Horn of Africa Leftists

Chapters:

(00:00) The State of the Black Left in North America

(12:07) Reclaiming Revolutionary Potential

(16:06) Critique of the Black Alliance for Peace

(28:15) Critique of Liberal NGOs and Media Figures

(34:23) Race Essentialism vs. Class Reductionism

(39:53) Reimagining Black Left Politics

(47:50) The Need for Material Focus in Activism

(52:16) Imperialism and Regional Unity in the Horn of Africa

Summary

In this episode, the Filmon Zerai discusses the current state of the Black left in North America, expressing frustration over its disconnection from material struggles and the African context. The conversation critiques the decline of Black Radical Liberalism and emphasizes the need for a return to foundational principles of Marxism and Pan-African socialism. Filmon also critiques the Black Alliance for Peace for its alignment with organizations that undermine genuine anti-imperialism, calling for a reevaluation of strategies to connect the Black struggle in America with African liberation movements. In this conversation, Filmon critiques the current state of the Black Left in North America, emphasizing the need for a materialist approach to activism that integrates race and class struggles. Express frustration with liberal NGOs and media figures who prioritize visibility over principled activism, particularly in relation to the Horn of Africa and Haiti. The speaker calls for a reimagining of Black Left politics that centers on anti-imperialism and regional unity, urging the youth to focus on tangible community struggles rather than idealistic pursuits.

Takeaways

The black left in North America is at a critical juncture.

Frustration stems from disconnection from material struggles.

Black radical liberalism is seen as a dead end.

There is a need to return to foundational principles of Marxism.

Modern pan-Africanism often distorts historical struggles.

The Black Alliance for Peace risks compromising its anti-imperialist stance.

Aligning with organizations like Amnesty International is problematic.

The focus should be on connecting black struggles to African liberation.

Visibility should not come at the cost of principle unity.

A reevaluation of strategies is necessary for genuine progress. Critique of liberal NGOs and their lack of principled activism.

The importance of integrating race and class struggles in activism.

Frustration with media figures who misrepresent the Black Left.

Call for a reimagined Black Left that prioritizes anti-imperialism.

The need to center Haiti in Black American radical struggles.

Critique of symbolic activism that lacks material impact.

Emphasis on the importance of regional unity in the Horn of Africa.

The dangers of hyper-nationalism and division among African peoples.

Encouragement for youth to engage in local community struggles.

A call to reject liberal co-optation and focus on material realities.

titles

The Frustration of the Black Left

Reclaiming Revolutionary Potential in the Black Left

Critiquing the Black Alliance for Peace

The Disconnect of the Black Left from Material Struggles

Revisiting Marxism and Pan-Africanism

Sound Bites

"Black radical liberalism is a dead end."

"It ignores the material reality of black America."

"You externalize the black struggle."

"It's a total betrayal of the black struggle."

"They needed the Air Gen Community for visibility."

"This is an issue of Margit and co-liberalism."

"What is a revolutionary path to liberation today?"

"Reject liberal co-optation and NGO alignment."

"This is a losing strategy."

"The issue is imperialism and the ongoing."

"Focus on imperialism, not on division."

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

(00:00) The Black Left in North America: Where It Stands  

(12:07) Rediscovering Revolutionary Potential  

(16:06) A Critical Look at the Black Alliance for Peace  

(28:15) Liberal NGOs & Media: Their Role in Politics  

(34:23) Race Essentialism vs. Class Struggles  

(39:53) Rethinking Black Leftist Movements  

(47:50) Why Activism Must Prioritize Material Needs  

(52:16) Imperialism & African Regional Unity  

Summary

In this episode, the Filmon Zerai discusses the current state of the Black left in North America, expressing frustration over its disconnection from material struggles and the African context. The conversation critiques the decline of Black Radical Liberalism and emphasizes the need for a return to foundational principles of Marxism and Pan-African socialism. Filmon also critiques the Black Alliance for Peace for its alignment with organizations that undermine genuine anti-imperialism, calling for a reevaluation of strategies to connect the Black struggle in America with African liberation movements. In this conversation, Filmon critiques the current state of the Black Left in North America, emphasizing the need for a materialist approach to activism that integrates race and class struggles. Express frustration with liberal NGOs and media figures who prioritize visibility over principled activism, particularly in relation to the Horn of Africa and Haiti. The speaker calls for a reimagining of Black Left politics that centers on anti-imperialism and regional unity, urging the youth to focus on tangible community struggles rather than idealistic pursuits.

