Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Lee Su-jeong and read by an artificial voice.

For nearly two decades, Lee Gwang-jae has driven passengers across Seoul in taxis made by Korean automakers. Last August, he traded in his Hyundai EV6 — which he had driven after the Kia Niro EV — for the BYD Seal, a midsize electric sedan produced by China's largest EV manufacturer.

Lee said his decision rested on two considerations: performance and price. His choice highlights the growing appeal of lower-priced Chinese EVs among Korean consumers.

The Seal carries a list price of 46.9 million won ($32,000) in Korea. By combining national EV subsidies, incentives available to taxi drivers and a value-added tax refund, Lee reduced his effective purchase price to 37.21 million won.

"The subsidy is smaller than for domestic cars, but the initial price is lower, so it works out in my favor," he said.

Lee said his assessment was shaped by his experience driving foreign vehicles during a decade as a corporate chauffeur.

"I've driven many imported cars [...], and I'm satisfied with the Seal's ride comfort and build quality," he said. "Passengers often ask what kind of car it is, and when I tell them it's Chinese, they're surprised."

Data suggest Lee is far from alone. A total of 65.2 percent of BYD buyers last year were in their 40s and 50s, the JoongAng Ilbo found by analyzing sales figures from the Korea Automobile Importers & Distributors Association. Among all 26 imported brands sold in Korea, Ferrari recorded the highest share of buyers in that age group, at 70.7 percent. But when the comparison is limited to brands with more than 1,000 individual annual sales, BYD ranked first.

Analysts say the age profile matters. Middle-aged consumers tend to buy cars for long-term use rather than novelty, making their choices a key test of whether Chinese automakers can sustain growth in the Korean market.

"Buyers in their 40s and 50s believe Chinese cars have reached a certain threshold in quality, not just in price," said Cho Chuel, a senior researcher at the Korea Institute for Industrial Economics and Trade. If sales accumulate without major problems, he added, adoption is likely to expand.

BYD is moving to broaden its presence in Korea. The company plans to introduce the Dolphin, a compact electric hatchback, later this year. Under the Ministry of Environment's 2026 EV subsidy guidelines, the Dolphin qualifies for a national subsidy ranging from 1.09 million to 1.32 million won.

The company's overseas performance shows similar momentum. In Japan, a market often described as inhospitable to imported vehicles, BYD sold 3,870 units in 2025, a 62 percent increase from the year before. The Nikkei reported that BYD plans to introduce a compact "kei car" EV in Japan this summer to accelerate its expansion.

Some analysts argue that the relatively smaller subsidies available for Chinese EVs could ultimately strengthen their competitiveness in Korea. As government support tapers off, lower-priced models may prove more resilient.

When most EV subsidies were exhausted in December, the top three newly registered models were Tesla's Model Y with 3,478 units, according to data from automotive information platform NICE Bluemark. The Model Y was followed by the Seres 7 with 641 units and BYD's Atto 3 with 459 units. Kia's PV5 ranked fifth with 326 units. While registrations of the Seres 7 declined 5.7 percent from the previous month, PV5 registrations fell 74.6 percent.

"Subsidies can't keep expanding indefinitely," Cho said. "If Hyundai and Kia don't secure price competitiveness now, the structure will increasingly favor cheaper Chinese vehicles."

Still, skepticism toward Chinese cars remains. Last year, a notice banning Chinese EVs from a parking garage at an apartment complex in Siheung, Gyeonggi, sparked controversy.

Policy changes could also affect growth momentum. Beginning this year, the Ministry of Environment revised how it evaluates importers and manufacturers for subsidy e...

This article is by Yi Woo-lim and read by an artificial voice.

Three years ago, an office worker bought Samsung Electronics' Galaxy Book3 Pro laptop for around 1.9 million won ($1,290). But when the same office worker recently checked the price of a new model, they were stunned: the 2026 models were priced from 3.41 million won to nearly 5 million won.

"The performance has improved, sure, but with prices more than doubling, it's just out of reach," the buyer said. "I'm thinking of replacing my battery or looking for an older, lower-spec model instead."

The 2026 Galaxy Book6 laptop series will go on sale on Jan. 27. The 14-inch Galaxy Book 6 Pro is priced at 3.41 million won, and the 16-inch version at 3.51 million won. That's a steep jump from the previous Book5 Pro series, which sold for between 1.77 million and 2.81 million won.

The higher-end Galaxy Book6 Ultra is only available in two variants: one with a lower-spec graphics card at 4.63 million won, and another with a higher-spec GPU at 4.93 million won. Unlike the Galaxy Book 4 Ultra, released two years ago with options ranging from 3.36 million to 5.09 million won, the entry point for the new Ultra model has risen significantly — now starting in the mid-4-million-won range.

LG Electronics is in a similar position. The 16-inch LG Gram Pro AI 2026 is priced at 3.14 million won, 500,000 won more than a similar predecessor with similar specs. Global laptop manufacturers, including Dell Technologies, Asus and Lenovo, have also raised launch prices across their latest lineups.

