Chapters:

(00:00) Introduction to Dr. Kings

(06:46) Understanding Economic Realities and Political Predictions

(13:24) Analyzing Biden's Economic Policies and Their Consequences

(19:34) The Shift in Democratic Strategy and Identity Politics

(25:06) The Broader Electoral Dynamics

(31:20) The Challenges of the Black Left and Identity Politics

(39:52) Diversifying Sources for Political and Economic Analysis

(42:45) Neocolonialism and Economic Relations in Africa

(48:25) Modernizing Pan-Africanism for the 21st Century

(57:33) Relatability and Authenticity in Pan-African Messaging

(01:03:24) Countering Afro-Pessimism and Its Impacts

(01:16:20) The Role of Organization in Addressing African Struggles

(01:25:54) Navigating Social Issues in Africa

(01:35:02) The Limitations of DNA Testing for Identity

(01:39:51) China-Africa Relations: A Balanced Perspective

(01:57:42) Nigeria's Political Landscape and Future

(02:01:27) Cultural Influence of Afrobeats and Capitalism

Summary

In this episode of the Horn of Africa Leftist Podcast, Filmon Zerai engages with Dr. Kings, a scientist and political analyst, discussing the importance of scientific thinking in political discourse. They explore the economic realities under the Biden administration, the implications of identity politics, and the shifting dynamics of the Democratic Party. The conversation also touches on the significance of the Latino vote, the challenges faced by the Black left, and the necessity of diversifying sources for political and economic analysis. The conversation delves into the complexities of neocolonialism and economic relations in Africa, emphasizing the need for a nuanced understanding of foreign investments and their implications. It discusses the modernization of Pan-Africanism in the digital age, highlighting the importance of regional approaches. The speakers stress the significance of relatability and authenticity in messaging to engage the working class and counteract the stigma surrounding Pan-Africanism. They also address the challenges posed by Afro-pessimism, advocating for solutions that focus on organization and collective action to address the struggles faced by African nations. This conversation delves into the complexities of social issues in Africa, particularly the challenges of navigating cultural conservatism and progressive values. It discusses the limitations of DNA testing in defining African identity and the implications of China's involvement in Africa, contrasting it with Western imperialism. The dialogue also highlights Nigeria's political landscape and the potential for its leadership in West Africa, alongside the cultural impact of Afrobeats in the global context.

Takeaways

Dr. Kings emphasizes the importance of authenticity in political discourse.

Understanding markets is crucial for analyzing political outcomes.

Biden's economic policies have led to significant challenges for the working class.

The Democratic Party is pivoting away from identity politics due to electoral failures.

The Latino vote is becoming increasingly significant in U.S. elections.

The Black left faces challenges due to its association with identity politics.

A mass movement must engage a broader base beyond just identity politics.

Diversifying sources of information is essential for effective political analysis.

Rhetoric must be backed by tangible results to resonate with the public.

Political strategies must adapt to changing demographics and economic realities. Understanding neocolonialism requires examining specific economic policies.

China's investments in Africa often include infrastructure that benefits local economies.

Pan-Africanism must adapt to modern realities and regional dynamics.

Authenticity in messaging is crucial for engaging the working class.

Afro-pessimism lacks practical solutions for African struggles.

Solidarity among African nations is built through shared struggles.

Effective organization is necessary to address systemic issues in Africa.

Regional cooperation is more feasible than attempting to unify the entire continent at once.

The impact of imperialism must be acknowledged in discussions about African identity.

Mutual aid is a short-term solution; long-term change requires structured organizations. Cultural conservatism is a reality in Africa that must be navigated carefully.

Bridging conservative and progressive values is essential for unity.

DNA testing cannot accurately define cultural or ethnic identity.

China's involvement in Africa is not imperialistic; it offers opportunities for cooperation.

Nigeria's political stability is crucial for its role in West Africa.

Afrobeats represents an organic cultural movement that transcends borders.

Outsiders will not save African nations; self-organization is key.

The importance of critically assessing foreign relationships for African development.

Cultural identity cannot be reduced to genetic markers or DNA tests.

Engagement with global powers should be based on tangible benefits for African nations.

Sound Bites

"There's a lack of humility from those people."

"You have to be flexible to grow intellectually."

"Don't listen to me because I have a PhD."

"Markets run America."

