In this episode of Gangland Wire, Gary Jenkins sits down with retired FBI agent and organized crime historian Bill Ouseley for a deep dive into the Mob’s transition from bootlegging during Prohibition to dominating the narcotics trade.

Ouseley, known for his books Open City and Mobsters in Our Midst, shares insights from his years investigating the Kansas City crime family and the Vegas skimming cases. The conversation traces how organized crime evolved after Prohibition, finding new profit in the rising black market for drugs. From the early days when narcotics were sold in pharmacies and corner stores to the complex, international networks run by the Mob, Ouseley explains how organized crime adapted and thrived.

Jenkins and Ouseley discuss the rise of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics in 1930, the societal shift in attitudes toward drug use, and how policy changes created a perfect storm for the Mob to exploit. Ouseley highlights how figures like Harry Anslinger pushed for punitive drug laws that unintentionally fueled organized crime, and how the government’s focus on punishment over treatment helped entrench addiction and criminal networks.

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3:20 The Rise of Narcotics in the Mob

5:22 Early Drug Regulation and Public Response

8:23 The 1800s: Opium and Society

12:08 Government Approaches to Drug Issues

13:54 The Impact of Prohibition on Narcotics

17:42 Consolidation of Narcotics Operations

24:17 Anslinger and the Federal Response

36:26 Kansas City’s Narcotics History Ahead

[0:00] Well, hey, all you wiretappers out there, it’s Gary Jenkins,

[0:02] retired Kansas City Police Intelligence Unit detective and later sergeant. Welcome to Gangland Wire. I have a friend of mine that I’m interviewing today. You might notice there’s not going to be any video with a bunch of images in there. It’s FBI agent Bill Ouseley. Bill, he was the case agent for all the skimming from Las Vegas cases from the Kansas City end. We worked with him over the years hand in glove in the intelligence unit. And he’s a good guy. He still lives in Kansas City. He’s written a couple of books, by the way. He’s got Open City, which is the history of the Kansas City mob, starting back in the Black Hand days and going all the way up till about the time he came here in the early 60s. Then he wrote a second book, which is really about his career and all the different cases he worked with additional information about the local Savella family, which would have been the Savella family by the time he got here in the, I think, 1964, maybe. I graduated from high school in 63.

[1:02] Today, we’re going to talk about the history of the mob and narcotics. You know, it’s all a much-discussed subject that whether they approve of them dealing in narcotics. You know, they do on the QT, they do in different ways. They invest money, maybe loan money and high rates of interest, if you will, to narcotics dealers or some of them, you know, deal directly. You know, the Bonanno family was famous for dealing directly with narcotics. Genovese went to jail for dealing in narcotics. So historically.

[1:34] Kansas City, I don’t believe Nick Savella really, he did not approve of it. He didn’t allow his guys to do it directly. There were some people that were indirectly involved in narcotics. Now, whether they kicked money up or whether they were using their own money or somebody else’s money to invest in these narcotics operations, we never really found out. Those books are, I’ll have links to them down below in the show notes. So you might want to get those if you want to know a lot more about the Kansas City crime family and his work here. And by the way, so many of those cases in that book that the second book, Mopters in Our Midst, I think I forgot to say the name of that, Mopters in Our Midst. A lot of those cases I’m reading the book when I first got, it’s like, well, I was there. I did that. I, you know, I, I stirred up this little bit of information and, and which the Bureau then takes and runs with, which is what we do. You know, we, we like, maybe they’ll come to us and they’ll hear about something and we’ll go out and, and run surveillances and get license plate numbers and bring them back. And it’ll help them make, make sense of what’s going on, whatever the investigation ends up being.

[2:44] Today, now listen up. We’re going to plumb the depth of Bill Ouseley’s knowledge about the earliest days of narcotics and the laws that were developed and society’s look at narcotics. To me, it may be a little bit dry for you, but I think it’s a really interesting conversation that I have with Bill. Thanks a lot, guys. With the end of Prohibition, they needed a new field.