Takeaways

The black left in North America is at a critical juncture.

Frustration stems from disconnection from material struggles.

Black radical liberalism is seen as a dead end.

There is a need to return to foundational principles of Marxism.

Modern pan-Africanism often distorts historical struggles.

The Black Alliance for Peace risks compromising its anti-imperialist stance.

Aligning with organizations like Amnesty International is problematic.

The focus should be on connecting black struggles to African liberation.

Visibility should not come at the cost of principle unity.

A reevaluation of strategies is necessary for genuine progress. Critique of liberal NGOs and their lack of principled activism.

The importance of integrating race and class struggles in activism.

Frustration with media figures who misrepresent the Black Left.

Call for a reimagined Black Left that prioritizes anti-imperialism.

The need to center Haiti in Black American radical struggles.

Critique of symbolic activism that lacks material impact.

Emphasis on the importance of regional unity in the Horn of Africa.

The dangers of hyper-nationalism and division among African peoples.

Encouragement for youth to engage in local community struggles.

A call to reject liberal co-optation and focus on material realities.

titles

The Frustration of the Black Left

Reclaiming Revolutionary Potential in the Black Left

Critiquing the Black Alliance for Peace

The Disconnect of the Black Left from Material Struggles

Revisiting Marxism and Pan-Africanism

Sound Bites

"Black radical liberalism is a dead end."

"It ignores the material reality of black America."

"You externalize the black struggle."

"It's a total betrayal of the black struggle."

"They needed the Air Gen Community for visibility."

"This is an issue of Margit and co-liberalism."

"What is a revolutionary path to liberation today?"

"Reject liberal co-optation and NGO alignment."

"This is a losing strategy."

"The issue is imperialism and the ongoing."

"Focus on imperialism, not on division."

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

summary

In this episode of the Horn of Africa Leftist Podcast, the host engages with Dr. Kings, a scientist and political analyst, discussing the importance of scientific thinking in political discourse. They explore the economic realities under the Biden administration, the implications of identity politics, and the shifting dynamics of the Democratic Party. The conversation also touches on the significance of the Latino vote, the challenges faced by the Black left, and the necessity of diversifying sources for political and economic analysis. The conversation delves into the complexities of neocolonialism and economic relations in Africa, emphasizing the need for a nuanced understanding of foreign investments and their implications. It discusses the modernization of Pan-Africanism in the digital age, highlighting the importance of regional approaches. The speakers stress the significance of relatability and authenticity in messaging to engage the working class and counteract the stigma surrounding Pan-Africanism. They also address the challenges posed by Afro-pessimism, advocating for solutions that focus on organization and collective action to address the struggles faced by African nations. This conversation delves into the complexities of social issues in Africa, particularly the challenges of navigating cultural conservatism and progressive values. It discusses the limitations of DNA testing in defining African identity and the implications of China's involvement in Africa, contrasting it with Western imperialism. The dialogue also highlights Nigeria's political landscape and the potential for its leadership in West Africa, alongside the cultural impact of Afrobeats in the global context.

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

Chapters:

(00:00) Introduction and Appreciation for Hood Communists

(04:45) Countering the Idea of Ethiopian Imperialism and Colonialism

(06:07) The Significance of the Armed Struggle in Eritrea

(12:21) Moving Away from Hyper-Nationalism and Chauvinism

(30:48) The Anti-Colonial Armed Struggle

(34:36) Challenging the Existence Narrative of "Ethiopian Imperialism"

(45:22) The Dangers of Hyper-Nationalism

(50:45) The Marxist Framework and Imperialism

(56:03) Beware of Co-Opted Voices

Summary:

This episode challenges the idea of Ethiopian imperialism and colonialism, with Filmon Zerai emphasizing the significant role that external powers, particularly Washington and London, have played in fueling divisions and managing the internal affairs of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Filmon argues that Ethiopia is not a sovereign power but rather a neo-colonial state, heavily influenced by these external forces.In discussing the armed struggle in Eritrea, Filmon highlights the necessity of moving away from hyper-nationalism and chauvinism when analyzing the region's history and power dynamics. The conversation questions the existence of Ethiopian imperialism, proposing instead that what is often perceived as imperialism is better understood through the lens of neo-colonialism. Filmon underscores the importance of recognizing the imperialistic power dynamics at play and the critical influence of external actors like Washington and London in shaping events in the Horn of Africa. He advocates for a more nuanced, materialist understanding of history and politics, critiquing hyper-nationalism and calling for a deeper analysis that goes beyond traditional nationalist narratives.

