ARGUMENTATIVE INDIANS PODCAST

Gender is essential in understanding #ancientindia  and its utopic claims. While some believe that women had more power and voice in the #ancientera, many also argue that strict caste divisions and patriarchal political structures confined women and led to abuse. To understand the trajectory of gender norms in our nation, and to explore if we've regressed or progressed in terms of gender-based emancipation, it's important to understand what role women played in ancient India, and if they had more autonomy in that era than they do today.

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We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

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DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SYNOPSIS:
The Mahābhārata, originally known as the Jaya Samhita and later as the Bharata Samhita, has been engulfed in a plethora of debates with respect to its nature, age, authorship, and, historicity. The text can be classified as a Smriti, an Itihasa as well as Kavya, consisting of 18 Parvas and over 100,000 verses at present. The puissant stories centered around the internecine battle of Kurukshetra have enraptured the masses over the centuries and have instigated a course of active interpretation and deliberation, especially about the historical occurrence of these events.

The text talks about magical occurrences, legendary creatures, and supernatural weapons, which may lead one to believe that it can be best categorized as mythology. However, the 2013 Chairman of the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), Prof. Y.S. Rao argued that the Mahābhārata is not a work of mythology, rather it holds historical credibility.
In the past few decades, with technological advancement, several archaeological excavations have been undertaken at places mentioned in the Mahābhārata – Hastinapur, Mathura, Kurukshetra, Bairat; that suggests that these places were inhabited by Painted Grey Ware (PGW) cultures around this time; with marine archaeological explorations also leading to the discovery of the submerged city of Dwarka.

However, archaeology cannot prove or disprove the veracity of epic events as it is best utilized for
uncovering the general patterns of material culture rather than corroborating textual details of literary works.
Some historians have argued that history and mythology need not be diametrically opposed to each other, because history can be understood as a broad term that relates to past events- not only as a result of discovery and interpretation but also as a collection of memory and presentation; on the other hand, mythology revolves around symbolic narratives and metaphors of human experiences. Therefore, both disciplines share similar traits where the narration of human endeavours becomes an area of convergence.

This leads us to question the strict dichotomy between mythology and history that came to the forefront in the era of ‘positivism’ in 19 th century Europe, and subsequently around the world, which emphasized an a posteriori approach driven by objectivity, facts, and evidence.
Here, one has to understand that texts like the Mahābhārata, whose compilation spans from the 3 rd century BCE to the 3 rd century CE, are bound to be affected by changing societal & cultural
circumstances, along with geographical, and religious settings. For instance, the tribal version of the text by the Bhils does not mention the vastra haran (disrobing) of Draupadi. Moreover, given the extensive timespan, what is indeed the original form of the text becomes extremely hard to determine.

Therefore, we at Argumentative Indians call for a dispassionate understanding and interpretation of this recurring debate over the historicity of the Mahābhārata.

DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians do not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in any way responsible for the stance, words, and comments of our guests.

Explore More at - www.argumentativeindians.com

DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SPEAKER:
Prof. Stephen Dale is an Emeritus Professor of South Asian and Islamic History at The Ohio State University in Columbus, Ohio USA. He has written books on Kerala (Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier, The Mappilas of Malabar, 1498-1922 , Babur (The Garden of the Eight Paradises, Babur and the Culture of Empire in Centra Asia, Afghanistan and India, 1483-1530, ,The Muslim Empires of the Ottomans, Safavids and Mughals, The Orange Trees of Marrakesh, Ibn Khaldun and the Science of Man Babur, Timurid Prince and Mughal Emperor.

 He first came to India on a Fulbright Teaching grant in 1963, when he met Jawaharlal Nehru along with several other Fulbright grantees. Later he visited India many times, living in Kozhikode, Kerala and Chennai, and traveling in different parts of the country.  He was most recently in India in 2020,  with his wife, when he spoke on Babur at the Jaipur Literary Festival.


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We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians do not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in any way responsible for the stance, words, and comments of our guests.

Explore More at - www.argumentativeindians.com

DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SYNOPSIS:
We all know the story. From being simply a group of traders in mid-18th century, by the end of it the East India Company goes on to take control over all of India and its vast population. They achieve this despite being very few in numbers. By getting Indians to fight against Indians.