[3:13] Narcotics was now starting to become a big deal. You know, it was not just the

[3:18] Chinese and the opium dens. So during Prohibition, the mob didn’t really pay much attention to it. They kind of kept their fingers in a little bit. Yeah, because Cork got arrested and this guy got arrested. And there were guys dabbling in it. But it wasn’t the moneymaker that it became. I see. Until the mob gets into it, then they get in. And that’s what the story is here. One of the earliest of these groups to put narcotics on a major business basis was Narcotics Syndicate here. The Kansas City Narcotics Syndicate. And the story of how they put it together. And then, of course… In 1930, finally, they came to the conclusion the laws were good, but they needed to be enforced. And in 1930, the Bureau of Narcotics was established.

[4:14] Anslinger came in. He was a tough guy. What interested me was not only the beginnings of so many of these Cosenostra families and how they started, and that’s what I covered in Open City, the history of the beginnings of the Kansas City family. But as I went through that, what was very interesting to me on a sociological basis was how the mob continually followed and prospered as regulation came in. The greatest of those examples, prohibition. They regulated liquor. Thousands and millions wanted liquor. Somebody had to provide it. And the mob was there or was created during that period. I could go through sports, horse racing, boxing, and all sorts of areas that the government or the state decided to come in and regulate that particular activity. And then somebody had to fulfill the black market need because the customers don’t just quit.

[5:19] You know, prohibition came in. If anything, it made more drunks. So anyway, one of the stories within the story is how this happened with the narcotics situation and that maybe it wouldn’t have been as big as it became if there had been more thought behind legislation, more enforcement.

[5:43] More dedication to eradicating the problem rather than just at the time suppressing it. You have to go back, and where are.

[5:53] We’re talking now about the Midwest and Kansas City. This has been duplicated in other areas. But keep in mind that my focus is on what happened in our area. Again, it’s mirrored around the country. But in the 1800s, there was drug use in the 1800s. It was recreational. It was doctors prescribing these elixirs and opium-based medicines. People’s problems. They were even treating addicts by just keeping them in supply. There was no regulation at that time, no government regulation. Most states didn’t bother with it. And at that time, they sort of blamed the problem as it developed on the Chinese.

[6:45] Most of the opium coming in was coming in from China. The Chinese had the opium smoking dens and what have you. And it was a major situation at that time. But as with all of these vices, the time came when the public became concerned. And just like they were concerned with liquor, that led to the prohibition. This happened with the drug use, which was unregulated. And the social workers and activists in the community started to raise the issue, and that led to the first regulation by the government of any substance, the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1908. So regulation began then, in a sense. Soon, states started jumping in with laws and regulations and what have you. What we need to also focus on, because of how this developed, is who were the pool of drug users at that time?

[8:01] They were the street people, thieves, pimps, whores, the police characters. This was not your corporate board. This was not cocaine up on Madison Avenue. And many, many women were addicted.

[8:18] There was a product called Laudanum, which was an elixir, and it had opium in it. And they took it for various reasons. And if they couldn’t get it, their doctor would prescribe it for them. In fact, the doctors continued to be an enormous supply of opium at that time. So, you have to consider the character of the pool of users that was available. It wasn’t a big deal.

[8:47] But with regulation, as it always happens…

[8:51] The criminal element starts to come in because as you suppress one thing, that need has to be fulfilled. And when it’s things like alcohol or drugs or betting, sports betting, or wanting to go to the prize fights and it’s illegal, they’ll make it legal. I’m kind of curious about the, yeah, really, the 1800s, my dolly off for women with menstrual cramps. Yeah, well, they did a little dose in between. But now, like, I always think of these early days of narcotics and why it even started regulating it as a crime rather than some kind of a medical problem. Because that’s the that’s kind of the deal today. You know, wait a minute is maybe this we’re not doing so well regulating this as a crime. Maybe we should look at this as a medical problem. So back then, now, part I’d always thought was because, part of because what you said about it was criminals who already were wanting to take drugs and get high and maybe use that as a substitute for alcohol. Either one will make you high and only one of them, you know, it smells on your breath and you start stumbling around a lot worse than maybe if you’re taking some kind of opium or you’re smoking opium. It seemed like they just nod out. But anyhow, be that as it may, I just wonder why was that like the only way they had to look at it as a law enforcement criminal issue rather than, well, these women, they seem to be needing this stuff more and more.

[10:20] That seems to be a problem. Shouldn’t we do something medically?