Takeaways

Washington and London play a significant role in fueling division and managing the internal affairs of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

Ethiopia is a neo-colonial state and not a sovereign power.

The armed struggle in Eritrea was a key moment in the region's history and symbolizes anti-colonial resistance.

Hyper-nationalism and chauvinism should be challenged in analyzing the region's history and power dynamics. There is no such thing as Ethiopian imperialism or colonialism, but rather Ethiopia is a neo-colonial state influenced by external powers.

Understanding the power dynamics of imperialism is crucial in analyzing the events in the Horn of Africa.

Hyper-nationalism and ethnocentric perspectives can distract from the larger power dynamics at play.

The Marxist framework provides insights into the nature of imperialism and the role of client states.

It is important to be critical of voices that claim to be radical or nationalist but are aligned with imperialist agendas.

keywords

Ethiopian imperialism, Ethiopian colonialism, Washington, London, Horn of Africa, Eritrea, armed struggle, hyper-nationalism, chauvinism, Ethiopian imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism, power dynamics, hyper-nationalism, external forces

Sound Bites

"There's no such thing as Ethiopian imperialism. There's no such thing as Ethiopian colonialism."

"Ethiopia is a new colonial entity that was created initially by the British and the French."

"The main players and powers are Washington and London."

"I am proud to be an Eritrean because of the anti-colonial armed struggle"

"There is no such thing as Ethiopian imperialism, colonialism"

"Hyper-nationalism distracts from looking at the external powers behind the current crisis"

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Chapters:

00:00 - The Significance of Black August and the Black Radical Tradition . 02:51 - The Connection Between the Black Radical Tradition and the Struggles in the Horn of Africa

10:34 - Discarding the Fetishization of the Abyssinian Feudal Monarchy 21:17 - The Role of the Black Diaspora in the Horn of Africa

24:01 - Questioning Reformism and Involvement with Code Pink and Amnesty International

28:19 - Recognizing and Resisting the Counter-Insurgency Efforts of the State 36:36 - Rejecting Ethnocentric Rhetoric and Unity Against Imperialism

37:29 - Eritrea's Engagement with Iran: Development and Security

45:09 - Ending Militarization in Somalia: Rejecting Foreign Troops

51:17 - The Ethiopian Airlines Fiasco: A Continuation of Imperialism's Tactics

56:20 - Constructive Criticism and Political Evolution in the Pan-African Movement

Summary

In this episode, Filmon Zerai discusses the significance of Black August and its connection to the struggle in the Horn of Africa. They emphasize the importance of the black radical tradition and its recognition of the Eritrean liberation struggle. Filmon Zerai also criticizes the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy and the romanticization of the Battle of Adwa, calling for a mature and evolved approach to African unity. They also question the effectiveness of reformism and the involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International. This conversation covers various topics related to the Horn of Africa, including the role of imperialism, the engagement of Eritrea with other countries, the situation in Somalia, developments in Tigray, and the Ethiopian Airlines fiasco. The speaker emphasizes the need to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on the common enemy of imperialism. They also discuss the importance of constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement and the need for organized action.

Takeaways

Black August is an important month that highlights the struggle of black prisoners of conscience revolutionaries

The black radical tradition recognizes the Eritrean liberation struggle and rejects the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy

Reformism and involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International may not align with the principles of the black radical tradition

A mature and evolved approach to African unity is needed, moving away from romanticized narratives and focusing on liberation and anti-imperialism Imperialism is the common enemy in the Horn of Africa, and it is important to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on unity against imperialism.

Eritrea's engagement with other countries, such as Iran, can be seen as part of the resistance axis against imperialism.

The situation in Somalia highlights the need to end the militarization of the country and reject the presence of foreign troops.

Developments in Tigray reveal the complexity of the political landscape and the need for a clear revolutionary path.

The Ethiopian Airlines fiasco should not be viewed as a conflict between Eritreans and Ethiopians, but as a continuation of imperialism's aggressive tactics.

Constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement is important for growth and improvement.

Organized action and unity are crucial in the fight against imperialism and for the liberation of the Horn of Africa.

