The landscape of U.S.-South Korea trade relations has shifted in recent days, with a sharp focus on tariffs—a central pillar in the ongoing economic dialogue between Washington and Seoul. Just over a week after their leaders’ summit at the end of October, the anticipated joint announcements—including a Memorandum of Understanding on a $350 billion South Korean investment in the United States and a Joint Fact Sheet covering both trade and security issues—have been unexpectedly delayed. According to insiders at the South Korean presidential office and trade ministry, the holdup centers on Seoul’s demand for ironclad U.S. assurances on when and how sector-specific U.S. tariffs will be reduced.

South Korea wants concrete commitments that these tariff cuts will take effect immediately or in close proximity to the signing of the MOU, ideally with simultaneous publication in the U.S. Federal Register, or through a formal letter from U.S. Commerce Secretary Ruttanik—a level of detail and legal formality the U.S. side has so far resisted. The Koreans are especially keen to see retroactive application of tariff reductions for key exports like automobiles and parts, which accounted for a full third of South Korea’s exports to the U.S. last year. The government in Seoul has signaled it will push for tariff reductions to be backdated to November 1, as soon as enabling legislation is introduced.

However, the U.S. has taken the position that tariff reductions will follow the MOU signing, with the Federal Register notice to come later—leaving Seoul uneasy about the lack of immediate, binding guarantees. According to Chosun Ilbo, ongoing discussions also focus on tariff-free treatment for items like aircraft parts, natural resources not produced in the U.S., and generic pharmaceuticals, but minor issues remain unresolved. The phrase “instead of our proposed 8.7” hints at Seoul’s request for even earlier retroactivity, but these details are still under negotiation.

A senior South Korean official at the presidential office clarified that this tariff MOU is not legally binding and does not require ratification by the National Assembly—a deliberate move to avoid the kind of lengthy, partisan gridlock that delayed the original Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement by over four years. The urgency reflects the government’s desire to move quickly and minimize the burden on exporters. But this also means that any tariff relief promised in the MOU could be subject to change or delay, depending on the political will in Washington.

Meanwhile, President Trump continues to wield reciprocal tariffs as a tool in broader trade negotiations across Asia, leveraging them to extract investment commitments from partners like South Korea and Malaysia. According to the World Socialist Website, these tactics have secured pledges for hundreds of billions in foreign investment, though the immediate impact on tariff rates for individual goods remains unclear pending final agreements.

While both sides appear close to a deal, the last mile of negotiations is proving rocky, with Seoul seeking certainty and Washington prioritizing procedural flexibility. The outcome will shape not just bilateral trade flows but also the broader strategic balance in Asia—especially as China, under Xi Jinping, asserts itself as the region’s economic anchor, and as other ASEAN partners like Malaysia also ink new trade accords with Seoul.

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