[10:25] Well, I can’t address all of the reasonings that went behind it, but I think it’s inherent in how the government approaches things. Initially, they’re looking at taxing this product as a way of regulating it rather than enforcing it or, as you say, going at it from a different direction. It was pretty much the same with alcohol. Why not treat the drunks? No, they banned alcohol. So the government sort of doesn’t look from that standpoint. In fact, there was a huge argument when the next major legislation came in, the Harrison Narcotics Act of 1914, there was a huge to-do about, well, are you people just looking to make money? You don’t care about this thing.

[11:21] You’re going about it as taxation. And they said, well, no, we’re not. You know, we’re going to ban something and lose revenue if you’re talking about taxation. But you can see there was this dichotomy in people feeling how it was being approached. But all I can say to it is from what I see in history, how the government approaches is these type of things, vice kinds of activity, gambling, drinking, boxing, horse racing, all at one time, all they tried to do is regulate it. They never looked at any other alternatives.

[12:03] And usually they never had sufficient enforcement to go with it. And that’s what caused a lot of the problem. I think probably Bill and.

[12:14] More than likely, it’s because a lot of people that are attracted to that may be kind of on the gray areas of life anyhow that are attracted to heavy drinking, to bars, to gambling and prostitution and things like that. And plus, there’s, of course, prostitution. There are certain biblical prohibitions of things like that, and probably narcotics use. I think of the early, in the 30s, narcotics use, you always thought of the jazz musicians and people that lived in that kind of netherworld, if you will, kind of exist in that, not in the Square John world and not in the total criminal world, but kind of in between in those kinds of worlds. Maybe that may be some reason why they looked at it more as a, let’s make this into more of a crime and more of a crime, and that’s a way to control it. Well, I think you have a good point there because.

[13:06] As I said, this pool was not a huge pool. I mean, there were a lot of narcotics users, but as I say, it wasn’t the social problem that it became where the middle class, the high class, the wealthy, the entertainment field, where, you know, drugs became as common as a Coors Light beer. At that time, they may have thought, you know, this is restricted to a certain element. And if we can get the doctors out of this, we can handle a lot of it. And at first, the doctors didn’t comply. But then they started cracking down on them. And of course, that shorted the supply also.

[13:50] So gradually, we’re leading to a black market.

[13:55] And I won’t jump ahead of myself, but we’ll get to the point where these entities that developed are going to take a rather modest need and they’re going to grow it into something that we see in the last 50 years or so.

[14:15] There’s a shortage out there of this product, and there seems to be getting more and more demand. And to find more of this product, which would be an opiate at that point in time, I’m not sure where marijuana figures into this. It may or may not. It comes later. It comes later. And so it’s an opiate, and we don’t really seem to grow opium poppies. That’s where they come from in the United States. So that’s when they start reaching out overseas. And this is a point in time when the Black Hand is setting up in your various Eastern to Middle West cities, which were criminal organizations with ties directly back to the Mediterranean area. And best I can tell, I know they grow a lot of poppies in Turkey and around in the Middle East. And they have these natural old ties, trade routes, if you will, from Sicily back into Turkey and Lebanon and around the Middle East. Is that kind of how, you know, is that, would that be the genesis then of the organization of this, you know, this product and getting, creating a supply and bringing the supply in? And then finding the customers? Well, as this situation we talked about, we’re talking about the turn of the century, the early 1900s.

[15:39] The Cosa Nostra doesn’t exist. The Black Hand is really not coordinated or organized. They’re establishing themselves, trying to get a foothold, but they’re pretty much relegated to the little Itlis of the city. They can get drugs from their friends in Italy and all that, but they’re not of the ilk yet to establish really big labs over there and transporting it. And this is still the embryo stage. Now, they’re supplying a little bit of drugs to this small pool of nerdo wells. It isn’t even a big population of users yet. And then before they can really maybe organize if they’re thinking about drugs.

[16:32] Prohibition comes along. Well, now they’re diverted in their interest to something way bigger than narcotics. Your pool of people who want to drink and all of the side lights that go with alcohol was enormous. It was an enormous potential. And the mob, pretty much around the country focused their attention on Prohibition. So in this early stage, historically, the Jews in New York and other places, some of the other ethnic groups that were, they did most of the narcotics. The Italian-Sicilian faction wasn’t fully developed yet. Our family didn’t develop until Prohibition when all of the black hand groups came together. And they’re pretty well focused on liquor, and it’s huge. It’s huge. In fact, the international lines of communication established through prohibition would be used later for drugs.

