Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Lee Jian and read by an artificial voice.

Korea and Canada announced a broad economic partnership spanning energy, critical minerals, hydrogen and defense, with Korean defense conglomerate Hanwha at the center of numerous proposals that could reshape both countries' industrial landscapes.

The announcement followed a meeting on Tuesday in Ottawa between Canada's Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Tim Hodgson and Korea's Chief of Staff to the President and Special Envoy for Strategic Economic Cooperation Kang Hoon-sik. The meeting coincided with the Korea-Canada Energy and Resource Supply Chain Cooperation Forum, which brought together senior government officials, industry leaders and investors from Canada's energy, mining, infrastructure and technology sectors.

The partnership reflects the growing weight of bilateral trade. In 2025, energy products became Canada's largest export category to Korea, valued at approximately 2.2 billion Canadian dollars ($1.6 billion), and metal ores and nonmetallic minerals ranked second at approximately 1.5 billion Canadian dollars.

Korea has already invested approximately 1.6 billion Canadian dollars in the LNG Canada project and is expected to double that to 3.2 billion Canadian dollars as future phases advance. Korea has also recently scrapped its 3 percent tariff on Canadian crude oil imports and is expected to import approximately 16 million barrels of Canadian crude this year, rising to 20 million barrels next year.

Beyond energy, Kang outlined an ambitious industrial initiative dubbed "Project Beaver" in an interview with CTV News. The proposal is tied to Hanwha Ocean's bid to build submarines for the Canadian military — known as the Canadian Patrol Submarine Project, or CPSP — and would pair that defense contract with broader economic investment.

Under the plan, Hanwha Ocean said it would invest more than 3.1 billion Canadian dollars and create approximately 9,000 jobs, with a focus on building out a hydrogen transportation ecosystem in Canada. That would include a hydrogen liquefaction facility in British Columbia, a network of hydrogen refueling stations across British Columbia and Alberta and a factory in Ontario to manufacture hydrogen-powered commercial vehicles.

The company's CPSP proposal, submitted in late April, is the centerpiece of its Canadian ambitions. Independent analysis estimates the proposal could generate 96.3 billion Canadian dollars in GDP impact and support more than 433,000 Canadian jobs over the initial acquisition period from 2026 to 2044.

Flavio Volpe, president of the Automotive Parts Manufacturers' Association (APMA), said after signing a memorandum of understanding with Algoma and Hanwha on June 1 that the partnership could create 30,000 direct and indirect jobs in Ontario alone.

Hanwha Ocean said it has committed to delivering the first four submarines under the CPSP by 2035, with all 12 submarines deliverable by 2043 — offering Canada an accelerated path to recapitalizing its submarine fleet.

The Kospi is now approaching 9,000. Yet only a minority seem truly content. Whether they have made money or not, many retail investors remain anxious.

Park Su-ryon

The author is the deputy editor of Content Division Three and the head of corporate research at the JoongAng Ilbo.

News of Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang's visit to Korea sent the stock market swinging wildly over the past week.

Shares of companies scheduled to meet Huang surged, with some reaching daily price limits or record highs, only to fall a day or two later as investors rushed to take profits.

The most striking example came when rumors spread that Huang would throw out the ceremonial first pitch at a baseball game wearing a Doosan uniform. Shares of listed Doosan Group companies jumped across the board on the speculation. Ironically, some of those stocks fell on Thursday, when the pitching appearance was officially announced.

Even shares of LG Electronics and Naver, which had shown little reaction to the AI boom, climbed sharply on reports that Huang would attend a dinner gathering with company executives. Retail investors embraced a simple narrative: A meeting with Jensen Huang meant a company would benefit from AI. Day traders seeking quick profits amplified the volatility. What dominated the market was less faith in artificial intelligence than the pursuit of money.

Some may argue that such enthusiasm is inevitable in a country that is home to Samsung Electronics and SK hynix, two of the world's leading AI-related chipmakers. Others may note that similar speculative behavior exists in U.S. markets.

Yet for many retail investors, especially those investing with borrowed money, the reality is far less appealing. What appears to some as a market full of opportunities can be a dangerous environment for individuals exposed to heavy losses.

The government has also contributed to the fever. At the end of last month, Korea introduced its first exchange-traded funds (ETF) designed to deliver twice the daily return of a single stock, namely Samsung Electronics or SK hynix. The move was intended in part to prevent funds from flowing into similar products listed in Hong Kong.