"The Democrats are pivoting away from identity politics."

"We need to engage the masses."

"You can't isolate your struggle to one African country."

"The rhetoric is not a substitution for results."

"Liberalism is in crisis."

"You need to diversify your sources."

"How do you figure out neocolonial agents?"

"This is purely a project for extraction."

"It's a win-win for China and Africa."

"You have to respect local and regional civilizations."

"Afro-pessimism poses no solutions."

"You have to create that."

"You can't just talk about it all day."

"Solidarity is built through struggle."

"You need an organization, you need a state."

"How do we bridge conservative and progressive values?"

"Race is not biological; there's no racial gene."

"DNA testing can't tell you your cultural background."

"Outsiders are not going to save your people."

"Afrobeats has an organic growth and appeal."

"We need more people who can critically think."

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

Chapters:

(00:00) Introduction and Appreciation for Hood Communists

(04:45) Countering the Idea of Ethiopian Imperialism and Colonialism

(06:07) The Significance of the Armed Struggle in Eritrea

(12:21) Moving Away from Hyper-Nationalism and Chauvinism

(30:48) The Anti-Colonial Armed Struggle

(34:36) Challenging the Existence Narrative of "Ethiopian Imperialism"

(45:22) The Dangers of Hyper-Nationalism

(50:45) The Marxist Framework and Imperialism

(56:03) Beware of Co-Opted Voices

Summary:

This episode challenges the idea of Ethiopian imperialism and colonialism, with Filmon Zerai emphasizing the significant role that external powers, particularly Washington and London, have played in fueling divisions and managing the internal affairs of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Filmon argues that Ethiopia is not a sovereign power but rather a neo-colonial state, heavily influenced by these external forces.In discussing the armed struggle in Eritrea, Filmon highlights the necessity of moving away from hyper-nationalism and chauvinism when analyzing the region's history and power dynamics. The conversation questions the existence of Ethiopian imperialism, proposing instead that what is often perceived as imperialism is better understood through the lens of neo-colonialism. Filmon underscores the importance of recognizing the imperialistic power dynamics at play and the critical influence of external actors like Washington and London in shaping events in the Horn of Africa. He advocates for a more nuanced, materialist understanding of history and politics, critiquing hyper-nationalism and calling for a deeper analysis that goes beyond traditional nationalist narratives.

Takeaways

Washington and London play a significant role in fueling division and managing the internal affairs of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

Ethiopia is a neo-colonial state and not a sovereign power.

The armed struggle in Eritrea was a key moment in the region's history and symbolizes anti-colonial resistance.

Hyper-nationalism and chauvinism should be challenged in analyzing the region's history and power dynamics. There is no such thing as Ethiopian imperialism or colonialism, but rather Ethiopia is a neo-colonial state influenced by external powers.

Understanding the power dynamics of imperialism is crucial in analyzing the events in the Horn of Africa.

Hyper-nationalism and ethnocentric perspectives can distract from the larger power dynamics at play.

The Marxist framework provides insights into the nature of imperialism and the role of client states.

It is important to be critical of voices that claim to be radical or nationalist but are aligned with imperialist agendas.

keywords

Ethiopian imperialism, Ethiopian colonialism, Washington, London, Horn of Africa, Eritrea, armed struggle, hyper-nationalism, chauvinism, Ethiopian imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism, power dynamics, hyper-nationalism, external forces

Sound Bites

"There's no such thing as Ethiopian imperialism. There's no such thing as Ethiopian colonialism."

"Ethiopia is a new colonial entity that was created initially by the British and the French."

"The main players and powers are Washington and London."

"I am proud to be an Eritrean because of the anti-colonial armed struggle"

"There is no such thing as Ethiopian imperialism, colonialism"

"Hyper-nationalism distracts from looking at the external powers behind the current crisis"

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Chapters:

00:00 - The Significance of Black August and the Black Radical Tradition . 02:51 - The Connection Between the Black Radical Tradition and the Struggles in the Horn of Africa

10:34 - Discarding the Fetishization of the Abyssinian Feudal Monarchy 21:17 - The Role of the Black Diaspora in the Horn of Africa

24:01 - Questioning Reformism and Involvement with Code Pink and Amnesty International

28:19 - Recognizing and Resisting the Counter-Insurgency Efforts of the State 36:36 - Rejecting Ethnocentric Rhetoric and Unity Against Imperialism