[17:43] So at this era, it’s not a big thing yet. They’re dabbling in it. Some of our characters who were attached to the family were arrested for narcotics. There weren’t big sentences. Most of them did maybe a year, if anything. And so there wasn’t any suppression of it, really. So in this early era, the narcotics…

[18:08] Trade, at least in this part of the world here and in many other areas, was relegated to, as I say, to Jewish criminal organizations, Irish criminal organization, and the Italians would come in later. So this is, you know, we’re going 1933, 34 is kind of the prohibition is winded down. When did it end? I can’t remember.

[18:32] 1933. Let’s see. It went from 20 to 33. 33, okay, that’s what I thought. So, you know, it’s winding down. That’s got to be a huge loss of money because, I mean, they could turn their speakeasies into legitimate clubs. I understand that. But you can’t make near as much money off of a barrel of beer or a carton, a case of whiskey as you could before. And I always thought of them moving more into gambling at that time, maybe even a little bit of the continuing with some organized prostitution because it was more susceptible. Prostitution is not susceptible to organization today, but back then it was more susceptible to organization. And I always thought of that, but they moved into narcotics and particularly what would be an example of how that would work here in Kansas City. Because it would be representative in Kansas City as in every other Chicago and New York and probably Tampa and all the cities that had a major family would have worked the same way. Well, yeah, because when the drug business was put on a corporate level where they were going to not only deal with this small pool, but they were going to expand it.

[19:55] You know, just as they did in Prohibition. If there were 12 bars on Main Street, they put in 40. When they get into something, it isn’t just to supply some demand, take over where someone else left off.

[20:11] The Cosa Nostra is like Walmart. They are going to promote their products. As you said, that gambling was one of the things that they saw on the horizon. They knew the wind was, it was in the wind that prohibition was going to be ending. It had done its deal. The people didn’t want it anymore. And so they were aware of this. In fact, they were supposed to have had a major meeting in Atlantic City in the 30s to determine where are we going to go from here. And so gambling was one of the areas. is they said, okay. And then we saw the plush clubs, the carpet joints, the bookie operations, the racetracks that they got into. They went in full blast. But there’s always enough people to go into other directions. And one of the other directions they saw as a moneymaker and has had great potential was the narcotics industry. So with the, and let me back up just a minute here before we get into that era. One of the main historical events of that era was in 1930.

[21:29] They established the Bureau of Narcotics. The Federal Bureau of Narcotics was established, and it was to enforce the Harrison Act from 1914.

[21:43] As I say, it had not been enforced to any great degree. That was typical of the government.

[21:51] They didn’t correlate law with enforcement. The regulation created a black market. The drug situation wasn’t changing that much, but it was still small in relatively to prohibition. The narcotics agents were.

[22:13] Prior to that, the Harrison Act was updated, and they banned all importation of heroin. And no use at all, no medical use. It just, you couldn’t bring it in, but it was coming in. So Henry Enslinger, the first director, he dispatched his people to Europe to find the sources of this drug and how it was getting here. And what’s important about that, their early investigations abroad provided the intelligence of this blossoming criminal organization that would later become Cosa Nostra. They were the first and only NARC bureau in the federal government to cry out that this syndicate exists here, okay? By 1932, Cosa Nostra had consolidated. So we had that situation of at least one federal agency was seeing the writing on the wall. Nobody followed suit.

[23:21] One of the things that happened, Anslinger, when he took over, he was a very, very forceful director. He took this seriously. They were the first to start using, I mean, on a broad scale against a narcotics organization informants, undercover people, all of that kind of stuff, which was not very well used in that era. But he was the one who said, anyone that has heroin, you know, is guilty. So I think that’s where we came to the user being included. He wanted it that strong. This is Harry J. Anslinger, Commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics. Treasury Department intends to pursue a relentless warfare against the despicable, dope-bettling vulture who preys on the weakness of his fellow man.

