Townhall Review | Commentaries

The 2020 election is now before us.

I didn't vote for Donald Trump in 2016, but I’ve already voted for Donald Trump in 2020.

Four years ago, I made an argument against him based on character. I still believe in the necessity of character for public office, but I’ve had to think more deeply about how character is evaluated in a given historic context.

In 2016, I doubted that Donald Trump would fulfill his campaign promises about the sanctity of life. I was wrong.

In his first term, President Trump has staked his place in history, defied the accommodationist temptation and given pro-life Americans more than any other president.

I voted for and I hope for the election of Donald Trump and the Republican ticket for a second term. I also hope for a continued Republican majority in the United States Senate. I do so precisely because of my convictions.

May God bless the United States of America, and may this nation bless the nations of the world.

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With just days now before Election Day, President Trump has been making his biggest bet: that the portion of the American electorate living between the coasts knows what is in its own best interest.

He thinks these Americans know that their interests—economic, cultural, familial—diverge sharply from the coastal elites.

Trump has taken up the case for folks between the coasts and states at the margin. He’s counting especially on voters in Florida, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin—and turnout is going to be enormous.

The turnout issue means that—for first time since I started watching politics closely—a blowout in either direction is genuinely possible.

I hope you’ve made your plans to vote—and make sure to remind those in your world to get out and vote.

America is at a crossroads—with two starkly different visions for the future of the nation we love.

Whatever the result: Don’t regret not doing your part.

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Attorney General William Barr should appoint a special counsel to investigate Hunter Biden’s financial dealings and any involvement of former Vice President Joe Biden—and Barr should do so immediately, before the election, pursuant to the regulations that govern the Department of Justice and special counsels.

If the emails on Hunter Biden’s computers are found to be genuine, there appears to be the basis for a criminal investigation—one that could be conducted with dispatch—about whether Joe Biden profited from his son’s activity and failed to report it, whether they failed to register as agents of a foreign power. Whatever the election results on November the 3rd—Biden or Trump— the Department will face an inevitable conflict in conducting any inquiry into the so-called "laptop from hell"—and thus the need to establish a special counsel now.

So set up a special counsel from outside the beltway—and give him or her the same resources Robert Mueller had, and as broad a writ to investigate the Bidens as Mueller received for his “Trump Hunt.”

Let’s find out what happened.

Then the American people can trust the end result.

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The Obama administration was once defined by low growth and high spending. When Obama took office, our debt-to-GDP ratio was around 90 percent. Today, it has passed 105 percent.

While high debt is always a risk, you can to some extent outrun it with high growth. Under President Trump, while spending increased, it was partially offset by relatively high growth. The Obama years were bad for our economy, but our debt was low enough that we were able to avoid economic collapse.

Neither of these would be the case under a Biden administration. Our total national debt is higher than ever in peace-time, and Biden’s plan will only raise it dramatically further. He’s proposing over $5 trillion in new spending and the largest tax increase in 70 years.

Low growth, high debt and a growing tax burden: that’s a very dangerous combination, and that’s exactly what we should expect from a Biden presidency.

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In the midst of all the sound and fury of the campaign, you may not have noticed that Democrats have entirely abandoned one of their favorite issues of the past two decades.

In 2020, you hear nothing about campaign finance reform, or long-standing liberal hopes of limiting citizens and companies in supporting their favorite causes.

As recently as 2012, Obama, Hillary and other prominent liberals spoke of amending the Constitution to strike down the Citizens United case that made it easier for corporations to participate in ongoing public debates.

Why have Democrats dropped that point of view?

Because Joe Biden has uncorked a gusher of money—breaking all records, outspending Trump by more than three to one on TV ads in key swing states. Four years ago, Hillary also outspent Trump but lost the election.

Biden’s runaway spending should strip Democrats of any ongoing ability to attack their opponents for trying to “buy” elections.

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Former Vice President Joe Biden is running on a campaign of returning to the Obama years. But when it comes to foreign policy, that could end up being a disaster.

Under the Obama-Biden administration, the greater Middle East collapsed into revolution and civil war. Their administration helped overthrow the government of Libya, extending a war that has killed thousands and has drawn in a host of foreign actors. They gave arms to Syrian rebels—arms which later fell into the hands of terrorists. The Syrian Civil War has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands.

Biden’s plan includes a continuation of Obama’s interventionist ideology and a pivot away from the peace initiatives we’ve seen from Trump in the recent Abraham Accords. Biden has made a habit of picking fights and embracing bad actors.

Trump has brought the Middle East closer to peace. A President Biden may pull it back into chaos.

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The 2020 election is now just days away.

Here’s my short case for backing the Trump-Pence ticket and voting for Republican senators and representatives in your state.

On the coronavirus pandemic, Trump has done as well as any president could have done—and certainly better than Joe Biden.

You’re safer and more secure because of the Trump military buildup.

The president has made the necessary pivot with China—and he’s brokered the first major breakthrough peace deal in the Middle East in 25 years.

On the economy, Trump and the GOP succeeded in bringing unemployment to all-time lows early this year. Now, even amidst the pandemic, the economy is bouncing back.

Your First and Second Amendment freedoms are much stronger as well, because Trump has bolstered the Supreme Court and federal courts with strong judges who honor the Constitution.

Whatever you think of Trump personally, there’s no question: His policies have been good for the country.

Join me in voting for a second Trump term.

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Social media censorship has reached a new low, with Twitter’s suppression of a New York Post story that looks bad for Biden. Last week, the Post published a report containing emails from Joe Biden’s son, Hunter, that suggest corruption on both their parts.

Almost as soon as the article was published, Twitter and Facebook got to work trying to scrub it from existence. Both tech giants prevented users from posting the article—and even banned some who did.

It’s another example in a long line of anti-conservative bias in big-tech.

Their underlying motivation for suppressing this story is simple: they want Biden to win and Trump to lose, so any story bad for Biden must be thrown into the memory-hole.

We can debate whether there’s a necessity for government action—but we should absolutely see action from shareholders—investors who have the power to demand an explanation for big tech’s appalling censorship of inconvenient journalism.

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If President Trump makes a comeback—and pulls off yet another upset victory on November the 3rd—it’ll be because he relied on disgust of the elites.

Trump will again run on a platform of America first, and on rebuilding the economy he built once until it was shuttered by the novel coronavirus. He’ll point to his clear-eyed view of today’s aggressive and assertive Chinese Communist Party and the strengthening of our military build-up: a growing Navy, the Space Force and the revitalized nuclear deterrent.

Trump will also run on his massive deregulation, and the appointment of justices and judges who are faithful to the Constitution.

An often hysterical media endlessly chants the same anti-Trump refrains.

But voters have to ask themselves: Which man do they want squaring off against Xi Jinping, rebuilding the economy, appointing judges, funding the military?

Trump can embrace the disdain of the elites. And—yes—he can win again.

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Joe Biden makes a serious mistake when he repeatedly refuses to answer legitimate questions about his position on adding new justices to the Supreme Court—the same scheme of “court packing” that became FDR’s biggest blunder in 1937.

Biden says he’ll reveal his intentions after the election, but not before—denying voters a fully informed choice on November 3rd. The right answer should be easy: expressing confidence in the court and its moderate leadership by Chief Justice Roberts, while pledging no effort to add new justices unless there’s a sudden series of power-grabbing decisions that violate from the Constitutional mainstream.

Republican appointees have comprised the court majority for 45 years, but the Supremes have hardly moved in an ultra-conservative direction. Biden must ultimately come clean on his court-packing plans, or pay a political price for hiding information the electorate deserves.

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