The result has been even greater concentration in semiconductor-related investments. These leveraged ETFs change hands frequently and have added to market volatility. It is fair to ask whether this truly creates better opportunities for ordinary investors.

The enthusiasm of Korean retail investors cannot be explained by semiconductor optimism alone. Since the launch of the Lee Jae Myung administration, policymakers have pursued measures aimed at drawing money out of real estate and into equities. Two revisions to the Commercial Act and tighter real estate lending regulations have played a role. In addition, the National Pension Service decided to postpone portfolio rebalancing and increase its domestic investment allocation, reinforcing expectations of continued support for the market.

The government also appears unwilling to reconsider taxation on stock trading gains. While labor income remains taxed, investment gains continue to enjoy favorable treatment. For an administration that presents itself as progressive, the contrast is difficult to ignore.

Against this backdrop, the Kospi is now approaching 9,000. Yet only a minority seem truly content. Whether they have made money or not, many retail investors remain anxious. Warning signs are accumulating: Samsung Electronics and SK hynix account for roughly half of total market capitalization, margin trading has reached a record 38 trillion won ($26.2 billion) and short-selling balances have climbed to 22 trillion won.

Recently, President Lee expressed displeasure with a news article citing a securities firm's report that argued the Kospi would stand at only 4,100 without semiconductor stocks. On his X account, Lee remarked that the figure should instead be viewed positively because the market would still be at 4,100 even without semiconductors.

Yet...

The task of our time is not merely to redistribute power. It is to build a distinctly Korean system of governance — transparent, legitimate and dynamic — with institutions capable of meeting the demands of a new era.

Cho Yoon-je

The author is a special appointment professor at the Graduate School of Economics at Yonsei University.

There is a saying that for every complex question, there is almost always a simple, neat and plausible answer that is wrong. The idea of Korea's "imperial presidency" often strikes me as one such answer.

Whenever constitutional reform is discussed, the same diagnosis appears: The concentration of presidential power is blamed for the failures of Korean politics, and power-sharing is presented as the solution. The history of Korea's presidents is indeed extraordinary. In one of the most successful postwar development stories in the world, it is difficult to find a president of the country who has not faced exile, assassination, imprisonment, impeachment, suicide or criminal investigation.

But is this simply the result of excessive presidential power? If Korean presidents truly possessed such authority, why were they unable to use it effectively and legitimately? Why did so many leave office under public criticism or legal punishment?

Novelist John Updike, a two-time Pulitzer Prize winner, once wrote in "The New Yorker" that the American presidency is merely a stop on the way to the blessed condition of becoming a former president. Even during U.S. President Donald Trump's first term, former President Barack Obama and his wife earned substantial income through speeches, books and consulting work while continuing to enjoy broad public respect. Former President Bill Clinton followed a similar path. Earlier American presidents also moved on to productive postpresidential lives. George Washington established a whiskey distillery, William Howard Taft became chief justice of the United States and Herbert Hoover pursued his passion for fishing.

During my years working in Britain and the United States, I observed that prime ministers and presidents there exercised authority comparable to, and sometimes greater than, that of Korean presidents.

The Republic of Korea was founded by rapidly adopting institutions that had evolved over centuries in Western democracies. This created a significant gap between formal institutions and social realities. Korea's first Constitution, modeled largely on that of the Weimar Republic, was drafted and adopted within little more than a month.

For thousands of years, the Korean Peninsula had never experienced a system based on the separation of powers. Nor had it undergone the intellectual movements that shaped modern democratic institutions in the West. As a result, a disconnect emerged between legal institutions and social behavior.

Korea's rapid economic rise was not achieved solely through strict adherence to formal rules. Much of its success came from bridging the gap between institutions and reality through informal practices. Viewed favorably, this was flexibility. Viewed critically, it often involved corruption or legal shortcuts.

This pattern extended beyond government. The history of Korea's economic development is also a history of arrests and presidential pardons involving business leaders. Family-controlled conglomerates dominate the economy, yet Korean commercial law contains no formal definition of a chaebol. As conglomerates expanded, practices such as accounting manipulation, preferential transactions among affiliates, cross-support and lobbying became common. In such a structure, controlling shareholders could easily become entangled in allegations of breach of trust, tax evasion or embezzlement.

The same reality affected ordinary citizens. Powerful investigative agencies emerged in a society where few individuals or companies could claim perfect compliance with every rule. Korean politics, society and the economy operated under that shadow for decades, and t...

