In response to the allegations AAL says it is implementing a three-year action plan to address issues, developed alongside a third-party environmental consultancy. Jardine Matheson says it has full confidence in AAL's strategy and allegations against it are "unsubstantiated".

But while the UN officials wrote that they welcomed the plan and did not want to "prejudge" the accuracy of the accusations, they also noted allegations "keep being raised" against AAL. Jardine Matheson was warned that it may be failing to implement adequate due diligence measures to ensure it meets UN principles on business and human rights.

Jardine Matheson was founded in 1832 by Scots merchants William Jardine and James Matheson who built their wealth on the opium trade. The pair have been described by eminent historian William Dalrymple as the 1830s' "most ruthless and profitable drug runners".

The company has been controlled by the Keswick family - who married in through Jardine's niece - for five generations. Family members own land in Scotland and have donated to political organisations including the Conservatives, Better Together and VoteLeave.

In total members of the Keswick family have donated over £2m to political causes since 2001, according to Electoral Commission data. Beneficiaries included Boris Johnson and former Scottish leader and Dumfriesshire MP, David Mundell.

Scottish Tories handed nearly £100k by billionaire family behind tax haven firm

Many of the donations were given by former Jardine Matheson boss and Spectator owner Henry Keswick - who died in November 2024 just weeks after giving £30,000 to Robert Jenrick during the Tory leadership campaign. But other family members, including current Jardine Matheson board member Adam Keswick, are also donors.

Human rights campaigners have urged the Tories to "review" all further donations linked to Jardine Matheson until it has addressed the concerns about AAL.

The UN letter, sent on 9 October 2024, was addressed to "Mr Keswick". Ben Keswick has served as executive chairman of Jardine Matheson since 2019. The same letter was sent to AAL, as well as the Indonesian and Chinese governments.

Indonesia is the world's largest producer of palm oil, a commodity found in consumer products from chocolate to shampoo.

The expansion of the industry in the country - home to nearly 300 million people - has been accompanied by conflict over land between companies on one side and rural communities and Indigenous peoples on the other. There are estimated to be thousands of these land disputes active nationwide.

The UN letters outline "alleged violations", some dating back decades, many of which were sparked by disputes over land and whether AAL and its subsidiaries have required permits and consent to operate.

In the 2000s, one local AAL subsidiary is alleged to have taken over community land through the use of violence, including "indiscriminate shooting", with the help of the police. Another is accused of "uprooting crops and destroying tools" of indigenous farmers, having already cut down the crops they relied on for food without consent.

In a more recent instance, in December 2023 AAL employees allegedly visited two women human rights defenders and pushed them to sign a document stating t...

A far right group branded as neo-Nazi has been condemned for using children to promote its white nationalist politics ahead of the by-election in South Lanarkshire next week.

Patriotic Alternative (PA) posted images posted on its social media channel on 28 May showing two young males, on bikes, covering their faces with the group's leaflets, alongside banners hung up in Bothwell, north of Hamilton.

"Activists were out at the Bothwell Bridge monument hanging out banners and engaging with the general public, handing out leaflets," said text accompanying the images.

"There will be more to come as we at Patriotic Alternative Scotland continue to promote white advocacy in Scotland."

MSPs said they were "deeply disturbed" by the stunt, arguing that some children were vulnerable to "radicalisation" and viewed as "easy prey by the far right".

The banners appear to be the same as those hung up in the village of Stonehouse by PA earlier in May, as reported by the Daily Record.

One targeted Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar, with the phrase "Scotland too white Anas?". Other slogans included "They don't hate racism they just hate white people" and "Scotland built by white people".

Another banner pictured in Stonehouse urged people to "Vote Reform". The white nationalist group is not a registered political party but is backing Reform UK.

PA leader Mark Collett recently joined a far right Scots influencer in an online streaming session to unveil their plans for supporters to infiltrate Reform and campaign against the party's political opponents.

Non-white members of both Scottish Labour and SNP have also been targeted by a far right group called British Movement Scotland (BMS) in light of the by-election. One recent post stated that BMS "does not believe that Anas Sarwar belongs in Scotland".

The Holyrood by-election is due to take place in Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse on 5 June. But the campaign surrounding it has been mired in a racism row.