Keywords

Black August, black radical tradition, Horn of Africa, Eritrean liberation struggle, Abyssinian feudal monarchy, Battle of Adwa, reformism, Code Pink, Amnesty International, Horn of Africa, imperialism, Eritrea, Somalia, Tigray, Ethiopian Airlines, Pan-Africanism

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

Summary

In this episode, Filmon Zerai discusses the significance of Black August and its connection to the struggle in the Horn of Africa. They emphasize the importance of the black radical tradition and its recognition of the Eritrean liberation struggle. Filmon Zerai also criticizes the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy and the romanticization of the Battle of Adwa, calling for a mature and evolved approach to African unity. They also question the effectiveness of reformism and the involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International. This conversation covers various topics related to the Horn of Africa, including the role of imperialism, the engagement of Eritrea with other countries, the situation in Somalia, developments in Tigray, and the Ethiopian Airlines fiasco. The speaker emphasizes the need to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on the common enemy of imperialism. They also discuss the importance of constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement and the need for organized action.

Takeaways

Black August is an important month that highlights the struggle of black prisoners of conscience revolutionaries

The black radical tradition recognizes the Eritrean liberation struggle and rejects the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy

Reformism and involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International may not align with the principles of the black radical tradition

A mature and evolved approach to African unity is needed, moving away from romanticized narratives and focusing on liberation and anti-imperialism Imperialism is the common enemy in the Horn of Africa, and it is important to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on unity against imperialism.

Eritrea's engagement with other countries, such as Iran, can be seen as part of the resistance axis against imperialism.

The situation in Somalia highlights the need to end the militarization of the country and reject the presence of foreign troops.

Developments in Tigray reveal the complexity of the political landscape and the need for a clear revolutionary path.

The Ethiopian Airlines fiasco should not be viewed as a conflict between Eritreans and Ethiopians, but as a continuation of imperialism's aggressive tactics.

Constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement is important for growth and improvement.

Organized action and unity are crucial in the fight against imperialism and for the liberation of the Horn of Africa.

Chapters

00:00 The Significance of Black August and the Black Radical Tradition

08:02 Rejecting the Fetishization of the Abyssinian Feudal Monarchy

21:17 Questioning the Effectiveness of Reformism

25:28 Critiquing Involvement with Code Pink and Amnesty International

27:50 Moving Towards a Mature and Evolved Approach to African Unity

30:10 Rejecting Ethnocentric Rhetoric: Unity Against Imperialism

37:02 Eritrea's Engagement with Iran: Part of the Resistance Axis

38:27 Ending Militarization in Somalia: Rejecting Foreign Troops

38:54 Developments in Tigray: The Need for a Revolutionary Path

41:03 Ethiopian Airlines Fiasco: A Continuation of Imperialism's Tactics

50:25 Constructive Criticism in the Pan-African Movement

56:50 Organized Action and Unity: Keys to Liberation

59:27 Conclusion

Keywords

Black August, black radical tradition, Horn of Africa, Eritrean liberation struggle, Abyssinian feudal monarchy, Battle of Adwa, reformism, Code Pink, Amnesty International, Horn of Africa, imperialism, Eritrea, Somalia, Tigray, Ethiopian Airlines, Pan-Africanism

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

The Horn of Africa Leftists podcast has been on a hiatus for the past two years, but the social media pages have remained active. The host explains that he stopped recording due to the challenges and attacks he faced for providing a leftist analysis of events in the Horn of Africa. He also reflects on the intention behind using the pronoun 'we' in the podcast and the importance of maintaining independence and avoiding opportunism. The host discusses the background and purpose of the podcast, which aims to provide a left alternative perspective and agitate for a return to socialist traditions in the Horn of Africa diaspora. He also highlights the decline of the No More Social Media campaign and the rise of Amhara nationalism as a challenge to Abyssinian fundamentalism. The conversation covers various topics related to the Horn of Africa, including the right of regions to defend themselves, the historical grievances of the Amhara region, the legacy of Yohannes and Menelik, the role of the TPLF, the need for a left alternative analysis, and the criticism of certain media outlets and individuals. The speaker emphasizes the importance of a progressive and inclusive approach, the need to address historical grievances, and the ongoing struggle for unity and resolution in the region.

Keywords

Takeaways

The Horn of Africa Leftists podcast has been on a hiatus for the past two years, but the social media pages have remained active.

