ANC After The Fact

If you are a resident of Marawi City or at least used to be to say that you are frustrated would probably be an understatement. 

Imagine — after four years, you still cannot return home what used to be your house still reduced to rubble.

Of course, we understand that rebuilding an entire city after a five-month siege by Maute terrorists in 2017 won’t be easy. 

As of May this year, the government says 60 percent of the planned rehabilitation has been completed.

But more recently, residents have calling attention to alleged land-grabbing — an issue that has been complicating reconstruction efforts in the city.

Ahead of President Duterte’s last state of the nation address on July 26, many aspects of his governance have come under even closer scrutiny.

A study by the Ateneo Policy Center recently focused on his administration’s legislative performance. in terms of bills passed by a congress he firmly dominates, the scorecard is “quantitatively impressive but qualitatively inadequate.”

Meaning — like his predecessors, Duterte has prioritized “short-term and rewarding laws over meaningful long-term reforms.”

These, of course, include political reforms such an an anti-political dynasty law or a freedom of information law, which remains stuck in the House of Representatives. 

To be fair, the same Ateneo study showed that Duterte “scored well on economic and some social sector legislation.”

Don’t forget, though, that this was the same lower house that denied ABS-CBN a new broadcast franchise last year taking away thousands of jobs in the middle of the pandemic.

How much does it cost to run an election campaign here in the Philippines? To be more specific, how much would you need if you want to run, say, for president or senator in next year’s elections? On record, there are limits set by law as to how much a candidate is allowed to spend per registered voter. But in reality, the expenses shoot up well beyond what is legal which means gunning for public office in this country is still a rich man’s game. For even there are less-moneyed candidates who get to win - they’re still few and far between - an exception to the rule compared with the big names from political clans and the ruling elite.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra sat down with Luie Tito Guia, Former COMELEC Commissioner and Co-Founder, Democratic Insights Group, Political Strategist Lito Banayo and Atty. Abigail Valte, COO, DDI strategic communications to better understand how election campaigns go especially during the pandemic where social media is expected to play an even bigger role for candidates.

As of July 11, around 3.5 million filipinos have been fully vaccinated for COVID-19.

But don’t let the number deceive you — that’s only 4.5 percent of the target population of 77.7 million that need to be inoculated to achieve herd immunity.

The Duterte administration official in charge of vaccination admitted it’s a “struggle” to meet the target by the end of the year. 

So, how much longer do we have to wait?

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to Peter Cayton, of the U.P. COVID-19 Pandemic Response Team, Fr. Nicanor Austriaco of the OCTA Research Group and Navotas Mayor Toby Tiangco about why the Philippines trudges toward herd immunity and whether we’re actually keeping the numbers stable or low as we await more vaccines to come in.

A big data analytics firm has come out with a list of politicians with the most influence on social media ahead of the 2022 elections. 

Topping the list were Manila Mayor Isko Moreno and Senator Manny Pacquiao. both of them, of course, are said to be gunning for the presidency.

But how big a factor really is social media — especially Facebook — in an election campaign? Can social media win elections? and with physical movement still limited by the raging COVID-19 pandemic are we now seeing a 2022 electoral battle that’ll be fought heavily — or perhaps, mainly — on social media?

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to Robin Garcia, President & CEO of WR Numero research.

On July 10, 2020, moments after congressmen voted to reject ABS-CBN’s application for a new broadcast franchise, one congressman wanted to make the decision even clearer. 

Yes, congressmen, led by then Speaker Alan Peter Cayetano, had indeed “killed” the franchise bill although the legislative euphemism was “laid on the table.”

But even the pejorative preferred so condescendingly by certain congressmen was probably inadequate. 

Because what took place that afternoon in the halls of congress in the middle of the pandemic was “murder” — a murder of a franchise premeditated to fulfill the desire of President Duterte using the superior force, first, 

of the National Telecommunications Commission and later, the house committee on legislative franchises.

It could be said that the odds were clearly stacked against ABS-CBN from the very start.

Duterte had repeatedly made it clear in public statements — he would shut down ABS-CBN.

Given the political realities in this country where the lower house is generally subservient to the sitting president, it was no surprise that he got his wish.

The decision was clearly a blow to press freedom. 

It was cruel as well especially to thousands of ABS-CBN workers who lost their jobs not because of the pandemic but because of their government. 

In this episode, we look back on how Duterte killed ABS-CBN’S franchise and the continuing struggle by the press to be free under his regime. 

