Green Party Co-Leader Chloe Swarbrick has been ejected from the House and a week’s suspension, after an impassioned plea to the Coalition Government to recognise the State of Palestine.

She called on the Government to support her ‘Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill’, saying, ‘….if we find 6 of 68 government members with a spine to stand on the right side of history’.

Speaker Gerry Brownlee requested Swarbrick withdraw the statement, which she refused to do. He then ordered her from the House not just for the rest of the afternoon but for the remainder of the week.

Speaker Brownlee followed up his ruling saying that if Swarbrick apologised at anytime during the week she can return to the House.

Chloe Swarbrick’s speech is attached.

We meet up at the Green Party AGM in Pōneke, quite by chance. The stunningly beautiful Heather Te Au Skipworth, a walking Māori declaration of rangatiratanga. Her kākahu, designed and made by husband Wayne, are wearable art pieces, each one an exclamation mark on identity and pride.

Heather Te Au Skipworth has navigated the currents of local and national politics with focus and intent. Here she is – standing, planning, and poised for her next chapter. She’s a year into Green Party membership, drawn to kaupapa grounded in tikanga, te taiao, and whenua. Heather’s here to listen, to learn, be present, and to observe.

“Just looking for greener pastures,” she says with a grin – and yes, it’s a pun. But the shift is strategic. “A lot of their values resonate with Māori. I’m enjoying the education, we’ll see where that takes us.”

Heather’s political whakapapa is one of whānau commitment. In the 2023 general election, she agreed to stand aside in Ikaroa-Rāwhiti so her cousin, Meka Whaitiri, who defected from Labour could take her place under Te Pāti Māori’s banner.

Right now, her focus is the local body elections. Heather is leading a rōpū to support Māori and general ward candidates across Hastings, Napier, and beyond. It’s political manaakitanga, ensuring candidates are well-prepared for debates, confident in tikanga, and united in purpose, even when competing for the same seats. Retaining Māori wards is a cornerstone of that mission.

In Hastings, she’s confident: tangata whenua are at the forefront of the “Love Māori Wards” campaign, with billboards across the rohe and councillors working across wards in support. In Napier, where Māori wards are being introduced for the first time, she sees a wave of new political engagement. “People who’ve never been involved in politics are stepping forward,” she says.

She plays a long game. In her own race, she delayed announcing her candidacy to give new candidates space to shine. “Any one of us five getting in would be a good thing. I want to protect our whānau from misinformation and ensure they have the tools to lead.”

Heather leads with respect and influence. “I challenge, but always with respect. When you connect that way, people stay open. I’ll say, ‘Do you want to have a coffee about what just happened?’” That approach has built bridges and strengthened alliances.

And the big house in Wellington? “There is a little fire burning… My mum, in her last weeks, kept saying, ‘Don’t leave it too late, give Marama (Davidson Green Party Co-Leader), a call.’” Enrolling with the Greens was her first step. “Never say never in politics.”

Heather’s focus is clear: to advance kaupapa Māori, grow Māori representation, and keep decision-making anchored in the values of the people. It’s a masterclass in political purpose.

At the Green Party AGM this weekend in Pōneke, 19-year-old Ihorangi Reweti Peters stands out.

A rangatahi Māori, his calm presence carries as much weight as his fearless political convictions. His vision, empathy, and lived experience are shaped by a life far deeper than what you see at first glance.

Ihorangi’s background is a testament to his resilience. In 2024, he was a semi-finalist for Young New Zealander of the Year. He grew up in Ōtautahi and has whakapapa to Ngāti Tūwharetoa, Ngāti Tahu-Ngāti Whaoa, and Ngāti Kahungunu. He spent time in state, foster, and whānau homes, sharing his journey by giving evidence to the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care. That testimony is an assertion of mana and purpose, turning lived experience into a call for change.

By all accounts, Ihorangi is already a seasoned politician. He’s spoken in Youth Parliament, is frequently asked to comment in the media on issues affecting rangatahi, and has served with both VOYCE Whakarongo Mai, an independent connection and advocacy service for tamariki and rangatahi in care, and the Mental Health Commission advisory board on youth wellbeing.

Back at the AGM, the politics he brings are deeply personal, hugely relevant. When he speaks about rangatahi unemployment, which is at 19% and headed to 25%, he says, “Too many are at risk of homelessness, don’t have enough pūtea for kai.” He continues, “No rangatahi should be working upwards of 50 hours a week on top of school to bring in pūtea for their whānau. It’s ridiculous.”