37:29 - Eritrea's Engagement with Iran: Development and Security

45:09 - Ending Militarization in Somalia: Rejecting Foreign Troops

51:17 - The Ethiopian Airlines Fiasco: A Continuation of Imperialism's Tactics

56:20 - Constructive Criticism and Political Evolution in the Pan-African Movement

Summary

In this episode, Filmon Zerai discusses the significance of Black August and its connection to the struggle in the Horn of Africa. They emphasize the importance of the black radical tradition and its recognition of the Eritrean liberation struggle. Filmon Zerai also criticizes the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy and the romanticization of the Battle of Adwa, calling for a mature and evolved approach to African unity. They also question the effectiveness of reformism and the involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International. This conversation covers various topics related to the Horn of Africa, including the role of imperialism, the engagement of Eritrea with other countries, the situation in Somalia, developments in Tigray, and the Ethiopian Airlines fiasco. The speaker emphasizes the need to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on the common enemy of imperialism. They also discuss the importance of constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement and the need for organized action.

Takeaways

Black August is an important month that highlights the struggle of black prisoners of conscience revolutionaries

The black radical tradition recognizes the Eritrean liberation struggle and rejects the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy

Reformism and involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International may not align with the principles of the black radical tradition

A mature and evolved approach to African unity is needed, moving away from romanticized narratives and focusing on liberation and anti-imperialism Imperialism is the common enemy in the Horn of Africa, and it is important to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on unity against imperialism.

Eritrea's engagement with other countries, such as Iran, can be seen as part of the resistance axis against imperialism.

The situation in Somalia highlights the need to end the militarization of the country and reject the presence of foreign troops.

Developments in Tigray reveal the complexity of the political landscape and the need for a clear revolutionary path.

The Ethiopian Airlines fiasco should not be viewed as a conflict between Eritreans and Ethiopians, but as a continuation of imperialism's aggressive tactics.

Constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement is important for growth and improvement.

Organized action and unity are crucial in the fight against imperialism and for the liberation of the Horn of Africa.

Keywords

Black August, black radical tradition, Horn of Africa, Eritrean liberation struggle, Abyssinian feudal monarchy, Battle of Adwa, reformism, Code Pink, Amnesty International, Horn of Africa, imperialism, Eritrea, Somalia, Tigray, Ethiopian Airlines, Pan-Africanism

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

Summary

In this episode, Filmon Zerai discusses the significance of Black August and its connection to the struggle in the Horn of Africa. They emphasize the importance of the black radical tradition and its recognition of the Eritrean liberation struggle. Filmon Zerai also criticizes the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy and the romanticization of the Battle of Adwa, calling for a mature and evolved approach to African unity. They also question the effectiveness of reformism and the involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International. This conversation covers various topics related to the Horn of Africa, including the role of imperialism, the engagement of Eritrea with other countries, the situation in Somalia, developments in Tigray, and the Ethiopian Airlines fiasco. The speaker emphasizes the need to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on the common enemy of imperialism. They also discuss the importance of constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement and the need for organized action.

Takeaways

Black August is an important month that highlights the struggle of black prisoners of conscience revolutionaries

The black radical tradition recognizes the Eritrean liberation struggle and rejects the fetishization of the Abyssinian feudal monarchy

Reformism and involvement with organizations like Code Pink and Amnesty International may not align with the principles of the black radical tradition

A mature and evolved approach to African unity is needed, moving away from romanticized narratives and focusing on liberation and anti-imperialism Imperialism is the common enemy in the Horn of Africa, and it is important to reject ethnocentric rhetoric and focus on unity against imperialism.

Eritrea's engagement with other countries, such as Iran, can be seen as part of the resistance axis against imperialism.

The situation in Somalia highlights the need to end the militarization of the country and reject the presence of foreign troops.

Developments in Tigray reveal the complexity of the political landscape and the need for a clear revolutionary path.

The Ethiopian Airlines fiasco should not be viewed as a conflict between Eritreans and Ethiopians, but as a continuation of imperialism's aggressive tactics.

Constructive criticism within the Pan-African movement is important for growth and improvement.

Organized action and unity are crucial in the fight against imperialism and for the liberation of the Horn of Africa.