[24:17] And he was also the one who lobbied and resulted in the first Marijuana Act, which was like 1938 or so. And because he saw all drugs as evil and had to be addressed. So the protocol of what’s heroin, what’s this, how they do it, pretty much was something I don’t know how exactly they labelized all these drugs, but they didn’t want any of them. It’s probably as Harry Anslinger decided this is heroin and this is marijuana and this is illegal. Well, you know, they had been exempting many of the medical facilities, even some of the major producers that supplied the hospital. They had made exceptions for some of these people. In fact, you know, they made the exception for the doctors back then, but they had restricted them. And, of course, with his money to be involved, the doctors continued to put out prescripts like we have today. You know, it was similar to the opioid situation today where…

[25:34] You know, pharmacies are in a town of 200 are filling 6,000 prescriptions for an opiate. And drug, the major drug people today are sending 100,000 units to a city of 10,000. You know, and they say, well, we don’t know anything about. It was the same thing here. The doctors, don’t you do that? Well, of course, so-and-so gets a prescription. Well, finally, they really started monitoring them, you know, with the drug people. They came in and they had to have records and what have you, and they sent doctors to jail. And that’s the best deterrent for a doctor. I guess it’s a little bit like during Prohibition, you could go to a doctor or a pharmacist and get medical whiskey. You can get a bottle of whiskey that was prescribed for you. Yeah, well, they could do— Yeah, if it’s only a teaspoon full with some lemon and honey.

[26:30] It’s a connect the dots kind of thing. We do this, they do that. We have to approach that and then they do this. And so many times that could have been prevented if the ramifications and fallout of my legislation, when I propose this, the fallout should be considered. You know, during our time, Gary, you may remember, Kansas promoted a bingo law. Oh, yeah, sure.

[27:05] And it had to go through a VFW or that type of club. They had to apply for the license. Well, there was no regulation to go with it. They had maybe one guy for the entire state or something. So the mob went in and created a group that was, I can’t think of the word now. It was like a straw group. It was like a nonprofit straw group when they did that and then set up a bingo game. And you looked at the board of directors of that nonprofit that was supposed to be taking that money and doing some kind of good with it. And it was all these different mob wives and in-laws and stuff like that. So, you know, this has been a historical problem with legislation. Maybe sometimes there’s nothing you could do. But I think a good example for our community here is when Missouri legalized the casinos.

[28:04] They used all of the intelligence and information and documentation from the Vegas cases that were broken, from the intelligence from they hired the right commission. My former boss, Bill Quinn, was put on the commission, and I knew he’d be honest that a day is long. And they have not had a big problem. No, not at all. So they did the right thing. Legislation combined with a consideration of the fallout and the unintended consequences. And you realize that when there’s a lot of money to be made, that you need to really vet the people who are in control of these things. And they didn’t really do that very well in the 30s. Politicians were a little bit shady already. And so they just did not do that at all.

[28:56] That’s what Dan Slinger and the Bureau of Narcotics said about doing. They were going to try to cut off the trade routes to find out where it was going, how it was going, who was involved. Of course, by this time, as they get into the 40s and all, they’re starting to put together the French connection, how the labs were in Marseille, they were hiding the drugs in various packages or whatever, you know, cars and boxes and pottery and whatever you could think of. And then later, the Sicilian Mafia, as they increased, they had their labs, they had their trade routes. So that’s what they were trying to develop. And the legitimate people who to get their drugs would have to go through a more legitimate process. These would have to be vetted places that are not labs in some basement. You know, these were accepted and regulated providers of opium. So there had to be some of those.

[30:09] And if you have an exception, and we don’t grow poppies here or make heroin, although I guess you could. I don’t know that about it. But there was a process for that. The problem was, as the drug addiction and the drug organizations grew, that became the problem. Not some guy trying to give a prescription for laudanum.

[30:36] And so the real problem that the Federal Narcotics Bureau had to address was the huge amounts coming in to very large, sophisticated criminal organizations. It probably started out just like it still has developed today in South America. You have a really poor community in Turkey, rural community where people barely live from hand to mouth. Anyhow, you’ve got these little farmers out raising these poppy fields, and a lot of them are being sold to the legitimate people. But they probably found out they could make a little extra money on the side, and you’re going to have criminal organizations all around the Mediterranean anyhow. So they, you know, organize some of these farmers and create, you know, poppy fields that aren’t on the book, shall we say. And then they figure out these other lines of transport, you know, on end to where you can get it refined. And then on where there’s a market over in the United States. And it’s exactly what’s happened in Colombia and Peru and Mexico and all over the Western Hemisphere. And I guess it really started back then, it appears to me like. Well, that’s a good point to bring up. First of all, you’re talking about foreign entities. You know, Turkey and wherever those countries are that have huge poppy industry, that’s big money for not only the government.