The host faced challenges and attacks for providing a leftist analysis of events in the Horn of Africa.

The podcast aims to provide a left alternative perspective and agitate for a return to socialist traditions in the Horn of Africa diaspora.

The No More Social Media campaign has declined, and Amhara nationalism has emerged as a challenge to Abyssinian fundamentalism. Regions in the Horn of Africa have the right to defend themselves and resist oppression.

The Amhara region has historical grievances and has been under subjugation by the TPLF.

The TPLF aims to continue the legacy of Yohannes and Menelik under the banner of Tigrinya language.

There is a need for a left alternative analysis and persuasion in the Horn of Africa.

Certain media outlets and individuals need to be more critical and inclusive in their coverage of the region.

The focus should be on resolving historical grievances and moving towards unity and progressive change.

Titles

Maintaining Independence and Avoiding Opportunism

A Left Alternative Perspective for the Horn of Africa Diaspora The Role of the TPLF

The Legacy of Yohannes and Menelik

Sound Bites

Chapters

00:00

The Hiatus and Challenges

03:15

Reflecting and Reviewing

07:22

Transparency and Criticism

13:51

Agitating for Change

28:34

The Decline of the No More Movement

33:23

The Rise of Amhara Nationalism

38:09

The Right of Regions to Defend Themselves

39:06

Historical Grievances of the Amhara Region

40:31

The Legacy of Yohannes and Menelik

41:55

The Role of the TPLF

46:45

The Need for a Left Alternative Analysis

51:25

Criticism of Media Outlets and Individuals

01:05:06

Moving Towards Unity and Progressive Change

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Uprising: forces, structures, and possibilities 

Mahder is currently a PHD student in Political Science

Research on the 2019/2020 uprising plus local resistance committee and tea seller unions by engaging Sudanese scholar and activists

Historical points and questions.

On February 12, 1952, Egypt and Britain

How do you view the issue of Nubians and their struggle in both states? Where do the Nubians fit into the narrative of Pan-Africanism and the National Question? Are they an oppressed nation within nation-states?

What was the position of the Sudanese Communist Party in regards to South Sudanese grievances during the early years? 

It seems Sudan still has active labor unions that impacted and shaped the protest in Sudan. Why do you think the western press ignores that or mis-characterizes the class dynamic of the Sudanese protest and anti-neoliberal narrative? Or have you noticed that?

What is the communist view on Pan-Africanism and Pan-Arabism? What is your view on Sudan being viewed as an Arab state and anti-African racism?

 Jaafar Nimeiry 1969-1985--was supported a socialist branch Sudanese Socialist Union

falling out with the Communist party---first person who installed the Sharia law

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Somali freelance journalist Mohamed joins this episode for a critical focus on Somalia

http://halganmedia.net/

https://twitter.com/Free_Somaliweyn

Can you explain your take on the anti-colonial history of Somalis against various colonial power and how that shaped Somali nationalism from then to now?

How do you feel about the influence of Saudi Arabia and sponsorship of the Whabbist/Salafist line in Somalia as a counter against Somalia nationalists aligned with egalitarian or socialist Islam tendencies?

What is your view on the history of Ogaden and the Somali region in Ethiopia?

How do you view Turkish/NATO presence in Somalia?

How do you view the question of Somaliland and the current efforts to instigate tension by London/Washington via Taiwan vs China?

Can you explain the events that led to rise of the ICU to crush warlords in Somalia prior 2007?

Why do you feel Eritrean and Somalis are closer when recognizing the danger of Abyssinia Fundamentalism?

How do you feel about federalism vs centralized state in Somalia and the role of Melez Zenawi to create that 4-1 clan system of model?

Your view of the TPLF role in the 90s era in prolonging anarchy and war lors

Do you feel Somalia is ignored by the left in media spaces in comparison to Ethiopia? Both Somalia and Eritrea were sanctioned the last 18 years but we didnt see that focus but now Ethiopia is the focus.