Reform UK spent thousands of pounds on a doctored video which used a years-old clip of Sarwar and falsely claimed that he promised to prioritise Pakistanis.

Nigel Farage's party defended the ad after other parties branded it as "racist" and an example of "scummy tactics".

In March, we reported that the far right Homeland Party - which splintered from PA - was accused of targeting young men after one of its schoolboy activists posted racist, misogynistic and Islamophobic messages on social media.

Far right group condemned for targeting teenager who posted racist content

Homeland said it disagreed with posts, which it claimed were made before the boy joined the party, but defended him as a "true son of Scotland who is doing his community proud".

PA's use of school-aged boys on social media was condemned by politicians.

"As a former youth worker, reports like this make me profoundly sad," said Scottish Lib Dem leader, Alex Cole-Hamilton MSP. "Kids who are lacking support and role models are viewed as easy prey by the far right."

Scottish Green MSP Maggie Chapman said she was "deeply disturbed" by the banners.

"It is especially worrying to see school-aged young people involved in this kind of activity," said Chapman. "It shows how vulnerable some are to radicalisation, particularly when they face uncertainty about their future and feel let down by those in power."

Chapman added: "Let's be clear, Patriotic Alternative is an extremist organisation built on hate, racism, and dangerous conspiracy theories. Their attempts to spread fear and division must have no place in our local communities."

An SNP Spokesperson said: "Any and all forms of racism have absolutely no place in Scottish politics. It is incumbent on all of us to call this offensive language out for what it is".

PA was approached for comment.

The Ferret is an independent, investigative journalism cooperative dedicated to holding power to account. Since 2015, we have reported on corruption, environmental issues, human rights, and political ...

Five freshwater lochs in the Highlands and Islands have been damaged by pollution from fish farms, according to a long-term scientific study by University College London.

The study concludes that faecal waste and uneaten food dropped into the lochs from over 50 salmon and trout cages since the 1980s and 1990s is "highly likely" to have altered the water quality, risking algal blooms and posing dangers to wildlife.

Researchers insisted they had to keep the identities of the lochs secret in order to protect "the confidentiality of commercial information". One of the funders of the study was the Norwegian salmon farming multinational, Mowi, previously known as Marine Harvest.

But now the names and locations of the polluted lochs can be revealed, thanks to a freedom of information battle won by the campaign group, WildFish. They are Loch Arkaig, north of Fort William; Loch Earn, west of Crieff; Loch Langavat, on the Isle of Harris; Loch of Buttersone, near Dunkeld; and Loch Shin, near Lairg in Sutherland.

WildFish accused Mowi of trying to hide the names of the lochs, and claimed that the industry could not be trusted. Open net salmon farming could not be practiced without "unacceptable environmental impacts", the group said.

Mowi, however, dismissed the study as "inconclusive", arguing that salmon farming did not harm lochs. The company counter-attacked WildFish, accusing it of failing to fund wild salmon conservation.

Toxic fish farm pesticide polluted ten lochs across Scotland

The study by researchers from University College London (UCL) and the Scottish Government's wildlife agency, NatureScot, was published in the Journal of Environmental Management in August 2024. It examined samples of sediments taken from the bottom of seven lochs between 1996 and 2015.

The sediments were analysed to discover the composition of algae over 100 to 200 years to see if the introduction of fish farms made any difference. Wastes from fish cages can pollute lochs causing algae to bloom, depriving underwater plants and animals of the light and oxygen they need to survive.

In three lochs - Arkaig, Earn and Langavat - researchers found "marked", "striking" and "major" changes in the algae after the start of fish farming in the 1980s. In another two lochs - Butterstone and Shin - they also detected changes after fish farms arrived, though they were less marked.

The researchers concluded that at the five lochs the introduction of salmon or trout farms was "highly likely to have contributed to alterations in water quality".

At the two other lochs they studied - Loch Huamavat on the Isle of Lewis and Loch Shiel, west of Fort William - changes were "subtle" and could not be linked to the arrival of fish farms. The researchers suggested this could be because of the differing scale of fish farming operations, the siting of fish cages, and the way the water flowed.