Chapters

00:00 The Significance of Black August and the Black Radical Tradition

08:02 Rejecting the Fetishization of the Abyssinian Feudal Monarchy

21:17 Questioning the Effectiveness of Reformism

25:28 Critiquing Involvement with Code Pink and Amnesty International

27:50 Moving Towards a Mature and Evolved Approach to African Unity

30:10 Rejecting Ethnocentric Rhetoric: Unity Against Imperialism

37:02 Eritrea's Engagement with Iran: Part of the Resistance Axis

38:27 Ending Militarization in Somalia: Rejecting Foreign Troops

38:54 Developments in Tigray: The Need for a Revolutionary Path

41:03 Ethiopian Airlines Fiasco: A Continuation of Imperialism's Tactics

50:25 Constructive Criticism in the Pan-African Movement

56:50 Organized Action and Unity: Keys to Liberation

59:27 Conclusion

Keywords

Black August, black radical tradition, Horn of Africa, Eritrean liberation struggle, Abyssinian feudal monarchy, Battle of Adwa, reformism, Code Pink, Amnesty International, Horn of Africa, imperialism, Eritrea, Somalia, Tigray, Ethiopian Airlines, Pan-Africanism

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations

Summary:

The Horn of Africa Leftists podcast has been on a hiatus for the past two years, but the social media pages have remained active. The host explains that he stopped recording due to the challenges and attacks he faced for providing a leftist analysis of events in the Horn of Africa. He also reflects on the intention behind using the pronoun 'we' in the podcast and the importance of maintaining independence and avoiding opportunism. The host discusses the background and purpose of the podcast, which aims to provide a left alternative perspective and agitate for a return to socialist traditions in the Horn of Africa diaspora. He also highlights the decline of the No More Social Media campaign and the rise of Amhara nationalism as a challenge to Abyssinian fundamentalism. The conversation covers various topics related to the Horn of Africa, including the right of regions to defend themselves, the historical grievances of the Amhara region, the legacy of Yohannes and Menelik, the role of the TPLF, the need for a left alternative analysis, and the criticism of certain media outlets and individuals. The speaker emphasizes the importance of a progressive and inclusive approach, the need to address historical grievances, and the ongoing struggle for unity and resolution in the region.

Takeaways:

The Horn of Africa Leftists podcast has been on a hiatus for the past two years, but the social media pages have remained active.

The host faced challenges and attacks for providing a leftist analysis of events in the Horn of Africa.

The podcast aims to provide a left alternative perspective and agitate for a return to socialist traditions in the Horn of Africa diaspora.

The No More Social Media campaign has declined, and Amhara nationalism has emerged as a challenge to Abyssinian fundamentalism. Regions in the Horn of Africa have the right to defend themselves and resist oppression.

The Amhara region has historical grievances and has been under subjugation by the TPLF.

The TPLF aims to continue the legacy of Yohannes and Menelik under the banner of Tigrinya language.

There is a need for a left alternative analysis and persuasion in the Horn of Africa.

Certain media outlets and individuals need to be more critical and inclusive in their coverage of the region.

The focus should be on resolving historical grievances and moving towards unity and progressive change.

Titles

Maintaining Independence and Avoiding Opportunism

A Left Alternative Perspective for the Horn of Africa Diaspora The Role of the TPLF

The Legacy of Yohannes and Menelik

Chapters:

00:00

The Hiatus and Challenges

03:15

Reflecting and Reviewing

07:22

Transparency and Criticism

13:51

Agitating for Change

28:34

The Decline of the No More Movement

33:23

The Rise of Amhara Nationalism

38:09

The Right of Regions to Defend Themselves

39:06

Historical Grievances of the Amhara Region

40:31

The Legacy of Yohannes and Menelik

41:55

The Role of the TPLF

46:45

The Need for a Left Alternative Analysis

51:25

Criticism of Media Outlets and Individuals

01:05:06

Moving Towards Unity and Progressive Change

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Uprising: forces, structures, and possibilities 

Mahder is currently a PHD student in Political Science

Research on the 2019/2020 uprising plus local resistance committee and tea seller unions by engaging Sudanese scholar and activists

Historical points and questions.

On February 12, 1952, Egypt and Britain

How do you view the issue of Nubians and their struggle in both states? Where do the Nubians fit into the narrative of Pan-Africanism and the National Question? Are they an oppressed nation within nation-states?