When asked about a way forward, he’s unwavering. “Yes, a Green government can turn these figures around.” While he’s not in a position to prioritise Green Party policies, he does expect more for rangatahi Māori, stating, “all parties must do more,” and that Kākāriki has a plan.

Ihorangi’s message goes beyond policy. He frames some issues with a simple, powerful question: “Would you want your rangatahi doing that?” This question brings humanity back to the kōrero. He also clearly asserts his identity and vision. On the contested Aotearoa-New Zealand naming bill, he says, “I’m the future of Aotearoa New Zealand… and we can scrap that bill.” It’s a clear, direct statement of belonging and vision.

Ihorangi Reweti Peters is the face and voice of an Aotearoa hou, a new Aotearoa, where rangatahi Māori lead with mana, shape kaupapa, and carry the vision of their tūpuna into the nation’s future. Let’s see if the waka Ihorangi chooses to carry him into the future is Green!

Nā Claudette Hauiti

A kuia and her mokopuna were found sleeping in a freedom camping site. Tamariki arriving soaked to youth hubs, having slept in the rain. These aren’t isolated tragedies, they’re the Māori reality with a government obsessed with balance sheets and tax brackets.

While Prime Minister Christopher Luxon boasts that “New Zealand’s economy is growing four times faster than Australia’s,” Māori advocates warn that whānau are freezing on the streets.

This is not just a cost-of-living crisis. For Māori, it is a crisis of survival.

“We’ve met 12-year-olds sleeping rough”

Aaron Hendry, from’Kickback’ a youth development organisation in Auckland, has seen first-hand the collapse of emergency housing for rangatahi.

“We’ve met tamariki sleeping outside in the rain. No shelter. No protection. No one to help them,” he told Radio Waatea. “Some are as young as 11. There’s no safe place for them. The system’s left them behind.”

Previously, hostels and motels filled the emergency gap. Now, landlords turn away under-18s. Hendry’s team has been forced to form their own ad hoc networks, pleading with sympathetic property owners to house vulnerable kids.

“It’s not a system, it’s a scramble. And it’s mostly Māori tamariki at risk,” Hendry says.

Despite pockets of cooperation with MSD, Hendry is clear: the government is absent where it matters most.

“There is no youth homelessness strategy. No ring-fenced funding. No urgency. This government is playing politics while our kids sleep in doorways.”

“I found a kuia sleeping in a carpark”

In Ngāmotu, Taranaki, formerly kore kainga now advocate, Lani Hunt has watched the crisis explode.

“We’ve been feeding, clothing and checking in on our whānau for 10 months and the numbers have doubled,” Hunt said.

He speaks of a moment that changed everything: discovering a kuia and her mokopuna sleeping in a freedom camping area.

“That broke me. A kuia and her moko in the cold, wrapped in duvets. That’s not just poverty, that’s a national disgrace.”

The Homelessness Insights Report, released just days ago, confirmed what Hunt sees daily:

“Families with kids are living in freedom camping zones. And the government? It’s too busy patting itself on the back to notice.”

“We’re making real progress,” says the Prime Minister.

At his post-Cabinet media stand-up, Prime Minister Luxon painted a very different picture.

“We’ve taken 6,000 people off the State House waitlist. We’ve moved 2,100 kids out of emergency motels,” he claimed. “And we’re keeping rents stable, at the lowest increase since 2011.”

Finance Minister Nicola Willis echoed him:

“Tax relief has given families an extra $60 a fortnight. That’s $1,560 a year. And mortgage rates are falling, families are saving $300 a fortnight.”

But advocates like Hendry and Hunt aren’t seeing the “relief.”

“Where are these 2,100 kids?” Hunt asked. “Because I’m still handing out blankets to babies sleeping in cars.”

To many Māori, the government’s numbers feel like a parallel universe – a polished narrative disconnected from daily suffering.

80% pay rise for board members – zero for the freezing

On the same day Luxon spoke about “belt tightening,” his Cabinet quietly signed off on a circular increasing fees for Crown board members by up to 80%.

“We need to pay competitive rates to attract good people,” Luxon explained. “We’re spending $32 billion on health – we need proper governance.”

That’s $32 billion in the health system – yet Māori with complex mental health needs are discharged from care and sent straight back to the street, Hunt says.

“You’re telling me a Crown board director needs an 80% pay rise, while our people are literally dying of exposure?” “That’s not governing – that’s gatekeeping.”

“Open our marae. Open our eyes.”

Hunt says it’s not just central government that needs to act. Iwi and hapū must step up too.

“We march for Te Tiriti. We stand for mana motuhake. But our mokopuna are sleeping outside the marae gates,” he said. “What’s the point of sovereignty if we won’t even open the doors to our own?”