'Plain wrong' to keep lochs secret

When the UCL study was published, the lochs were only identified as A, B, C, D, E, F and G. "The authors do not have permission to share data", it said, because of "the need to preserve anonymity of the study sites".

The campaign group, WildFish, described this as "plain wrong" on the grounds that, if lochs had been polluted by fish farms, the public had a right to know. It asked the researchers to name the lochs, but they refused, citing "the confidentiality of commercial information".

WildFish then filed a freedom of information request to UCL, which was also refused. So the group appealed to the UK Information Commissioner, who issued a decision in March 2025 ordering UCL to name the seven fish farms.

WildFish's solicitor, Guy Linley-Adams, blamed the secrecy on the salmon farming company that helped fund the research, Mowi. "If you sponsor academic research and that research shows that your activities may have caused long-term harm to the environment, don't you have a moral obligation to come clean?" he said.

"Mowi didn't seem to think so. Time and again,...

Who Runs Scotland?

That's the question we have been trying to answer in our latest series.

Often, in media coverage, it seems that the power in our country lies entirely within the Scottish Parliament and at Westminster. But influence and power is often consolidated outside of the spotlight; by lobbyists, wealthy individuals, think tanks and industry interests.

Over the last month, we have spotlighted the people, organisations and businesses that wield this power across Scotland.

We kicked off by revealing the businesses who have been attempting to woo the Scottish Government most, by meeting with first minister John Swinney and his ministers.

Chief among these were fossil fuel giants, influential PR firms and the short-term lets industry. Our analysis also found that 44 per cent of lobbying is by companies and business groups. This is higher than charities, campaign groups and trade unions combined.

Scottish Government ministers are not the only target for lobbyists. Who Runs Scotland also looked at who was attempting to win friends and influence people at the Scotland Office, now run by Labour's Ian Murray.

The second part of our series examined the PR firms who clear the way for business and political interests to gain access to our decision-makers.

Major PR companies are stuffed with former politicians, spin doctors and advisors. Former Scottish Labour leader Jim Murphy is now running his own lobbying enterprise - Arden Strategies - helping defence firms and fossil fuel giants to share their views with ministers north and south of the border.

Our helpful (but not entirely serious) 'revolving doors score' highlighted just how close the politics and PR worlds are.

Who Runs Scotland also took an in-depth look at our print media, which is now remarkably one-third owned in a single US tax haven. We examined who is running our defence industry, and the groups attempting to hold sway in the nascent space sector.

High pay was another focus of our reporting. We looked at the assets and controversies surrounding Scotland's richest people, and revealed that more than 400 people in Scotland's universities earn more than first minister John Swinney.

We also discovered how public agencies wield power. Our reporting revealed the number of public bodies that have little-known powers to seize evidence, search premises, and even spy on Scots. These so-called specialist reporting agencies include the SSPCA, NHS Scotland, and the Food Standards Agency. They came to prominence during the Horizon scandal, where the Post Office used its powers to investigate, wrongly charge and privately prosecute hundreds of innocent people.

This series took our small team of journalists months to put together; requiring freedom of information requests, in-depth data analysis, interviewing, contact building, intensive fact-checking and editing. Investigative journalism takes time and effort to complete responsibly and accurately.

And we couldn't have done it without the more than £11,000 we raised from our crowdfunding campaign last year. We wanted to look at Who Runs Scotland, and our supporters backed us with their money, as they have always done.

Ten years ago, we started The Ferret with a crowdfunded investigation into fracking, and we are grateful that people across Scotland still find our work important enough to support today.

The Ferret is an independent, investigative journalism cooperative dedicated to holding power to account.

Since 2015, we have reported on corruption, environmental issues, human rights, and political influence in Scotland.

Our work is supported by members who believe in journalism that challenges, exposes, and informs. If you value in-depth, fact-based reporting, you can support our work by becoming a member.

Join us today

There have been 12 nuclear incidents that could have leaked radioactivity at the Faslane naval base since 2023, The Ferret can reveal.

According to the Ministry of Defence (MoD), the incidents at the Clyde nuclear submarine base had "actual or high potential for radioactive release to the environment".

But the MoD has refused to say what actually happened in any of the incidents, or exactly when they occurred. There were five in 2023, four in 2024 and three in the first four months of 2025 - the highest for 17 years.

