In this episode, I conversed with Dr. Siwage Dharma Negara, the Senior Fellow and Co-coordinator of Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute. We discussed how has the COVID-19 pandemic affects Indonesia-China relationships. Apart from that, we deeply talked about Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) cooperation and how does President Jokowi and his administration deal with the straining rivalry between China and the United States.

In this episode, I talked to Sebastian Strangio, Southeast Asia editor of The Diplomat and author of “In the Dragon’s Shadow: Southeast Asia in the Chinese Century” book. We were trying to assess the Southeast Asia-China relationship by linking the COVID-19 pandemic with the current behaviors of ASEAN states towards China. Some questions raised during the interview such as whether Sebastian see any cautiousness felt by Southeast Asian leaders to the rising China’s influence in the region and also which countries, he thinks is the best in addressing the Beijing-Washington rivalry.

At the end of our conversation, I asked his thoughts on Indonesia’s stance in engaging China and how will Jakarta-Beijing move forward in the nearer future under the Jokowi’s administration. Moreover, I was a bit naughty and asked him whether China has brought any negative influences to Southeast Asia’s democracies.

As the strategic contest between China and the United States remain influencing the state of geopolitical dynamic, many region is affected including Southeast Asia. Scholars argue that ASEAN will be the ultimate “winner” not Washington and not Beijing—as ASEAN states will apply “strategic hedging,” with a non-alignment position. Yet, some other authors view that ASEAN states have been trapped in the influence competition between two major powers.

Let’s get the views of Dr. Benjamin Ho, the Assistant Professor and Deputy Coordinator of International Relations Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) in Singapore about the position of ASEAN in the middle of Bejing and Washington Rivalry. Find out also his thoughts on Indonesia's foreign policy towards the major power rivalry.

Recently, our world is seeing two critical summits, the G7 Summit hosted by Cornwall in the United Kingdom and Putin-Biden Summit in Geneva. Talking about the G7 Summit, what does the G7 Summit mean to world diplomacy? Is it simply the sign of G7 forum resilience or, more than that, a renewed commitment of democratic nations to reinvigorate the liberal world order? What are the major threats perceived by the G7 countries today? Are we seeing any strategy of the G7 countries in facing China’s growing political and economic influence? Moreover, from the Putin-Biden Summit, will we see a significant difference in the future Russia-U.S. relationship? 

President Biden was very loudly and proudly stated that America is Back! He affirmed this commitment by convening some influential leaders’ meetings among the US global friends and alliance since he sits in the White House. Has the United States truly come back? 

I discussed those questions with Prof. David Dunn, Professor in International Politics at the Department of Political Science and International Studies in the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom

I interviewed Dr. Siswo Pramono, Director General/Head of the Policy Analysis and Development  Agency (PADA) at the Indonesia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA). to discuss the impacts of the global COVID-19 crisis on Indonesia’s foreign policy.  As the centre for the gravity of geopolitics and the geopolitical map has been shifted to Asia, also accelerated by this pandemic, Indonesia needs to gain the benefits of the shifting. Amidst the straining geopolitical contest among major powers and the COVID-19 pandemic, China appeared with a narrative of being a global leader in fighting the pandemic with its vaccine diplomacy and rising political influences. Is Indonesia pulled to China’s COVID-19 influence?

We were talking about one of Indonesia’s foreign policy priorities, economic diplomacy. I see a changing focus of Indonesia’s foreign economic policy from the first term of President Jokowi’s administration to the second term. The first term was very much associating Indonesia’s economic diplomacy with its maritime fulcrum goals. However, in the second term, primarily driven to have more investment and trade partnerships, have there been any changes in Indonesia’s economic diplomacy direction? What are the main challenges for Indonesia’s economic diplomacy at the post-pandemic time?

In this episode, I talked to Rocky Intan, a Researcher at the Department of International Relations at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta. We discussed about one of Indonesia’s foreign policy priorities, economic diplomacy. Rocky wrote in 2019 that Indonesia needs to recalibrate its conception of economic diplomacy, does he still think the same way?

Moreover, what President Jokowi instructed to Indonesia’s envoys are most likely referred to as commercial diplomacy than economic diplomacy. What is the difference? President Jokowi’s administration is also often associated with protectionism policy with many domestic considerations and narratives like “stand on its own feet”, “hate foreign products”, etc. Is Indonesia trapped in a paradox between liberalising its markets to foreign partners and protecting domestic products? What are the main challenges for Indonesia’s economic diplomacy so far?

I explored those questions during this podcast interview. Check it out on Spotify, Google Podcast and Apple Podcast.