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"If we have shortcomings, we are not afraid to have them pointed out and criticized because we serve the people. Anyone, no matter who may point out our shortcomings. If he is right, we will correct them. If what he proposes will benefit the people, we will act upon it."-Mao

FEEDBACK

 These western leftists absolutely need to just keep it at imperialism and stay away from the internal politics of Ethiopia. Just being in pfdj promotes you to address the primary contradiction which is imperialism. But the lack of 

acknowledgement of secondary contradictions by pfdj leads to a lack of understanding of an analysis on how the ruling class exploits these secondary contradictions to further their agenda. These secondary contradictions are weaponized to exasperate the primary contradiction. How tplf is using the plight of the oppressed nationalities to mask their elitist ideology. Ppl like Simon dismiss the oppressed as just tribalists. And it stops there for them, offering no validity to the oppressed masses who instead fall for tplf rhetoric that appears to be more in line with the oppressed. This alienates them like you said, and that’s a legitimate critique of the no more movement. This adds a lot of issues. 

This also gives legitimacy to Abiy, who on top of being even having more neoliberal policies than tplf, has denied historical grievances of folks in Ethiopia and even in America, and like you said you can oppose and fight against imperialism without totally endorsing the other side. It shouldn’t stop at just primary contradiction.

While EPRP*(Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party) was actively resisting derg, they still aligned with dergs decisions to oust western puppet entities from Ethiopia. 

An example of being principled and aligning on the right side w/o endorsing the other side

CRITICISM

You repeatedly state that Abiy started this war with TPLF, 

contrary to TPLF's own words in which they state they launched a "pre-emptive strike" against multiple northern command bases on Nov 4th.

Just simply "having positions" doesn't really mean anything if it doesn't translate to material action. In my opinion, many on the left, save a few organizations, are failing to capture the moment of what is essentially a pan-African movement against neo-colonial designs.

https://blackallianceforpeace.com/principles-of-unity

 What end is having a critique of the GOE while under attack by US backed forces supposed to contribute to the global movement? 

Should the left not unite with the #NoMore movement against imperialism or should it?

Listening to this I hear a lot of strawmen. Nowhere in any of the breakthrough or black agenda report coverage of the war have I seen anyone praise Abiy as some kind of socialist anti-imperialist hero.Seems unfair to suggest that's their position when it isn't.

Also like...what? "Take away the TPLF?" This isn't materialist at all, seeing as the TPLF is a heavily armed belligerent and player in the current conflict. 

This is an appeal to idealism in the middle of a war in which there will eventually be a victor and a vanquished.

Just wondering exactly what the endgame is here? 

So people shouldn't be mobilizing against US supported regime change in Ethiopia because Abiy is a capitalist? 

Should we take a "neither x or y" approach while a fascist proxy group continues its onslaught across the country?

POSITION

Examine why PFDJ or Eritrea are in alliance with Amhara region?is it right? The primacy of the class struggle over the national question is an issue

All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement(MEISON) vs EPRP*(Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party)

However, there were some sticky political problems for both the TPLF and EPRP regarding Eritrea. While they recognized the struggle for the Eritrean independence as genuine, they had differences as to whether the case was a ‘colonial issue’ or not. Without conducting the necessary study or having appropriate discussions, the TPLF held the view that the Eritrean case was a ‘colonial question.’ as the EPLF wanted it to be. 

It was probably an opportunistic stand , designed to outflank the EPRP from the privileged position the EPLF offering it. 

Without understanding the consequences that were to haunt it in the discourse of Ethiopian political history, this position continued to be the stand of the TPLF for years to come.

Another area of difference was over Eritrea and the guerrilla struggle for independence there. EPRP showed much greater sympathy for the guerrillas, particularly for the more radical Eritrean Peoples’ Liberation Front (EPLF). Many early EPRP cadres were trained and armed by the EPLF, and the EPRP’s armed wing used EPLF-held areas as a base when it commenced armed struggle in the north. MEISON accepted the right of self-determination for the nationalities, including the right of secession (which the EPRP was itself ambivalent on),

 but it denied the revolutionary validity of the Eritrean struggle in general and the EPLF in particular. 

The PMAC’s opponents, especially those in the various ethnic liberation movements, charge that the PMAC has become in fact the prisoner of the Amhara nationality, the ruling group under Haile Selassie. Amharas make up some 75 percent of COPWE’s central committee, reflecting the power structures of the military and civilian bureaucracy inherited from Haile Selassie. 

Amharas also hold approximately 60 percent of the appointments to the regional COPWE committees

 Promoting an agenda for lasting changes going far beyond those proposed since the revolution began in January, the Derg proclaimed Ethiopia Tikdem (Ethiopia First) as its guiding philosophy.

Giving an assessment of #NoMore is similar to #BLM and how BAR/Bruce Dixon gave the same critical pushback as well via class analysis and other tools of socialism

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