Campaigners warned that a "catastrophic" accident at Faslane could put lives at risk. The Trident submarines based there were a "chronic national security threat to Scotland" because they were "decrepit" and over-worked, they claimed.

New figures also revealed that the total number of nuclear incidents categorised by the MoD at Faslane, and the neighbouring nuclear bomb store at Coulport, more than doubled from 57 in 2019 to 136 in 2024. That includes incidents deemed less serious by the MoD.

The Scottish National Party (SNP) described the rising number of incidents as "deeply concerning". It branded the secrecy surrounding the incidents as "unacceptable".

The MoD, however, insisted that it took safety incidents "very seriously". The incidents could include "equipment failures, human error, procedural failings, documentation shortcomings or near-misses", it said.

The latest figures on "nuclear site event reports" at Faslane and Coulport were disclosed in a parliamentary answer to the SNP's defence spokesperson, Dave Doogan MP. They show that a rising trend of more serious events - first reported by The Ferret in April 2024 - is continuing.

Alarm over nuclear safety lapses on the Clyde

There was one incident at Faslane between 1 January and 22 April 2025 given the MoD's worst risk rating of "category A". There was another category A incident at Faslane in 2023.

The MoD has defined category A incidents as having an "actual or high potential for radioactive release to the environment" in breach of safety limits.

The last category A incident reported by the MoD was in 2008, when radioactive waste leaked from a barge at Faslane into the Clyde. There were spillages from nuclear submarines at the base in 2007 and 2006.

There were also four "category B" incidents at Faslane in 2023, another four in 2024 and two in the first four months of 2025. The last time that many category B incidents were reported in a year was 2006, when there were five.

According to the MoD, category B meant "actual or high potential for a contained release within building or submarine", or "actual or high potential for radioactive release to the environment" below safety limits.

The MoD also categorised nuclear site events as "C" and "D". C meant there was "moderate potential for future release to the environment", or an "actual radioactive release to the environment" too low to detect. D meant there was "low potential for release but may contribute towards an adverse trend".

The number of reported C incidents at Faslane and Coulport increased from six in 2019 to 38 in 2024, while the number of D incidents rose from 50 to 94.

At the same time the number of incidents described by the MoD as "below scale" and "of safety interest or concern" dropped from 101 to 39.

The SNP's Dave Doogan MP, criticised the MoD in the House of Commons for the "veil of secrecy" which covered nuclear incidents. Previous governments had outlined what happened where there were "severe safety breaches", he told The Ferret.

"The increased number of safety incidents at Coulport and Faslane is deeply concerning, especially so in an era of increased secrecy around nuclear weapons and skyrocketing costs," Doogan added.

"As a bare minimum the Labour Government should be transparent about the nature of safety incidents at nuclear weapons facilities in Scotland, and the status of their nuclear weapons projects. That the Scottish Government, and the Scottish people, are kept in t...

The Scottish Government claimed it would be "antisemitic" to release information about Angus Robertson's secret meeting with an Israeli ambassador, The Ferret can reveal.

Robertson, Scotland's external affairs secretary, apologised after being criticised over a meeting he had last year with Daniela Grudsky Ekstein, Israel's deputy ambassador to the UK.

Critics accused Robertson of trying to normalise relations with Israel and called for him to be suspended.

After the row erupted last August, The Ferret submitted a freedom of information (FOI) request to the Scottish Government asking for correspondence about the meeting with Grudsky. Officials initially refused to disclose any information.

When we appealed against the decision, the government told Information Commissioner, David Hamilton, that it could be antisemitic to release logistical information about the meeting.

According to Hamilton, an independent official charged with overseeing transparency laws, the government "stated that it had to be mindful of the need to treat Israel as it would 'any other democratic nation', in line with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of Antisemitism".

He said in a report: "The (Scottish Government) argued that ignoring Israel's wishes in circumstances where other countries' wishes have been respected, could be considered as an antisemitic action under the IHRA definition."

The IHRA definition of antisemitism, and its attendant examples, conflates criticism of the policies, practices, and constitution of the State of Israel, with antisemitism.