What was the position of the Sudanese Communist Party in regards to South Sudanese grievances during the early years? 

It seems Sudan still has active labor unions that impacted and shaped the protest in Sudan. Why do you think the western press ignores that or mis-characterizes the class dynamic of the Sudanese protest and anti-neoliberal narrative? Or have you noticed that?

What is the communist view on Pan-Africanism and Pan-Arabism? What is your view on Sudan being viewed as an Arab state and anti-African racism?

 Jaafar Nimeiry 1969-1985--was supported a socialist branch Sudanese Socialist Union

falling out with the Communist party---first person who installed the Sharia law

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Somali freelance journalist Mohamed joins this episode for a critical focus on Somalia

http://halganmedia.net/

https://twitter.com/Free_Somaliweyn

Can you explain your take on the anti-colonial history of Somalis against various colonial power and how that shaped Somali nationalism from then to now?

How do you feel about the influence of Saudi Arabia and sponsorship of the Whabbist/Salafist line in Somalia as a counter against Somalia nationalists aligned with egalitarian or socialist Islam tendencies?

What is your view on the history of Ogaden and the Somali region in Ethiopia?

How do you view Turkish/NATO presence in Somalia?

How do you view the question of Somaliland and the current efforts to instigate tension by London/Washington via Taiwan vs China?

Can you explain the events that led to rise of the ICU to crush warlords in Somalia prior 2007?

Why do you feel Eritrean and Somalis are closer when recognizing the danger of Abyssinia Fundamentalism?

How do you feel about federalism vs centralized state in Somalia and the role of Melez Zenawi to create that 4-1 clan system of model?

Your view of the TPLF role in the 90s era in prolonging anarchy and war lors

Do you feel Somalia is ignored by the left in media spaces in comparison to Ethiopia? Both Somalia and Eritrea were sanctioned the last 18 years but we didnt see that focus but now Ethiopia is the focus.

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"If we have shortcomings, we are not afraid to have them pointed out and criticized because we serve the people. Anyone, no matter who may point out our shortcomings. If he is right, we will correct them. If what he proposes will benefit the people, we will act upon it."-Mao

FEEDBACK

 These western leftists absolutely need to just keep it at imperialism and stay away from the internal politics of Ethiopia. Just being in pfdj promotes you to address the primary contradiction which is imperialism. But the lack of 

acknowledgement of secondary contradictions by pfdj leads to a lack of understanding of an analysis on how the ruling class exploits these secondary contradictions to further their agenda. These secondary contradictions are weaponized to exasperate the primary contradiction. How tplf is using the plight of the oppressed nationalities to mask their elitist ideology. Ppl like Simon dismiss the oppressed as just tribalists. And it stops there for them, offering no validity to the oppressed masses who instead fall for tplf rhetoric that appears to be more in line with the oppressed. This alienates them like you said, and that’s a legitimate critique of the no more movement. This adds a lot of issues. 

This also gives legitimacy to Abiy, who on top of being even having more neoliberal policies than tplf, has denied historical grievances of folks in Ethiopia and even in America, and like you said you can oppose and fight against imperialism without totally endorsing the other side. It shouldn’t stop at just primary contradiction.

While EPRP*(Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party) was actively resisting derg, they still aligned with dergs decisions to oust western puppet entities from Ethiopia. 

An example of being principled and aligning on the right side w/o endorsing the other side

CRITICISM

You repeatedly state that Abiy started this war with TPLF, 

contrary to TPLF's own words in which they state they launched a "pre-emptive strike" against multiple northern command bases on Nov 4th.

Just simply "having positions" doesn't really mean anything if it doesn't translate to material action. In my opinion, many on the left, save a few organizations, are failing to capture the moment of what is essentially a pan-African movement against neo-colonial designs.

https://blackallianceforpeace.com/principles-of-unity

 What end is having a critique of the GOE while under attack by US backed forces supposed to contribute to the global movement? 

Should the left not unite with the #NoMore movement against imperialism or should it?

Listening to this I hear a lot of strawmen. Nowhere in any of the breakthrough or black agenda report coverage of the war have I seen anyone praise Abiy as some kind of socialist anti-imperialist hero.Seems unfair to suggest that's their position when it isn't.

Also like...what? "Take away the TPLF?" This isn't materialist at all, seeing as the TPLF is a heavily armed belligerent and player in the current conflict. 

