2.1 Conventional State-Centric Approach"Most political scientists and development practitioners privilege the state. Early modernization theorists (e.g., Reference LernerLerner, 1958; Reference LipsetLipset, 1959; Reference Smith and WaldnerRustow, 1970) presumed the state seeks, and ultimately will achieve and maintain, the monopoly over the legitimate use of force in a given territory, providing security and welfare to people therein. The state is the locus of participation and representation, the engine of economic growth and development (Reference Gerschenkron and HoselitzGerschenkron, 1952). In general, these scholars argued that individuals in ‘traditional’ societies held values that constrained their demands on authorities and the state (Reference Almond and VerbaAlmond and Verba, 1963; Reference LernerLerner, 1958). Economic development – including the spread of roads, radios, and other aspects of modernization – would lead to greater mobility, expectations, and demands for democracy, which in turn would foster development. There would be hurdles. Reference HuntingtonHuntington (1968) famously argued that the strength of state institutions must keep pace with the level of social mobilization in order to avoid political decay and disorder. Yet, in general, development and democracy went hand in hand, and the state and its institutions were key. The state had the inherent ability to be more organized, technologically savvy, and capable of extending its power than social counterparts, putting them on the defensive. Where the state was not yet dominant, it would – or at least should – be so in the future."
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© Lust, E. (2022). Everyday Choices: The Role of Competing Authorities and Social Institutions in Politics and Development (Elements in the Politics of Development). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781009306164
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