He’s challenging Māori leaders to stop waiting for Wellington and start leading from the ground up. Marae, iwi, and urban Māori authorities must be part of the solution.

“This is structural. This is colonial.”

Hendry is blunt: this crisis isn’t just economic – it’s systemic.

“Homelessness is a product of capitalism and colonisation,” he said. “Māori have been dispossessed of land, stripped of housing rights, and now we’re overrepresented on every homelessness stat. That’s not a coincidence. That’s policy.”

“The government’s spin about tax cuts and GDP growth ignores the basic truth: our tamariki are freezing. Our whānau are freezing. And the people with power are warm, paid, and comfortable.”

Two worlds, one country

This is the gulf: a government that boasts of economic “course correction,” while kaimahi like Hunt and Hendry deliver blankets, kai and hope to a people locked out of the system.

The PM says “New Zealand is back on track.”

Aaron Hendry says: “If this is the track we’re on – we need to derail it.”

Because no amount of GDP growth or fuel tax cuts will warm the bones of a mokopuna in a carpark.

Kambell Pakuria donated a kidney to her brother nearly 14 years ago. At the time, she was a mother of two—now a mum of five. Though her brother has since passed away from other health issues, the transplant gave him years of good health and the ability to go back to work. As a Māori woman, Kambell’s decision went against traditional beliefs about organ donation, including the idea of being buried whole. She says her family was supportive, and life with one kidney has been normal. Kambell says her main concern at the time was making sure her two children at the time were looked after. “I just thought well if my brother needs it and I have two of them, we can function with one.”  Donating a kidney hasn’t affected her life. “I functioned very well; I was playing sports three weeks after my operation.”

Her story is part of an important kōrero about organ donation in Māori whānau.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon says National will not contest the by-election in Tāmaki Makaurau.

He announced the election, to be held on Saturday 6 September, at the weekly post-Cabinet media briefing on Monday.

Luxon says National only campaigns for the party vote in the Māori electorates, ruling them out of the by-election.

Hinurewa Te Hau Ngāti Maniapoto, Te Whakatōhea, who stood for National in Tāmaki Makaurau in 2023, is now Chair of Kahurangi Blue, National’s Māori policy advisory rōpū.

The Green Party has also declined to contest the by-election, saying it will focus its efforts on the 2026 general election. Labour, Te Pāti Māori, and Vision NZ are the only parties to have indicated an intention to contest the seat.

Nominations for the by-election close on 5 August. Overseas voting opens on 20 August, with advance voting commencing on 25 August.

The Electoral Commission says a provisional winner should be known by 10:30pm on 6 September, when 95% of the votes are expected to be counted.

There are an estimated 44,000 eligible voters for the by-election, up from 37,000 at the 2023 general election.

Labour Deputy Leader Carmel Sepuloni says Peeni Henare is the right man for Tāmaki Makaurau.

Henare was announced as Labour’s candidate to contest the by-election following a hui at Ngā Whare Waatea Marae on Sunday.

Sepuloni says Henare is the right man and this is the right time to regain the seat for Labour.

Labour lost the seat by 42 votes to Te Pāti Māori following a recount at the 2023 elections.

“I was with Peeni on his very first campaign and he proved himself to be a man of the community.” says Sepuloni.

“I’ve door knocked with him. He is inspiring and we’ll see that on the campaign.

“He’s not just community, people know him, he’s whānau.” says Sepuloni.

The Green Party announced that they will not be contesting the seat, and inspite of Hannah Tamaki declaring her run for VisionNZ, the contest is a two Party race between Oriini Kaipara for Te Pāti Māori and Labour’s Peeni Henare.

The date for the by-election is yet to be announced but it’s expected to be in September.

Hon Peeni Henare was officially announced as Labour’s candidate to contest the Tāmaki Makaurau by-election following the untimely passing of incumbant MP Takutaimoana Tarsh Kemp from Te Pāti Māori.

At the selection hui at Ngā Whare Waatea Marae on Sunday, Henare told Radio Waatea’s Dale Husband that he’ll be meeting face to face with people in the electorate, giving them confidence that he and Labour have a better way of tackling the hard issues of cost of living and rising unemployment.

He says community connection is the only way and that in his experience a billboard has never turned a vote.

“Community connection is the only way you’re going to do it.

“I’ve never seen a billboard turn a vote, I’ve never seen social media turn a vote either.

“So face to face, connecting, listening to them but also providing them with hope and that’s what our whānau need.”

Henare lost the 2023 election to Kemp by 42 votes following a recount.