But why did these Indians comply? Not just the soldiers but why did so many Maharajas and Nawabs choose to side with the British? Why did the Indian businesses and tradesmen cooperate? Why did for instance the chivalrous Rajputs instead of fighting the invaders roll out the red carpet?

These questions have long baffled us. Until recently when we came across book the ‘The Anarchy: The Relentless Rise of the East India Company!

SPEAKER:
William Dalrymple is a Delhi-based Scottish historian and art historian, as well as a curator, photographer, broadcaster and critic. He is also one of the co-founders and co-directors of the world's largest writers festival, the annual Jaipur Literature Festival

His books have won numerous awards and prizes, including the Wolfson Prize for History, the Duff Cooper Memorial Prize, the Hemingway, the Kapuściński, the Arthur Ross Medal of the US Council on Foreign Relations, the Thomas Cook Travel Book Award and the Sunday Times Young British Writer of the Year Award. He has been five times longlisted and once shortlisted for the Baillie Gifford Prize for non-fiction and was a Finalist for the Cundill Prize for History. The BBC television documentary on his pilgrimage to the source of the river Ganges, 'Shiva's Matted Locks', one of three episodes of his Indian Journeys series, which Dalrymple wrote and presented, won him the Grierson Award for Best Documentary Series at BAFTA in 2002

His most recent book, published in 2019, is The Anarchy, a history of the Indian Subcontinent during the period from 1739 to 1803, which saw the collapse of the Mughal imperial system, rise of the Maratha imperial confederacy, and the militarisation and rise of power of the East India Company.It was long listed for the Baillie Gifford Prize 2019, and short listed for the Duke of Wellington medal for Military History, the Tata Book of the Year (Non-fiction) and the Historical Writers Association Book Award 2020. It was a Finalist for the Cundill Prize for History and won the 2020 Arthur Ross Bronze Medal from the US Council on Foreign Relations.

Link to his podcast:
 https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/empire/id1639561921

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DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SYNOPSIS:
Much attention has been paid to the ongoing tug-of-war between India and #China. The friction in the ties between the two competing Asian giants became more evident with the #Dokhlam stand-off, advent of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the military confrontation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) since last year. The persistent Chinese incursions in India’s north – east is also a point of concern. While India is able to resist China’s advances to a degree, it struggles to keep China entirely at bay.

India’s international ambitions make it a natural competitor to China in the region. However, India’s disproportionate economic dependence on China constrains its actions. The #diplomatic interactions between the two nations have yielded negligible results. China being an unpredictable neighbour further creates an atmosphere of mistrust in India. China’s unprecedented rise also shows India a mirror regarding its own limitations to be able to protect and pursue its interests.

Questions are raised about the possibility of India’s rise as a potential #superpower. While India sees China as a rival, China and its military do not pay much attention to India to the point that they underestimate India’s prowess.

This discourse brings us to a decisive juncture that will ascertain India's capacity to be able to counter and balance out China’s dominance in Asian #geopolitics. How can India develop its military, diplomatic and economic strategy to effectively balance out Chinese aggression in the Indo – Pacific, and the growing influence in India’s north-western neighbourhood? What are the alternatives India has if it decides to stop relying on China economically and the possible retaliation that may arise? Either way, there are some difficult choices that India has to make. 

Can India really stand up to China? We believe that a balanced discussion on the matter is of paramount importance.

DISCLAIMER : The participants in this event express their independent views and perspectives. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in any way responsible for participants stance, words and comments.

Explore More at - www.argumentativeindians.com

DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SPEAKER:
Global Network Associate Professor of Political Science at NYU Abu Dhabi. Prior to this, I was an Associate Professor of Political Science at Yale NUS College and the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, and Assistant Professor of Politics at Princeton University.

books include To Raise a Fallen People: The Nineteenth-Century Origins of Indian Views of the World (Columbia University Press and Juggernaut), The Progressive Maharaja: Sir Madhava Rao’s Hints on the Art and Science of Government (Hurst, Oxford University Press, and Harper Collins), and Secrets and Leaks: The Dilemma of State Secrecy (Princeton University Press).