The main reason behind the soaring laptop prices is the rising cost of memory semiconductors. The contract price for an 8-gigabit DDR4 DRAM (dynamic random access memory) — the standard type for PCs — reached $9.30 in December last year, up from $1.35 in March, according to market tracker DRAMeXchange. That marks nine consecutive months of price increases.

With manufacturers focusing production on high-performance memory like high bandwidth memory (HBM), the supply of conventional DRAM — which offers lower margins — has tightened, pushing prices upward.

Companies are caught in a bind — they can't compromise on performance just to cut costs. Korean manufacturers are also grappling with a weaker won and high exchange rates. Core components like CPUs and GPUs, which serve as the brains of laptops, are imported from U.S. companies like Intel and Nvidia.

"It's difficult to lower the final product price when key components are bought at such high exchange rates," said an industry source.

Samsung Electronics CEO Roh Tae-moon promised to lead the popularization of AI experiences and become the "AI companion" in people's everyday lives on Jan. 4 during CES 2026 in Las Vegas. Building an AI PC requires larger, higher-spec memory and storage, which inevitably drives up prices. The risk, however, is that those higher prices may come back to bite the industry in the form of weakened demand.

That concern extends beyond laptops. Samsung's Galaxy S26 smartphone series, set to be unveiled in February, is also expected to see a price hike.

Market research firm IDC projected that global smartphone shipments would decline by 2.9 to 5.2 percent this year compared to 2025, due to rising device prices fueled by soaring memory costs. With consumers holding off on purchases, the broader IT market faces a potential contraction.

Samsung is reportedly attempting to ease cost pressures by using its in-house Exynos 2600 application processor for the Galaxy S26 base and Plus models. Still, "rising component material costs, especially memory prices, are the biggest burden" on the smartphone business, Roh said. "It will inevitably impact product pricing to some extent."

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Hyundai Mobis is in talks with Scout Motors, an EV brand under the Volkswagen Group, for a multibillion-dollar EV battery system deal, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter.

It could mark the first large-scale order by a North American automaker for the Korean auto parts maker, which owns 22 percent of Hyundai Motor. The potential deal could help reduce its reliance on Hyundai and Kia, which together currently account for roughly 60 percent of its sales.

"The supply of battery system assemblies [BSA] to Scout Motors is scheduled to start in early 2028," said a source who requested anonymity due to the confidentiality of the deal, who added that the deal could be worth billions of dollars, making it Mobis's largest single order from an overseas auto brand.

Another source with knowledge of the matter also added that Hyundai Mobis is expected to build its "own battery system plant in South Carolina," near Scout Motors' manufacturing plant, should the deal be finalized.

The Korean firm, however, declined to confirm, citing confidentiality clauses in contracts with all clients.

The battery system assembly is a core component of EVs, integrating the battery pack with the battery management system and key electronic modules into a single unit. High-capacity, high-efficiency assemblies are tied directly to an EV's overall quality and performance.

Scout Motors is an EV-dedicated brand specifically targeting the U.S. market that was revived by Volkswagen Group in 2022, specializing in off-road electric trucks and SUVs.

Volkswagen acquired the rights to the Scout name, originally used by International Harvester in the 1960s for a line of off-road SUVs and pickup trucks.

The German automaker has since pledged to invest about $2 billion to build a plant in South Carolina and nurture Scout into a wholly U.S. EV brand, overseeing design, engineering, manufacturing and marketing domestically.

Scout Motors plans to launch the Traveler, an SUV, and the Terra pickup truck in late 2027 or early 2028. Both models will be offered as fully electric vehicles as well as extended-range electric vehicles. The company recently said refundable preorders for the two models surpassed 50,000.

Hyundai Mobis has recently been intensifying its push to lure global brands as clients in an effort to reduce its reliance on affiliated automakers.

Mobis in 2022 landed a large-scale chassis module contract from Mercedes-Benz, followed in 2023 by a battery system deal valued at about 5 trillion won ($3.4 billion) from Volkswagen.

Still, overseas order momentum has weakened amid a slowdown in global EV demand and the impact of tariffs under the Donald Trump administration.

Mobis' noncaptive orders, or orders outside of affiliates, reached a record $9.22 billion in 2023, but plunged to $2.57 billion in 2024. In 2025, tariff-related headwinds further weighed on performance, with orders totaling $2.31 billion through the third quarter, just 31 percent of the full-year target of $7.45 billion.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

U.S. President Donald Trump is marking the first anniversary of his inauguration today. Over the past year, "America First" has evolved from a campaign slogan into a force reshaping the global order. Rules, institutions and alliances long upheld by the United States since the Cold War have steadily weakened, replaced by a logic of deals, pressure and coercion. Under Trump, the United States no longer presents itself as a global arbiter or guardian of norms.

Tariffs were the first tool Trump reached for after taking office. China was not the only target. The European Union, Canada, Mexico, Korea and Japan all faced punitive measures. High tariffs on key industries such as steel, automobiles and semiconductors were justified in the name of "national security." Trump openly warned that countries failing to invest in the United States would pay a price. Foreign negotiating teams were summoned to the Oval Office, where pledged investment figures were displayed, transforming the White House into a venue for high-stakes transactions.