A notable exchange during a Cabinet meeting last month highlighted a growing debate over the government's proposed "AI for Everyone" initiative. The project is part of President Lee Jae Myung's campaign pledge to build an "AI basic society," aimed at guaranteeing a minimum level of access to AI for all citizens.

When Lee asked about the program's progress, Deputy Prime Minister and Science and ICT Minister Bae Kyung-hoon replied that preparations were underway, with a target launch in November or December. Bae explained that the service would be provided free of charge through 2028, after which private companies would lead its operation.

Lee offered a different perspective. If users are required to pay after becoming accustomed to free access, many may stop using the program, he said. While acknowledging that not everyone needs the same level of service, Lee suggested guaranteeing a minimum level of AI access for all citizens while charging for upgraded features. He also reminded Bae, a former business executive, that efficiency and fairness must be balanced.

The exchange revealed two distinct approaches. Bae's comments reflected an industrial policy view in which the government creates initial demand before allowing the private sector to lead. Lee emphasized access to AI as a basic social right. As the technology becomes increasingly important in daily life, concerns about access are understandable.

But the government's plans may be moving too quickly.

At a press briefing last month, Bae announced a goal of providing every citizen with an AI agent. Unlike chatbots, which simply answer questions, AI agents are designed to perform tasks on behalf of users. The government also plans to offer specialized services for older adults and socially vulnerable groups.

The challenge is that expanding free access does not automatically create a sustainable service model.

During the internet era, user data became the foundation of targeted advertising, and this allowed technology companies to generate substantial revenue. Generative AI operates differently. User interactions may help improve services, but they do not automatically create enough revenue to offset the significant costs of computation. AI agents are even more expensive because they must understand requests, gather information and repeatedly carry out multiple tasks.

Questions of quality and accountability also deserve careful consideration.

For AI for Everyone to become a nationwide program, it must first provide quality responses that users who are familiar with commercial AI services find acceptable. But the program's performance and operational stability have not been publicly verified. Promising advanced agent functions before these basics are proven may be premature.

The risks increase if AI agents become linked to public services. Incorrect information or inaccurate guidance could cause administrative problems. The more strongly the government promotes the program as a free national service, the more likely citizens are to regard it as a public service. If errors occur, responsibility will inevitably fall on the government.

Another unresolved issue is who determines the scope of free services. Private AI providers normally decide where to draw the line between free and paid features. Under the government's model, however, public funds would support free access for all citizens.

If participating companies limit usage because of rising costs, public dissatisfaction is likely to be directed at the government. On the other hand, if the government demands broader functionality to satisfy users, it risks interfering with private-sector pricing and service design.

A better approach would be to foster competition among multiple AI providers while limiting government intervention afterward. Extending de facto free-service requirements beyond 2028 could distort the market and weaken innovation. The program could become dependent on government subsidies rather than competitio...

Automation that lacks clear rules about when AI should stop and when human verification should begin creates a new form of waste. An uncontrolled loop is inefficiency disguised as efficiency.

Park Chul-wan

The author is a professor of Department of Smart Automotive Engineering and Future Mobility Master's Program at Seojeong University.

The atmosphere at Silicon Valley house parties is changing. Developers no longer keep checking social media feeds or stock prices. Instead, many find themselves constantly monitoring the status of AI agents running in the background. Venture capitalist Nikunj Kothari has called this phenomenon "token anxiety." A token is the basic unit of computation used by artificial intelligence. As AI systems work around the clock, humans increasingly worry about what those systems are doing.

Tokens also carry a financial cost. The more tokens an AI system consumes, the higher the bill. Yet the deeper issue is not computing expenses themselves but the cost of maintaining human control over increasingly autonomous systems.

The trend is closely tied to the rise of "vibe coding." Rather than writing code line by line, developers describe a desired outcome in natural language and let large language models handle the implementation. Users see only the finished result, much like a completed dish placed on a dining table. Hidden from view are countless model calls, debugging cycles and iterations taking place behind the scenes. The less transparent the process becomes, the more invisible costs accumulate.

During the prototype stage, this approach can appear revolutionary. Once a product enters real-world operation, however, the tradeoffs become clear. If developers do not fully understand AI-generated code, even minor bugs can be difficult to fix. Users become less like programmers and more like managers. They spend additional time providing context, validating outputs and monitoring errors. When the technical debt and maintenance burden left by AI-generated code are taken into account, the long-term cost of control can easily exceed visible server expenses.