[32:05] That’s their, like you say, that’s their livelihood. The government isn’t going to suppress the poppy growers. Our State Department is, they’re caught between a rock and a hard place. I mean, they want to go to Turkey and say, we’re going to cut off all your money if one poppy seeds or any of this gets into our country. They’re not going to do that, you know, because the, well, political.

[32:31] We need their support. We need to put a missile base there. whatever it is. So these people have a free hand in growing poppies. Not much you can do about that. Once the syndicate says, we are going to put heroin on a major basis, then they go and make the contacts.

[32:52] They make contacts with that guy in Columbia, this farmer out here, and they make a contract. We’ll take all of the poppy that you can grow, and we’re going to give you more than you’re going to get. And then they create the illegal labs. The poppy seeds are transported to Sicily, to the French people, or whoever is establishing these illicit processing plants. The heroin is then produced there. It’s very difficult to suppress something like heroin from its origin in the poppy fields. And it sounds like this really started back in the early 1900s and just has grown and developed a little bit more. The more there is a demand, the more their supply is going to continue to grow because those turkeys poppy farmers aren’t going to grow a bunch of poppies that they don’t have someplace to sell. And so it’s just slowly but surely grown over the years. It goes back to what I mentioned is once the decision was made that.

[34:02] Drugs will be our major, one of the major things. We are going to expand to make money.

[34:10] Okay. Once, and of course, being that the Italian Sicilian people, mobs, had open connections to the old country, that helped. But once they decided drugs is going to be on our agenda, then the rest of the system started to come to play. They sent their people over. They made contacts. They made contacts with the people who could get the poppies, or they went and did it themselves. But generally, they relied on their compadres, other illicit drug operations, whether they be French or Turkish or what. The connections were made and the lines were open and that increased the whole system. So it goes back to what I said earlier. When the mom gets into something, it isn’t just to take care of a few people or to pick up where somebody may have left off. Their idea is to expand it into a business where we’re going to make new customers.

[35:24] We’re going to promote this. And what they did in the big cities was. The mob guys went into the ethnic neighborhoods, the black neighborhoods, the Hispanic neighborhoods, whatever, or any neighborhoods, the poor neighborhood, and they were like hawking drugs. They made it cheap to begin with. They hooked people, you know, but they promoted this. And so the entire system grew as the mob, mainly to Cosa Nostra, as they outlived all the other organizations. But as they grew and promoted this operation, that whole system of growing, transporting, laboratories, importation, that became a corporate entity.

[36:18] They had, you know, salesmen. They had whatever you need.

[36:22] And we’ll see that in a minute if we get to the Kansas City syndicate. Next time, we’re going to look at Kansas City narcotics and the Kansas City crime family and what they did in the narcotics trade. They were heavily involved back in the 30s. By the 60s, 70s, it doesn’t seem like they were so much. And no maid guys were for sure. But the brother of Nick Civella, Cork Civella, got caught with heroin back in 1935-36. Bill will tell us about that. Don’t forget, if you have a problem with PTSD and you’ve been in the service, go to the VA website. If you have a problem with drugs or alcohol, if you’ve been in the service, you can go to the VA. If not, go to Anthony Ruggiano down in Florida. He is a former proposed member of the Gambino crime family now.

[37:10] He’s now never went into witness protection. I don’t think he testified against anybody. I can’t remember. I interviewed him. I should. But he’s a drug and alcohol counselor down there, and he’s got a hotline on his website, and maybe you can even go into treatment where he is. If you have a problem with gambling, 1-800-BETS-OFF in Missouri, every state that has gambling is going to have some kind of way to find some kind of help. If you have a problem with gambling, you know, gambling addiction is, that’s what the mob lived off of was degenerate gamblers that had an addiction to gambling, get that loan shark money out there and man you know you’re on the hook you’re their slave for the rest of your life so just keep that in mind and you start making all these bets and then you’re losing money and these prop bets on the uh the uh apps and all that and you know it’s just not for me and i’ve got good friends that that do that but you know it’s just uh if you do have a problem with it you know i’m just saying that there is a way out so thanks a lot guys uh don’t forget i like to ride motorcycles i forgot to say that you guys out there in your big old wif 150s watch out for us next episode we’re going to talk about the kansas city crime family and heroin thanks guys.