Ben Jamal, Palestine Solidarity Campaign

Hamilton noted that "the withheld information is mostly concerning the logistical arrangements" of the meeting and that "the majority of information withheld by the [Scottish Government has no inherent sensitivity". Dismissing almost all of the government's objections, he ordered that the withheld correspondence be released within six weeks.

The government had breached transparency laws, Hamilton added, "by failing to identify, locate, retrieve and properly consider all of the information that fell within scope of the request and incorrectly withheld information" in response to the original request. He ordered a fresh review of relevant documents within six weeks.

The IHRA definition has been accepted by 45 countries including the UK. The IHRA is an intergovernmental body established in Stockholm in 1998. It comprises 31 member nations whose purpose is to place political and social leaders' support behind the need for Holocaust education, remembrance and research, both nationally and internationally.

The Scottish Government adopted the definition in 2017. But critics have claimed it conflates criticism of Israel with antisemitism.

In 2023, more than 100 Israeli and international civil society organisations asked the United Nations to reject the definition, arguing it is being "misused" to protect Israel from legitimate criticism.

The Ferret revealed in 2022 that Aberdeen University had rejected the definition after the university senate heard concerns it 'impinged too heavily on academic freedom and the work of academics'. After a two-year consultation, the university instead adopted the Jerusalem Declaration of Antisemitism (JDA) which claims to offer a clearer definition.

More than 350 scholars of antisemitism, Holocaust studies and Jewish studies - who drew up the JDA - said the lack of clarity in the IHRA definition "has caused confusion and generated controversy, hence weakening the fight against antisemitism".

IHRA definition of antisemitism rejected at Aberdeen University

Palestine Solidarity Campaign director Ben Jamal said: "The IHRA definition of antisemitism, and its attendant examples, conflates criticism of the policies, practices, and constitution of the State of Israel, with antisemitism.

He added: "Its adoption, by the Scottish Government and other public bodies, undermines our ability to hold Israel accountab...

A bid to release beavers in the Highlands was delayed after intensive lobbying by farmers and landowners prompted an intervention by the local MSP and deputy first minister, Kate Forbes, The Ferret can reveal.

Emails released under freedom of information law disclose why the wildlife agency, NatureScot, postponed a long-awaited plan to move beavers into Loch Beinn A' Mheadhoin in Glen Affric.

Forbes, the National Farmers Union in Scotland (NFUS) and local landowners privately piled pressure on the agency to derail a beaver licence application by the government's Forestry and Land Scotland.

The tree-felling, dam-building, semi-aquatic mammals were due to start being released in Glen Affric in spring 2025. But NatureScot announced in April that it would "take the summer" for more consultations because there was "considerable concern about the proposal among the local community and its representatives."

Campaigners have condemned the delay as "ministerial appeasement of the NFUS at the expense of Scotland's nature". They dubbed the revelations "beavergate", saying they raised "urgent questions about behind-the-scenes lobbying and hidden voices".

Forbes, however, defended her role as a local MSP relaying concerns of constituents to "relevant public bodies". Her status as deputy first minister was "immaterial to progressing constituency casework", she said.

NatureScot accepted the delay could cause "frustration", and promised a "short and focused" engagement on "specific impacts". The planned release was "contentious" and there was "ministerial interest", it said.

Forestry agency delays beaver plan opposed by landowners

Beavers were hunted to extinction in Scotland in the 16th century. They were accidentally or illegally released in Tayside before 2006, and are now thought to number over 2,000 along the Tay and the Forth.

In 2019 the Tayside beavers were given legal protection by the Scottish Government. But farmers and landowners, who feared the damage they could cause by flooding, were licensed to shoot 352 of them between 2019 and 2022.

In 2021 Green MSP Lorna Slater, then biodiversity minister, announced a change of policy aimed at allowing beavers to be moved to other parts of Scotland instead of being shot. Authorised releases have since taken place at Loch Lomond and in the Cairngorms.

In March 2022 Slater asked Forestry and Land Scotland (FLS) to identify land it owned suitable for reintroducing beavers. Working with the rewilding campaign group, Trees for Life, FLS developed a proposal to release up to four beaver families on land it owns in Glen Affric, above the Beinn A' Mheadhoin dam.