Te Pāti Māori announced its candidate last week, in a moving ceremony that saw the mauri of Tāmaki Makaurau handed over by Kemp’s whānau to new nominee Oriini Kaipara.

Kaipara was born and raised in West Auckland and is an alumnus of Te Kohanga Reo. She has a back ground in media working across the three major tekevision networks, Whakaata Māori, TVNZ and TV3. Most recently she work at Management level as Pouwhiringa Māori culture lead for the New Zealand Olympic Committee.

The date for the by-election is yet to be announced by Speaker of the House Gerry Brownlee but is expected to be in September.

Te Tiriti o Waitangi and Consitutional Lawyer Annette Sykes has launched a scathing attack on the Regulatory Standards Bill (RSB), calling it a “resurrected assault on Māori sovereignty” and a threat to Aotearoa’s constitutional foundations.

Her colleague Maia Te Hira also told the Finance and Expenditure Select Committee that the Bill represents a “new wave of colonisation,” warning it would cement corporate power, undermine Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and erase Māori from future lawmaking.

“This is the fourth attempt to pass this Bill. It’s the Bill that just won’t die. It’s the most rejected, refiled, and resurrected piece of legislation in our history. At what point does this become procedural harassment?” she asked.

Sykes, who has represented Māori across multiple Waitangi Tribunal inquiries and constitutional hearings, said the Bill grants primacy to individual property rights at the expense of collective Māori rights, particularly over whenua, wai, and customary resources.

“It promises protections to today’s property owners, yet denies retrospective justice to Māori whose land and water interests have been taken without consent or compensation for 185 years,’ she said.

“This Bill doesn’t just undermine Te Tiriti. It erases it.”

When she was asked by Green Party MP Ricardo Menedez who the Bill benefits, Skyes was clear.

“I don’t want to be pejorative, but this Bill benefits rich white men, and maybe a few women. It’s not for the ordinary citizens who are the glue of our society. It’s certainly not for Māori.”

She described the RSB as “rooted in neoliberal ideology” that prioritises profits over people and individual gain over collective responsibility.

“It enables the corporatisation of Aotearoa, money over mana, property rights over whakapapa. It limits the government’s ability to act in the public good and fulfil Treaty obligations.”

The lawyer also raised serious concerns about the process and tone of public engagement. She criticised the Select Committee for giving extended time to pro-RSB submitters like The New Zealand Initiative while cutting short constitutional experts such as former Prime Minister Sir Geoffrey Palmer.

“I was appalled to see Sir Geoffrey Palmer cut off, while lobbyists were given generous time. That’s not democratic balance, that’s ideological bias,” she said.

Sykes further condemned the threats of violence directed at fellow Māori submitters.

“One of my colleagues had to bring security to this House of Parliament just to submit. That is the level of intimidation we are facing for daring to speak out,” she said.

“If this has been fuelled by media aligned with the Bill’s supporters, there must be accountability.”

Her firm, which operates in both the state and tikanga Māori legal systems, opposes the Bill in its entirety and is calling for it to be abandoned before second reading.

Sykes also warned that the Bill’s vague definition of “property” creates legal uncertainty, a gift to wealthy corporate litigants and foreign investors.

She cited previous Tribunal findings and submissions from Māori collectives, warning that Investor State Dispute Settlement mechanisms (ISDS) under free trade agreements could be triggered by the Bill’s property provisions, opening the door to billion dollar claims from offshore companies.

“Breaching these principles could fuel international investor claims for compensation. That would paralyse government decision making, particularly around upholding Te Tiriti,” she said.

Sykes directed her ending comments to National and New Zealand First MPs.

“The power is in your hands. You can stop this travesty of justice. Listen not just to a vocal few, but to the people of this nation who have spoken loudly and clearly.”

Today is the final day for submissions. The Bill is due back into the House in September.

Minister for Regulation and ACT Party Leader David Seymour has downplayed the quality of submissions on the Regulatory Standards Bill, claiming that the vast majority lacked substance.

Speaking to Dale Husband on Radio Waatea, Seymour said, he has data that proves of the 130,000 submissions, fewer than 1,000 were more than a sentence or two.

“That means over 99 percent were essentially one-liners. The rest are, Greenpeace or Toitū te Tiriti or Tania Waikato or someone who’s basically doing it as a marketing campaign on other people’s behalf.

“Then you’ve got people submitting on behalf of others. That might be technically legal, but it’s not really in the spirit of the Select Committee process.”

Seymour defended the Committee’s time limit for oral submissions, arguing that 30 hours is plenty of time if used properly. The Bill only has about 30 clauses. You can easily discuss every aspect of it in that timeframe.

Today is the final day of submissions on the Regulatory Standards Bill.