The same principle applies to physical AI systems operating in the real world. Because humans cannot continuously monitor and intervene in physical space in real time, systems such as autonomous vehicles must make reliable decisions within milliseconds. Competitive advantage does not come from processing ever-larger amounts of data. It comes from achieving a level of reliability that people can trust while using the minimum amount of computation necessary.

For that reason, the next stage of AI competition will not be defined solely by model performance. Systems that achieve greater reliability with fewer tokens are likely to outperform larger systems that consume ever-increasing computational resources. The key measure is not volume of computation but the density of meaningful information.

Ultimately, token anxiety reflects fear of losing control rather than concern about computing costs. Automation that lacks clear rules about when AI should stop and when human verification should begin creates a new form of waste. An uncontrolled loop is inefficiency disguised as efficiency.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice.

The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the advisory body for natural heritage under World Heritage Committee, concluded that tidal flats in Yeosu, Goheung, Muan and Seosan collectively nominated as "Korea Getbol, Korean Tidal Flats Phase Ⅱ" meet the criteria for inscription for preserving biodiversity by serving as critical habitats for endangered species, according to Korea Heritage Service (KHS), in charge of Korea's Unesco world heritage sites nominations.

If the second phase gets approved, the expanded serial World Heritage property will comprise six components, including the existing four getbol sites of Seocheon, Gochang, Shinan and Boseong-Suncheon, which were approved in 2021 at the 44th World Heritage Committee.

The IUCN additionally recommended analysis of additional getbol regions in Korea with potential of outstanding universal value and continue engaging local community for support. Unesco World Heritage designations are oftentimes opposed by the local community because they often bring stricter environmental regulation and development restriction.

The KHS said it will work closely with the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, local governments and communities to the fortify preservation and management of Korea's getbol as a world natural heritage. The agency also said it would faithfully implement the IUCN's recommendations to secure final approval for "Getbol, Korean Tidal Flats Phase II."

The People Power Party (PPP) emerged from this local election with a far more consequential mandate than the number of governorships or National Assembly seats it managed to secure. Voters delivered a clear message: Reform the party into a credible leading opposition force representing conservative values and rebuild the conservative camp itself.

Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon on Thursday described his victory as a "platform for the revival of conservatism." In other words, voters have granted conservatives one final opportunity — much like the "winter magpie's share" he invoked on the campaign trail, a metaphor for a last reserve left amid hardship. His assessment likely reflects what he sensed throughout the campaign: Supporters believe the reconstruction of conservatism is urgently needed if there is to be any meaningful check on the dominance of the Lee Jae Myung administration and the Democratic Party. Whether the PPP leadership, which entered this election without decisively severing ties with the legacies of martial law and the "Yoon Again" movement, truly grasps the depth of that sentiment remains doubtful.

Just two months ago, the party leadership was so preoccupied with appeasing its hard-line support base that Oh refused even to apply for the party's nomination. It would be a serious mistake if that same leadership, buoyed by several dramatic come-from-behind victories, were to conclude that it has regained the confidence of the public.

The PPP barely managed to hold on to four metropolitan and provincial leadership posts — Seoul mayor, Daegu mayor, and the governors of North Gyeongsang and South Gyeongsang provinces — while suffering crushing defeats elsewhere, losing in 12 regions to the Democratic Party. Even in Daegu, long regarded as the heartland of Korean conservatism, the party prevailed by only 8.87 percentage points. The margin shrank dramatically from last year's presidential election, when PPP candidate Kim Moon-soo gained 44 percentage points more than Lee Jae Myung there.

Particularly painful was the loss of Busan and Ulsan, traditional conservative strongholds, after fiercely contested races. Across key battlegrounds, the election exposed the limitations of the party's current leadership. The victory of former party leader Han Dong-hoon in the Busan Buk-A constituency by-election — despite efforts by PPP Chairman Jang Dong-hyeok to force him out — should be understood as a reflection of growing public demand for new conservative leadership. Calls for fresh leadership are likely to intensify both inside and outside the party in the months ahead.

The vigorous debate that follows this election will determine whether the nation's leading opposition party, which has often appeared fragmented and directionless, can reinvent itself or continue down a path of self-destruction. In a social media post on Thursday, Jang signaled his intention to confront growing demands for accountability head-on, writing that he would "not turn away from the heavy responsibility entrusted to me" and would "seek a new path."

But if party leaders misread the message delivered at the ballot box and remain consumed by personal political ambitions, they risk plunging the party into an even deeper crisis. This is the moment for humility, resolve and genuine self-reflection before a public that has made clear its desire for the rebuilding of conservatism.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

Pop Mart's popular character Hirono has found a permanent home among the mung bean pancake stalls and vintage textile shops in Seoul's Gwangjang Market.