This is an appeal to idealism in the middle of a war in which there will eventually be a victor and a vanquished.

Just wondering exactly what the endgame is here? 

So people shouldn't be mobilizing against US supported regime change in Ethiopia because Abiy is a capitalist? 

Should we take a "neither x or y" approach while a fascist proxy group continues its onslaught across the country?

POSITION

Examine why PFDJ or Eritrea are in alliance with Amhara region?is it right? The primacy of the class struggle over the national question is an issue

All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement(MEISON) vs EPRP*(Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party)

However, there were some sticky political problems for both the TPLF and EPRP regarding Eritrea. While they recognized the struggle for the Eritrean independence as genuine, they had differences as to whether the case was a ‘colonial issue’ or not. Without conducting the necessary study or having appropriate discussions, the TPLF held the view that the Eritrean case was a ‘colonial question.’ as the EPLF wanted it to be. 

It was probably an opportunistic stand , designed to outflank the EPRP from the privileged position the EPLF offering it. 

Without understanding the consequences that were to haunt it in the discourse of Ethiopian political history, this position continued to be the stand of the TPLF for years to come.

Another area of difference was over Eritrea and the guerrilla struggle for independence there. EPRP showed much greater sympathy for the guerrillas, particularly for the more radical Eritrean Peoples’ Liberation Front (EPLF). Many early EPRP cadres were trained and armed by the EPLF, and the EPRP’s armed wing used EPLF-held areas as a base when it commenced armed struggle in the north. MEISON accepted the right of self-determination for the nationalities, including the right of secession (which the EPRP was itself ambivalent on),

 but it denied the revolutionary validity of the Eritrean struggle in general and the EPLF in particular. 

The PMAC’s opponents, especially those in the various ethnic liberation movements, charge that the PMAC has become in fact the prisoner of the Amhara nationality, the ruling group under Haile Selassie. Amharas make up some 75 percent of COPWE’s central committee, reflecting the power structures of the military and civilian bureaucracy inherited from Haile Selassie. 

Amharas also hold approximately 60 percent of the appointments to the regional COPWE committees

 Promoting an agenda for lasting changes going far beyond those proposed since the revolution began in January, the Derg proclaimed Ethiopia Tikdem (Ethiopia First) as its guiding philosophy.

Giving an assessment of #NoMore is similar to #BLM and how BAR/Bruce Dixon gave the same critical pushback as well via class analysis and other tools of socialism

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Important episode to consider what does principled anti-imperialist solidarity suppose to look like for the Horn of Africa with critical three points

1. Let's examine the left content creators and journalist position as being too pro Abiy/PP due to the sourcing info from the Abyssinian (Amhara region)/PFDJ alliance that is led to the creation of the new diaspora based #NoMore movement and current development...Why did they do this? Maybe the motivating factor is for social media traction/audience metrics/donations etc

You take away the TPLF you can see why the people and advisors or allies of Abiys are neoliberal and reason why is in alliance with them is they all share common ideology views on neoliberalism and overall Abyssainid views on what is Ethiopia and its future..

Including Berhanu Nega as education minister, in a speech to lawmakers on Wednesday. The others are Belete Molla, who comes in as innovation and technology minister and Kejela Merdassa as the head of the culture docket.

The Ethiopia’s far-right -ultra-unionist PM Dr Abiy Ahmed and his conspirator ally Professor Berhanu Nega’s parties- namely Exclusive Prosperity Party (EPP) and Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice (ECSJ) are advocating Western liberal democracy and liberal economy as model capable of saving Ethiopia and its subjects.   

Berhanu Nega wrote policy papers for the World Bank, which were later included in the Kinijit (CUDCoalition for Unity and Democracy) Manifesto

The Kinijit (CUD) Manifesto. Attached snippet calling for the implementation of free market liberal democracy 

“[Mr Abiy] is extremely interested to see a strong private sector that can generate jobs for the millions of youths that are currently unemployed,” said Mr Abebe, 38, who worked at the World Bank before Mr Abiy asked him to join the commission.