Christian Esguerra is joined by veteran journalists John Nery and Inday Espina-Varona.

Almost five ago, the Philippines did what many perhaps thought was unthinkable — we scored a historic legal victory over mighty China.

the significance of the ruling by the permanent court of arbitration cannot be overemphasized. Yes, it didn’t settle the territorial dispute between Manila and Beijing because that’s not within its jurisdiction.

But it clarified the status of features in the disputed Spratlys including maritime entitlements under international law. 

Now, it’s just a matter of abiding by the ruling which is something Beijing has conveniently ignored. 

In the meantime, the man who took China to court  passed away recently leaving behind a legacy that showed how small countries like the Philippines could topple the mightly so long as the law is in their side.

But the journey to this victory was not easy. it is said there were even factions within the Aquino administration that were “bitterly divided” over arbitration. 

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to Retired Supreme Court Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio about how the Philippines won its case against China and why it’s not a mere paper victory even if the current occupant in Malacañang has been very reluctant to enforce it. 

Vote buying - it’s wrong, it’s illegal, and we have strict laws against it. 

But it's been staple in any election cycle in the Philippines. 

And based on stories on the ground, and even from candidates themselves it’s only getting worse. 

With the price of vote increasing, election campaigns also become even more expensive. 

And how do you think winning candidates will eventually recoup such huge expenses?

It’s a vicious cycle and we can’t really blame those who have gone cynical and accepted vote-buying as a fact of life in our country.

But let’s add to the bad news.  

Recently, the Philippine National Police sounded the alarm on vote-buying likely going digital in the 2022 elections.

The Commission on Elections agreed. 

It’s not exactly difficult to predict given the rise in online transactions and digital wallets. the possibilities are just many even for those who’d like their vote-buying activities more efficient and perhaps, even secure.

So we can’t raise the white flag just because the problem seems enormous.

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Former Comelec Commissioner Luie Tito Guia, Election Lawyer Emil Marañon and Fintech Alliance PH Chairman Lito Villanueva to try to understand the nature of vote-buying in the Philippines and look for ways to address the problem especially in the digital space. 

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has been branded as a 'Press Freedom Predator' by international media watchdog Reporters Without Borders.

Duterte joined 36 other world leaders who crack down massively on press freedom.

The list includes Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un, and Hong Kong's Carrie Lam.

Reporters Without Borders cited the Philippine Daily Inquirer, ABS-CBN and Rappler as Duterte's favorite targets.

It also said, Duterte waged a total war against independent media through false charges of defamation or tax evasion, rescinding broadcast licenses, and using an army of trolls to subject journalists to online harrasment.

Malacañang finds duterte's inclusion in the list 'bereft of merit'.

But for four consecutive years the ranking of the {hilippines has been dropping in the World Press Freedom Index.

The Palace has also downplayed this and insisted that duterte remains committed to protecting journalists' rights.

In this episode, we answer the question: How important is the freedom of the press? 

And has it really eroded in the Philippines, the so-called Asian bastion of democracy, during the time of Duterte?

Christian Esguerra sits down with Daniel Bastard, Asia-Pacific Director at Reporters Without Borders, Journalism Professors Danilo Arao  and Felipe Salvosa.

Last week, a newspaper column by retired Supreme Court Associate Justice Antonio Carpio recalled how two factions within the Aquino administration allegedly fought 'from the beginning to the end' on the arbitration case against China in 2013. 

One faction wanted to proceed with the case and the other did not — at least, according to Carpio. 

The two groups were likewise 'bitterly divided' over the issue Itu Aba, a largest natural feature in the Spratlys.

Should it be among the issues the Philippines should ask the permanent court of arbitration in the Hague to resolve?  Was it a rock or an island — the answer to which would have wide-ranging implications in the disputed region.

In the end, the issue was included in the Philippines’ memorial. the court later rule it’s a rock, not an island.

Such issues should have been behind us now since the landmark ruling came five years ago. 

Why then did Justice Carpio decide to bring up the bitter factions under Aquino?

In response, frmer Solicitor General Florin Hilbay wrote a five-page, single-spaced response assailing Carpio’s alleged “falsehoods.”

He said the Itu Aba issue was a 'roxy for the debate then n whether to enter into joint development with China.

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to former Supreme Court Associate Justice Francis Jardeleza. He was the Solicitor General when the Philippines brought China before the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2013. They are joined by security analyst Renato de Castro, a professor of International Studies at De La Salle University. He also served as a consultant to the National Security Adviser during the administration of the late Benigno Aquino III.