The global toy brand unveiled the standalone Hirono Gwangjang Market store during a media event on Thursday, ahead of its grand opening on Friday. Lang, the artist behind Hirono, and boy band ZeroBaseOne member Sung Han-bin attended the press event.

The shop marks the fourth permanent Hirono-themed location in the world, following those in Shanghai, Bangkok and London.

"We definitely feel very excited and grateful," said Lang in a written interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily ahead of the media event. "During the Seongsu pop-up took place in May, we received a lot of warmth from Korean fans. That gave us great confidence to bring Hirono back in a more permanent way." The Hirono pop-up store in Seongsu drew massive crowds.

"We focused on blending [the store] into the existing street and market vibe," Lang said, adding that Hirono's "quiet emotional power" complements Gwangjang Market's character.

"[The shop] does not need to be loud or stand in the center. [...] We did not want the store to feel like a brand being placed on top of the market. We wanted it to sit naturally within the market, next to local shops and everyday scenes."

The design of the space follows a "Passing Station" concept, Pop Mart said, symbolizing Hirono's journey through other cities before arriving in Seoul and embodying Hirono's brand philosophy of "quietly existing along the [everyday] paths that people pass by to offer comfort without clamoring for attention."

Unlike conventional Pop Mart stores, which primarily focus on figurines, the Hirono Gwangjang Market edition expands the character's lifestyle lineup.

"Because Hirono is rooted in emotion and companionship, it feels natural for the IP [intellectual property] to move beyond figurines and become part of daily life," Lang said, adding, "We hope Hirono can accompany fans in a more immersive way — through what they wear, what they use and the spaces they spend time in."

Lang attributed the milestone to Hirono's unique emphasis on emotion. "[Hirono] reflects many deep and unspoken feelings that people may find hard to express.

"For us, creating a standalone themed store brings Hirono's emotion and journey into real life."

During the media event, Sung browsed the merchandise.

"I personally love the Hirono IP [intellectual property], and it was hard to take my eyes off the space because there are so many hip apparel lines and home decor products that are perfect for daily use, in addition to the figures," Sung was quoted as saying. "I hope that fans will also fully enjoy Hirono's unique sensibilities, along with the delicious food that Gwangjang Market has to offer."

The brand plans to significantly expand the store's list of products.

Located at 88 Changgyeonggung-ro in Jongno District, central Seoul, the store opens from 10 a.m. to 8 p.m.

This article is by Lee Ah-mi, Ryu Hyo-rim, Kim Gyu-tae and read by an artificial voice.

Korea's election agency is facing a deepening credibility crisis after a ballot shortage on Election Day left voters at over a dozen polling stations unable to cast their votes, with new figures showing the agency had budgeted to print enough ballots for 110 percent of eligible voters but printed only half that number.

The incident has left political parties on both sides calling for accountability from the National Election Commission (NEC), and experts say it has exposed deep structural problems in an agency that has operated for decades with little external oversight.

Fourteen polling stations in Seoul ran out of ballot sheets on Wednesday, forcing voting to continue until 10 p.m. — four hours past the original closing time. Twelve of the affected stations were in Songpa District, southern Seoul, with one each in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, and Gwangjin District, eastern Seoul. The extended hours meant some voters were still casting ballots as live vote counts were being broadcast on television nationwide.

Chaos continued as a crowd gathered outside one of the stations that had run out of ballots, in Jamsil 7-dong in Songpa District, physically blocking ballot boxes from being removed and demanding that counting be halted and the election rerun.

"This was a serious situation in which voting was distorted, with some voters casting their ballots while watching exit poll results and vote-counting updates," Lee Hyun-chool, a professor of political science at Konkuk University, said.

The political backlash from both left and right was swift.

The main conservative opposition People Power Party (PPP) leader Jang Dong-hyeok visited the NEC in the early hours of Thursday morning and met with NEC chairperson Rho Tae-ak, demanding that counting be suspended and the election held again. After counting concluded, PPP's election campaign committee co-chairman Song Eon-seok said he had "proposed to the Democratic Party of Korea that an emergency parliamentary investigation into the NEC be conducted." Oh Se-hoon, who won reelection as Seoul mayor, said Thursday that "strict accountability must follow without fail."