His research has appeared in journals including the Journal of Political Philosophy, The Journal of Politics, Ethics and International Affairs, and International Affairs, and in numerous edited volumes including The Oxford Handbook on the Indian Constitution and The Oxford Handbook on Indian Foreign Policy. My work has also been featured on media outlets around the world including CNN, BBC, Foreign Affairs, The New York Review of Books, The Washington Post, The Indian Express, Hindustan Times, and The National.

SYNOPSIS:
As India strides ahead to carve its place as a major global player of the 21st century, one question that confronts us on several occassions is - What kind of global power does India aspire to be? What should be the central tenet of its foreign and military policy? How should it behave as a global force to be reckoned with? Should it be reticent in international affairs or take a more proactive approach? Not many questions have been asked as often or as intensely since India’s opening of the economy in the early 1990s and its corresponding rise as a military and diplomatic force.

Most people tend to mark the beginning of Indian international relations thought to the first prime minister of India Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru’s attempt to build a true non-aligned movement. However, Indian thought did not emerge sui generis after Indian independence. Instead, it was a continuation of the ideas and thought that germinated in the 19th century, amidst a time of great turmoil and flux.

In this discussion on Argumentative Indians, we will strive to explore whether the Indians of the 19th century were indeed Argumentative and whether they laid the foundations for the Argumentative Indians of the 20th and the 21st century.


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DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians do not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in any way responsible for the stance, words, and comments of our guests.

Explore More at - www.argumentativeindians.com

DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SYNOPSIS:
The global War on Drugs has now been in motion for over 6 decades. In the 1960s-80s, with the UN passing its Single Convention on NarcoticDrugs, and later with the US President calling for an international “all-out offensive” attack against #drugwar the global community came together with rigorous contentions against the production, supply, and possession of drugs. Recent studies by the United Nations and other global think tanks however reveal that the War on Drugs has failed to meet its goals. In data collected by the United Nations, global consumption of #opiates, #cocaine  and #marijuana  increased by 34.5%, 27%, and 8% respectively, between 1998-2008. A 2018 report by the International #drugpolicy  Consortium stated that between 2008 and 2018, drug-related deaths had increased globally by 145%. How should then countries re-evaluate their stance on drug use? Does the war need to be harsher and stricter to penalise the violators and perpetrators of #drugtrade , or would a softer approach towards rehabilitation and decriminalization lead to more positive results? As different countries reassess their response to rampant drug use, overdose deaths, and a spike in imprisonment, what should India’s stance be?

In India, the #ndpsact  Act introduced in 1985 is the main legislation against drug use and #trafficking  . Section 27 of the Act imposes imprisonment or fine on anyone who’s found guilty of consumption of any narcotic or psychotropic substance, irrespective of the quantity or kind of substance. The penalties for possession of such substances vary depending upon the quantity and type, following a revision of the Act in 2001. Critics argue that the harsh penalties harm personal users and harass small producers more than any bigger trafficking rackets in India. The debate on #narcotics  in India has so far been limited to legalising Cannabis in recent years, and conversation on synthetic and chemical-based drugs like cocaine or MDMA continues to largely remain one-sided. Advocates for legalising Cannabis use the natural properties of the drug and its socio-religious sanction as an important factor in its legalization. Bhaang is already legal in many Indian states, and marijuana use is already prevalent in even well-monitored religious events like the Kumbh Mela or Kanwad Yatras.  It would also support the creation of more jobs and would lead to an economic boost through increased taxation, and benefit the small farmers and businesses that could legally be regulated for production and supply. The #ncb  however warns against these “surface-level” benefits. Cannabis-induced psychosis, frequent relapses in cannabis addicts and the economic repercussions on marginalised consumers are some reasons expressed by the NCB to continue their suppression of the recreational use of this drug.

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DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SYNOPSIS:
Tibet remains a key factor in Indo-China relations. After the Chinese occupation of #tibet  in 1950, India and China came to share the now disputed common border. In recent years, with China's extensive military buildup and massive environmental exploitation of Tibet, as well as reported intentions to divert or dam rivers that rise in Tibet and flow into India, Indian anxieties have only worsened. On the other hand, the Chinese approach is largely driven by its insecurity surrounding the presence of His Holiness the 14th #dalailama  and around a lakh strong community of #Tibetans -in-exile in India.