The Ferret reported in October 2023 that FLS had postponed applying for a beaver release licence following opposition from landowners, backed by Forbes. It wasn't until January 2025, after two years of consultations, that FLS finally submitted its full licence application to NatureScot.

Beaver application 'novel and contentious'

What happened next has now been revealed by over 80 pages of emails released by NatureScot in response to a freedom of information request by The Ferret. Local farmers and land managers, whose names have been redacted, wrote a series of angry letters, urging NatureScot to reject the licence application.

They expressed alarm about the damage that beavers might do to riverbanks and salmon spawning areas. They complained that beavers had already been illegally released downstream at Strathglass, and criticised the consultations as biased.

Forbes wrote to NatureScot in January, also saying that constituents were worried that beaver dams could harm salmon spawning beds. She asked for the matter to be investigated.

NatureScot told NFUS it didn't "normally" seek comments on licence applications, but was "happy" to receive them from farmers. On 28 February 2025 NFUS wrote to NatureScot expressing "serious concerns", calling for a "pause" and requesting a meeting.

The letter argued that, if released, beavers would quickl...

An investigation is under way into a pollution incident at a West Highland loch which locals have described as an "ecological catastrophe".

Fishermen who operate at Loch Hourn raised the alarm last month after finding their catch included dead prawns, worms and other creatures - all of which, they said, smelled strongly of bleach.

The full scale of the damage is not yet known but a local group told The Ferret "this is not some minor incident but in reality something closer to an oil spill".

The Scottish Government is investigating the incident.

Loch Hourn, a dramatic, deep, fjord-like sea loch, surrounded by mountains, stretches approximately 14 miles between the Knoydart peninsula and Glenelg.

A community-run group called Friends of Loch Hourn said a "large area" of the seabed in Loch Hourn was "poisoned" during the night of 19 April, adding that it was "not clear exactly what happened".

The group queried whether vessels used by a salmon farm run by the Norwegian multinational Mowi were involved, and accused the Scottish Environment Protection Agency (Sepa) of being slow to respond to the incident.

Mowi Scotland strongly denied any involvement and said it conducted its own investigation and found "no evidence to suggest that there is any linkage to our Loch Hourn fish farm".

Friends of Loch Hourn said that well boats (vessels designed for the transportation of live fish) had been servicing a fish farm at the mouth of the loch, around three miles west of the incident. At 10:30pm on 19 April, an "unidentifiable, large vessel with many deck lights" was seen near to the area where a prawn boat had creels, the community group added.

Make no mistake, this is not some minor incident but in reality something closer to an oil spill. Just because it is all on the seabed, maybe 100 metres down, with nothing to actually see from the surface does not alter the fact that this is an ecological catastrophe.

A spokesperson for Friends of Loch Hourn.

It also voiced concerns over "the seeming lack of urgency" in response to the incident by bodies responsible for protecting the environment. It said the incident was reported to Portree Fisheries Office on 22 April, and to Sepa on 24 April, but it took two weeks for a formal investigation to begin.

"In a situation like this, one would have thought that speed was of the essence: get on the ground, take sediment and water samples and determine the extent of the areas affected, before evidence becomes dispersed and pollutants get diluted," said a Friends of Loch Hourn spokesperson. "This has not been our experience."

The Scottish Government said it was aware of reports of a potential environmental incident at Loch Hourn. "This is an ongoing investigation and we are liaising with partners. Given this is still a live investigation, it would be inappropriate to comment," a spokesperson added.

Mowi Scotland said reports of vessels in Loch Hourn allegedly discharging anything that could impact the marine environment were "false and misleading" and that it was "fully cooperating" with Sepa.

More than 100 environmental breaches at fish farms

The company added: "All vessels in the area in the time period in question were carrying out normal, recognised activities in support of farming operations. No vessel undertook any cleaning or disinfection activities during their time at the Loch Hourn farm and even if they had, this process is also subject to stringent regulations which pose no risk to the marine environment."

A spokesperson for Sepa said it was made aware by a member of the public of a potential pollution incident at Loch Hourn on Thursday 24th April.

"We responded quickly to the report, identified this was outwith Sepa's remit and swiftly passed details to partners to investigate," they added.

Sepa regulates well boat discharges from authorised sites. The Scottish Government's Marine Directorate regulates discharges from elsewhere.

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