The ruling liberal Democratic Party (DP) pressed for the resignation of NEC Secretary General Heo Cheol-hoon. "We must consider whether the secretary-general, who bears responsibility for the NEC's administration, should step down," Cho Seung-rae, the party's secretary general, told reporters.

The NEC issued a public apology on Wednesday evening. On Thursday, it announced it would establish a committee to investigate what happened. However, it drew a line at calls for a rerun, saying the incident "does not constitute grounds for postponing or rerunning an election under the Public Official Election Act."

How did the shortage happen?

The NEC said the number of printed ballot sheets in Songpa District was equivalent to 50 percent of its registered voters. Gwangjin District and Gangnam District, where polling was also suspended, printed ballots for 50 percent and 55 percent of their electorates, respectively. This was in line with NEC guidelines instructing regional commissions to secure "a minimum of 50 percent of registered voters" worth of ballots for Election Day. Printed ballots are distributed to polling stations, with reserves held at district election offices to be dispatched where and when needed.

"The projection of voter turnout exceeding 70 percent was based on the combined early-voting rate and election-day turnout, but heavier-than-expected crowds at multiple polling stations led to confusion and disruptions," said an NEC official.

But the controversy deepened when it emerged that the NEC had received budget from local governments on the basis that it planned to "print ballots equivalent to 1.1 times the total number of registered voters" — yet printed only half that number.

"Since a supporter of a particular political p...

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Korea's election agency is facing a deepening credibility crisis after a ballot shortage on Election Day left voters at over a dozen polling stations unable to cast their votes, with new figures showing the agency had budgeted to print enough ballots for 110 percent of eligible voters but printed only half that number.

The incident has left political parties on both sides calling for accountability from the National Election Commission (NEC), and experts say it has exposed deep structural problems in an agency that has operated for decades with little external oversight.

Fourteen polling stations in Seoul ran out of ballot sheets on Wednesday, forcing voting to continue until 10 p.m. — four hours past the original closing time. Twelve of the affected stations were in Songpa District, southern Seoul, with one each in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, and Gwangjin District, eastern Seoul. The extended hours meant some voters were still casting ballots as live vote counts were being broadcast on television nationwide.

Chaos continued as a crowd gathered outside one of the stations that had run out of ballots, in Jamsil 7-dong in Songpa District, physically blocking ballot boxes from being removed and demanding that counting be halted and the election rerun.

"This was a serious situation in which voting was distorted, with some voters casting their ballots while watching exit poll results and vote-counting updates," Lee Hyun-chool, a professor of political science at Konkuk University, said.

The political backlash from both left and right was swift.

The main conservative opposition People Power Party (PPP) leader Jang Dong-hyeok visited the NEC in the early hours of Thursday morning and met with NEC chairperson Rho Tae-ak, demanding that counting be suspended and the election held again. After counting concluded, PPP's election campaign committee co-chairman Song Eon-seok said he had "proposed to the Democratic Party of Korea that an emergency parliamentary investigation into the NEC be conducted." Oh Se-hoon, who won reelection as Seoul mayor, said Thursday that "strict accountability must follow without fail."

The ruling liberal Democratic Party (DP) pressed for the resignation of NEC Secretary General Heo Cheol-hoon. "We must consider whether the secretary-general, who bears responsibility for the NEC's administration, should step down," Cho Seung-rae, the party's secretary general, told reporters.

The NEC issued a public apology on Wednesday evening. On Thursday, it announced it would establish a committee to investigate what happened. However, it drew a line at calls for a rerun, saying the incident "does not constitute grounds for postponing or rerunning an election under the Public Official Election Act.

How did the shortage happen?

The NEC said the number of printed ballot sheets in Songpa District was equivalent to 50 percent of its registered voters. Gwangjin District and Gangnam District, where polling was also suspended, printed ballots for 50 percent and 55 percent of their electorates, respectively. This was in line with NEC guidelines instructing regional commissions to secure "a minimum of 50 percent of registered voters" worth of ballots for Election Day. Printed ballots are distributed to polling stations, with reserves held at district election offices to be dispatched where and when needed.

"The projection of voter turnout exceeding 70 percent was based on the combined early-voting rate and election-day turnout, but heavier-than-expected crowds at multiple polling stations led to confusion and disruptions," said an NEC official.

But the controversy deepened when it emerged that the NEC had received budget from local governments on the basis that it planned to "print ballots equivalent to 1.1 times the total number of registered voters" — yet printed only half that number.

"Since a supporter of a particular political party leader seized unused ballot papers at...