Melvin Dummar: Howard Hughes Will
Melvin Earl Dummar (August 28, 1944 – December 9, 2018) was a Utah man who earned attention when he claimed to have saved reclusive business tycoon Howard Hughes in the Nevada desert in 1967, and to have been awarded part of Hughes' vast estate. Dummar's claims resulted in a series of court battles that all ended in rulings against Dummar.[3] A Las Vegas jury determined in 1978 that the will, leaving Dummar $156 million, was a forgery.[4] Dummar's story was later adapted into Jonathan Demme's film Melvin and Howard in 1980. A 2005 reinvestigation of the circumstances surrounding the so-called Dummar Will yielded new evidence not previously known.
Dummar's purported meeting with Hughes

While working at a service station in Willard, Utah, Dummar claimed to have discovered a disheveled and lost man lying on the side of a stretch of U.S. Route 95 about 150 miles (240 km) north of Las Vegas, Nevada, near Lida Junction. The man asked Dummar to take him to the Sands Hotel in Las Vegas. Dummar claimed that only in the final minutes of their encounter did the man reveal his identity as Hughes.
The "Mormon Will"
After Hughes' death in April 1976, a handwritten will was discovered in the Salt Lake City, Utah headquarters of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Though purportedly written by Hughes in 1968, the will had many strange discrepancies. It named Noah Dietrich as an executor, despite the fact that Dietrich had left Hughes' employ on bad terms in the late 1950s. The will left approximately $156,000,000 to the LDS Church and although Hughes had employed many LDS workers, he had never been a member of that church. The will left money to his two ex-wives, Ella Rice and Jean Peters, even though both women had alimony settlements that barred claims on Hughes' estate. The will was rife with misspellings, including misspelling the name of Hughes' cousin. It called Hughes' famous flying boat, the Hughes H-4 Hercules, the "spruce goose" — a derisive nickname that Hughes had always despised.[5] Most oddly, the will left one "Melvin DuMar" of Gabbs, Nevada one-sixteenth of Hughes' estate.


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In General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical-Right Conspiracy, author Jeffrey H. Caufield explores the forces which led Oswald to be in Dallas that day. Dr. Caufield applies acquired academic methodology in rigorously researching the story through public records, private correspondence, and a number of sources not available to the general public until the Freedom of Information Act released them.

Meticulously researched over 25 years using documents from the National Archives, the FBI, and other archival sources--along with extensive personal interviews--this book presents a massive amount of new evidence. Never has there been such compelling proof of the involvement of the radical right and General Walker in the murder of the president.


Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-opperman-report--1198501/support.

In General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical-Right Conspiracy, author Jeffrey H. Caufield explores the forces which led Oswald to be in Dallas that day. Dr. Caufield applies acquired academic methodology in rigorously researching the story through public records, private correspondence, and a number of sources not available to the general public until the Freedom of Information Act released them.

Meticulously researched over 25 years using documents from the National Archives, the FBI, and other archival sources--along with extensive personal interviews--this book presents a massive amount of new evidence. Never has there been such compelling proof of the involvement of the radical right and General Walker in the murder of the president.

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Hollywood’s Shocking Fall From Grace - The Jonathan Todd Schwartz Story

Alanis Morissette’s former business manager admitted embezzling more than $7m (£6m) from the singer and other celebrities and agreed to plead guilty to federal charges, prosecutors said.Jonathan Todd Schwartz, then 48, of Los Angeles, was charged with wire fraud and filing a false tax return for failing to report the embezzled funds.Now, in 2025, he's turned his life around. He now runs Altus Rehab, which helps people deal with addictions. Their mission at Altus is to provide a progressive approach to detox and residential treatment that utilizes the most up to date research and evidence based practice while maintaining client dignity and autonomy. Jonathan is deeply passionate about fostering a supportive and empowering environment for both clients and staff, ensuring that our program remains at the forefront of evidence-based practices and ethical standards. Through collaboration with community partners and ongoing evaluation of program outcomes, I am committed to driving positive change and making a meaningful impact in the lives of individuals affected by substance use.






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Bursting into existence in the Pacific Northwest in 1975, the George Jackson Brigade claimed 14 pipe bombings against corporate and state targets, as many bank robberies, and the daring rescue of a jailed member. Combining veterans of the prisoners’ women’s, gay, and black liberation movements, this organization was also ideologically diverse, consisting of both communists and anarchists. Concomitant with the Brigade’s extensive armed work were prolific public communications. In more than a dozen communiqués and a substantial political statement, they sought to explain their intentions to the public while defying the law enforcement agencies that pursued them.
Creating a Movement with Teeth makes available this body of propaganda and mediations on praxis, collecting it in one volume for the first time. In addition, the collection assembles corporate media profiles of the organization’s members and alternative press articles in which partisans thrash out the heated debates sparked in the progressive community by the eruption of an armed group in their midst. Creating a Movement with Teeth illuminates a forgotten chapter of the radical social movements of the 1970s in which diverse interests combined forces in a potent rejection of business as usual in the United States.


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