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In our final part, we bring this saga of a series to an end by focusing our attention on the most focused on country of all - Germany. We know what Germany did from 1 August, from the declarations of war to the rape of Belgium, but what about before? What about the period 29-30 July, when the war truly became inevitable? Would it surprise you to learn that the Germans were the ones attempting to pull back from ledge?

For a preciously brief period of time, Berlin was flying the flag for peace, even if they did so with insufficient skill and far too late. Germany's sins were many, but she was among good company. As we conclude here, none of the three eastern powers emerges without fault, but what does this mean for our understanding of the July Crisis? How does it change our view of the First World War? Join me here to find out, as I propose an alarmingly simple yet nuanced way of looking at this overwritten story. Thanksss so much for joining for the ride.

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For generations, examinations of the First World War excluded arguably the most important actor - Russia. In this episode, we will hone in on the Tsar's court and his ministers. We will analyse their mindset at crucial moments in the crisis, particularly the 29-30 July, where general mobilisation was approved against Austria and Germany. What was the meaning of this act? Was it based on sound logic, or something more problematic, and did this act mean that Russia - rather than Germany - was mostly responsible for what followed? Listen in to find out history friend!

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By now we've seen the absolute worst that Europe had to offer in 1914. We've seen naive statesmen, misinformed statesmen, distrustful statesmen, desperate statesmen, and everything in between. But when it comes to the question of who was responsible or whose fault the outbreak of war actually was, how can you condense the last 60+ episodes into a coherent, satisfying answer? In this first instalment, we look at Austria-Hungary's clear role in the crisis, whether from pushing for war with Serbia, sabotaging negotiations, or keeping its German ally in the dark. Austria had a lot to answer for, and we are determined to pull no punches!

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Something special for you here - Alex and I had a great conversation about realism in international relations on his History Impossible podcast, and he was good enough to let me publish it on my feed. If you like political discussions, current affairs, and hearing a bit more about my academia journey, then have a listen to this episode. A huge thanksss to Alex for having me on, and make sure to check out History Impossible!

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What have we learned after 65 episodes of background, analysis, and day-to-day coverage of the most consequential diplomatic failure in human history? What can we say about those responsible for what happened, and is there any value in searching for guilt? Can we distinguish between guilt or responsibility? Is it a cop out to not look for culprits? Should we search for reasons instead?

The July Crisis is a story of human failure on a catastrophic scale, but not all failures were made equally. One is drawn to the behaviour of Austria, Russia, and Germany - the three Eastern powers - who made the war possible. But did they know what they were doing? Were they knowingly moving the world towards disaster, or simply making what they believed was the best choice available to them? Here we wrap up, as much as possible, this incredible story.

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The world was at war, and there was much to do. In London, attention turned to the British Expeditionary Force. The BEF had been ruled out several times before, but that did not have to matter. How many divisions could Britain send, and to where? What of the Dominions, or India, or Egypt? How could one balance imperial possessions with European defence imperatives? At least, the Cabinet was mostly on the same page, and in Parliament, war credits were approved, though not without some vocal dissent.

The mood in Germany was both anxious and defiant. The sheer extent of the challenge posed by the Triple Entente made gathering more allies all the more urgent, but it also entailed a kind of desperation, where Germany must be prepared to fight to the end. Austria would also be pressured to clarify matters, and declare war on Russia and France. The First World War as we know it was taking shape, yet very few fully understood how it had happened. Where complex analysis was unavailable and sources lacking, governments turned to propaganda and noble causes. The war could still be seen as a kind of adventure, but within weeks, romanticism would collide with the brutal reality of industrial slaughter.

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With only hours left until the ultimatum expired, the mood in London and Berlin was anxious and excited. Was this truly it? Was the Anglo-German relationship now destined to die in a war over Belgium? Some could not bring themselves to believe it, but in London, the Cabinet was at least agreed. Once the clock struck 11PM, a war which had been impossible to imagine scarcely a few weeks ago was now the only possible policy. By now it was too late to stop the war, but who would declare it? Would Germany pre-empt Britain's ultimatum, and rip the bandage off herself? As the cheers rang out around Buckingham Palace, all that truly mattered was that, for the first time since perhaps 1815, the world was at war, and nothing would ever be the same again.

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The 1839 Treaty on Belgian neutrality was a mere scrap of paper - that was the phrase which doomed Bethmann Hollweg, and Germany, to moral condemnation. It was the excuse which conquerors of all shapes and sizes had trotted out, when what they really meant was might makes right. Britain and the allies subsequently made great capital out of this faux pas, but this had led to some important questions - foremost among them being, did the German Chancellor actually say it?

In this episode, we journey to Berlin in the final hours of peace, when Edward Goschen, the British ambassador, delivers his master's seismic telegrams, warning of the imminent rupture between the two countries if Belgium was not left alone. It was an impossible request for Germany, then locked into the Schlieffen Plan, but the language used could at least cushion the blow. Unfortunately, Bethmann reverted to the most offensive posture, discounting Belgian sovereignty and effectively challenging Britain to respond. Goschen was on hand to record these interviews, but can his record be trusted, or was he just one of the latest propagandists to emerge from the British side?

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