“And I think that is consistent with the whole economic reform agenda. For so long economic growth has been fuelled by state investment and now the state should cede space to the private sector and play its natural arbiter role as a regulator,” he said. 

https://www.ft.com/content/38c9e736-7e49-11e9-81d2-f785092ab560

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/apr/15/suspicion-and-fear-linger-as-ethiopia-campus-wars-go-quiet

Wed 15 Apr 2020 07.21 EDT

The government is now looking at alternative funding models, including student loans. “There should be some kind of co-financing from the private sector,” said Tassew Woldehanna, president of Addis Ababa University. “Students need to start paying.”

In January, the Minister of Higher Education suggested that free tuition was partly to blame for conflicts because it made it harder for universities to maintain the quality of education and housing for the roughly 200,000 new students enrolling each year. In 2000, Ethiopia had just two universities; now there are 45. It is one of the fastest expansions in higher education in the world, but without a concomitant rise in standards.

Abiy and Crrypto connection

Cardano is not new to Ethiopia, in 2018 the government signed a deal with Cardano to incorporate blockchain technology to the agritech industry. According to United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, since Ethiopia is a latecomer to:

 Jack Dorsey vocalized his support of Project Mano, a group of Ethiopia-based entrepreneurs who want to get the Ethiopian government to consider mining and storing Bitcoin

I would like to thank @IMF & my dear sister @KGeorgieva for IMF’s extraordinary support of Ethiopia’s Home Grown Economic Reform Program amounting to USD 2.9 billion. Building on our past success, we have embarked on a new journey to set Ethiopia on a path to prosperity.

https://twitter.com/AbiyAhmedAli/status/1205152845818945536

"Borrowing from IMF and WB, is like borrowing from [one's] mother"- PM Abiy speaking in a peace conference in Addis Ababa.

.... "Because after they give us a billion birr, they tell us to pay it in 20, 30 yrs with a 2, 3, 4 % interest rate. What has hurt Ethiopia is not borrowing from these institutions but from companies or other countries. ....

https://twitter.com/Kal_KidanY/status/1208046969618337793

He was invited to The Economist party 

https://amp.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2020/09/19/ethiopias-democratic-transition-is-in-peril?__twitter_impression=true

‘My model is capitalism’: Ethiopia’s prime minister plans telecoms privatisation

https://www.ft.com/content/433dfa88-36d0-11e9-bb0c-42459962a812

2. There are voices on Twitter who pushes the TPLF line under the veneer of anti-imperialist positioning aswell

To answer the second point Under TPLF was SOE but corrupted and was making concession to the IMF and global finance to certain extent

Ethiopa 75%+ of its budget via aid financing, it basically is a USAID client state to an extent, and Abiy’s agenda highly depends on WB + IMF financing, 

Ethiopia has privatized SOEs in phases 1994-98 /1999 - 2004. Impact analyses show that privatiz|n only benefited 2 large conglomerates. 1st -TPLF/ EPRDF’s EFFORT, 2nd -MIDROC, with close tie with EPRDF. Both operate as duopoly hindering competitiveness 

That “reliant on donors” part hurt. All those years of “fast growth” and “10 %+ growth” and Ethiopia is still one of the most aid dependent countries on the continent? 

3. Examining the #NoMore Movement the way forward and recognizing what’s right

Quote by Wallelign Mekonnen Nov. 17, 196 was a Marxist student activist and militant active in the Ethiopian Student Movement 

https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ethiopia/nationalities.pdf

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On this episode, we discuss the latest updates on Ethiopia and Sebs research on via "Blockchain Technology & Coercive Surveillance of the Global South" https://solartsunami.medium.com/blockchain-technology-coercive-surveillance-of-the-global-south-bec05246e749

Sebs on Twitter https://twitter.com/RedSeaCactus

Cryptocurrency Is About Data-Mining Not Economic Liberation w Sebs Solomon via Black Power Media https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xoZIDO5VBZk

Jackson Palmer Tweets

https://twitter.com/ummjackson/status/1415353984617914370

From Eritrea to Bolivia: Who Supported the Washington Backed Coup?

https://hoodcommunist.org/2020/12/24/from-eritrea-to-bolivia-who-supported-the-washington-backed-coup/

The Human Rights Foundation Connection to Bitcoin and Meron Estafnos

Oslo Freedom Forum (@OsloFF and Bitcoin

https://twitter.com/gladstein/status/1405216053215461379

https://hrf.org/speakers/meron-estefanos/

https://twitter.com/AnitaPosch/status/1408047323503075334

Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/horn-of-africa-leftists/donations