The Government of India’s official stance that

“The Dalai Lama is an honored guest and a respected religious leader with a large following in India” and that “The Dalai Lama is “accorded all due courtesies and freedom to conduct religious and spiritual activities in India”

has so far failed to assuage Chinese concerns. The hardened #chinese  stance is evidenced by the fact that even a mere public acknowledgment of the apex Tibetan religious and spiritual leader by any section of the Indian Administration is construed as an infringement on Chinese sovereignty. Conversely, India too has adopted a more hardened stance owing to China's aggressive territorial claims on India, the deepening of the China-Pakistan friendship’ and a shift in China's position viz-a-viz the Indian Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir.

Amidst all of this, are the Tibetans-in-exile in India, largely ignored by the world press but a thorn in China's eyes. . Consequently, the Tibetans in India have minimal access to social services and are ineligible for government jobs or welfare schemes. If this rapid emigration continues, what will remain of the Tibetan community in India, the country which the Dalai Lama made his home?

The Chinese policy of ‘#onenation , one party, one language, one culture has been dismissive of the Tibetan identity. China has also been attempting to interfere in choosing the successor of Dalai Lama with their pro-China candidate. To counter this, the US passed legislation in 2020, allowing Tibetans to choose the successor of the Dalai Lama without any external influence. India, on the other hand, has been deeply respectful of the historical linkages with Tibet. History stands testimony to the fact that as parts of the Indian subcontinent were being invaded and the Hindu civilization was obliterated by the barbaric attackers, many seers, gurus, and spiritual masters took refuge in the safety and solitude of Tibet, allowing both Hindu and Buddhist thought and literature to survive and flourish. Fast forward to the 21st century and India is now the safe haven for Tibetans. However, with no end in sight, the question remains - Has the global leadership lost its moral compass in the face of naked Chinese might or is there some hope left for the Tibetans in exile?


DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and  opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

Explore More at - www.argumentativeindians.com

DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

SYNOPSIS:
Blasphemy is any offense to religious sentiments. Globally, 79 countries have laws penalising blasphemy, ranging from secular states (like Canada, Finland, and Germany) to countries with a state religion (like Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia). In secular democratic countries, while these laws protect the rights of minority religious communities and attempt to preserve social harmony, they are heavily criticised on the grounds of being unconstitutional and obtrusive to the right to freedom of speech. Critics also believe that these laws are counterproductive and instead push society to be more intolerant of alternative ideas and belief systems, making the very foundations of religious and moral beliefs more fragile and insecure. Religious reform and social change against draconian religious practices could only be possible because of staunch criticism. Poets, philosophers, authors and even scientists and discoverers who have been persecuted in the past on grounds of blasphemy enjoy popular credibility today for their contributions.

Merits of religious criticism do not however disregard the potential risk to social harmony and possible validation of hostile behavior veiled under the garb of critique. What makes matters more complicated is the active rise in interreligious and inter-sect hatred and access to platforms to express opinions publicly that could potentially be provocative, aggressive, and hurtful to the sentiments of members of certain groups. The Indian constitution in its Article 19(2) provides for “reasonable restrictions” on the freedom of speech to precisely avoid and curb such intentioned violence. Article 295A punishes “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs”. Though India does not have explicit Blasphemy Laws, critics believe that free speech and radical thought is repeatedly impeded in India by invoking these two provisions in the constitution, making it a covert Blasphemy Law. Incarceration of religious minorities and instances of mob violence, lynching and vigilante justice surface up repeatedly in the name of religious blasphemy.

International organizations like the UNHRC and ICCPR have repeatedly questioned the degree to which blasphemy laws are compliant with fundamental human rights. How should then countries navigate between blasphemy, heresy, and hate speech? Is it justified to trade some part of individual freedom for an attempt at social peace? Does criminalisation of religious criticism protect the faith-holders or does it further create instability in the society? Should Blasphemy be punished?

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DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and  opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.

Explore More at - www.argumentativeindians.com

DISCLAIMER:
We invite thought leaders from across the ideological spectrum. The guests in our sessions express their independent views and opinions. Argumentative Indians does not profess to subscribe, agree or endorse the same or be in anyway responsible for the stance, words and comments of our guests.