Trump has consistently described himself as a peacemaker. He pledged to end wars around the world "immediately," citing conflicts including the war in Ukraine and the fighting in Gaza. Yet his approach has centered less on mediation than on recalibrating power. Ukraine was pressed toward a cease-fire, while Israel received what amounted to a blank check. Behind the language of peace lay a clear calculation: Reduce America's burden while maximizing its leverage.

That logic reached its most controversial point in Venezuela. The Trump administration carried out a military operation that resulted in the capture of President Nicolás Maduro and his spouse, who were transferred to stand trial in the United States. The administration argued that Maduro was linked to large-scale drug trafficking into the United States. Much of the international community, however, viewed the operation as a violation of sovereignty and a display of raw power. By stepping outside the framework of international law, the episode set a dangerous precedent of direct punishment for states deemed noncompliant.

Trump's worldview is often distilled in his own words. In a recent interview with The New York Times, he remarked that "international law isn't necessary" and that only his personal sense of morality restrained him. The statement reflected a belief that individual judgment can override international norms. Since his first term, Trump has defended his approach by urging other countries to prioritize their own interests. The result has been to create strategic space for authoritarian military powers such as Russia and China.

The shock waves have even reached the Arctic. A Danish-led military exercise known as "Operation Arctic Patience," prompted by renewed controversy over Greenland, offered a striking symbol. France, Germany and Norway, among other NATO members, participated without U.S. forces. The drill was widely interpreted as a declaration of Europe's intention to pursue greater security autonomy rather than rely solely on the American umbrella. Washington responded with threats of additional tariffs. Europe countered with retaliatory measures of its own. Former allies increasingly find themselves facing one another across an economic battlefield.

The fragmentation of alliances is now affecting North America itself. Canada, which had once stood on the front line of confrontation with China during the Huawei dispute back in 2018, announced a "new strategic partnership" with Beijing last week. The move sent shock waves through diplomatic circles and underscored how Trump-style unilateralism has hollowed out traditional alliances.

For Korea, the rapidly shifting global environment presents increasingly complex choices. The Korea-U. S. alliance remains the core pillar of national security, but the assumption that it automatically guarantees national interests is no longe...

The author is a columnist of the JoongAng Ilbo and a chair professor and director of Doheon Academy, Hallym University.

A phrase that might belong in a gangster film has spilled from the mouth of the leader of the world's hegemonic power: FAFO — "F__k Around and Find Out." It means, quite simply, that defiance invites destruction. Across the table, Xi Jinping, heir to a Confucian tradition, chose a more decorous expression, calling it "changes unseen in a century." He went further, urging — or rather instructing — Korea's president to "stand on the right side of history." That remark came shortly after a photograph of Donald Trump bearing the FAFO slogan, reportedly taken at Gimhae Airport, circulated publicly. President Lee Jae Myung responded with a quotation from Confucius, a clever move reminiscent of a well-timed baduk gambit. Yet "find out" has become a fear that 21st-century Korea must confront. Defiance leading to death has, in fact, occurred.

It happened in the late 20th century as well. Libya's Muammar Qaddafi and Iraq's Saddam Hussein come to mind. Anti-Americanism and Islamic ideology alone were tolerated. Monopoly control over resources and acts of terror were not. That was when American patience snapped. The turning point came after the Sept. 11 attacks in 2001, when strategic thinking shifted alongside industrial decline. Military power was mobilized to secure industrial advantage, and countries refusing to submit capital and technology were made examples. A carpet bombing of high tariffs flattened resistance worldwide. Emboldened, Trump nullified 66 international agreements and declared himself the law. In the 21st century, international law has acquired a new name: FAFO.

Why did Venezuela's leader ignore the warning? Why would he mock Trump from such close range? How could he so recklessly forfeit oil reserves totaling some 300 billion barrels, among the world's largest? He trusted backing from China and Russia. He was intoxicated by the seductive scent of Latin America's longstanding populist tradition. Venezuela became a textbook case of what happens to a nation that grows suddenly rich. President Nicolás Maduro showed what befalls a petrostate that mistakes fortune for immunity.

Oil discoveries in the Maracaibo Basin and along the Essequibo River in the 1920s instantly elevated Venezuela into a resource-rich country. Turning oil, the black pearl of the 20th century, into national wealth required avoiding two dangers: domestic rent seeking and intervention by great powers. Latin American leaders, eager to consolidate power, scattered free welfare benefits among populist sectors — the poor, workers and farmers — while deepening corrupt ties with foreign capital. This mechanism of exporting national wealth or dissipating it through giveaways defines populism. Dissatisfaction over development paths and distribution repeatedly triggered military coups. More than 140 coups swept Latin America before the 1959 Cuban Revolution. Venezuela, once committed to democracy, slid into collapse under the populism and habitual anti-Americanism of Hugo Chávez and Maduro. Left-wing populism turned medical resources into poison.

Korea, by contrast, was resource-poor. It was distant, impoverished and largely ignored. The "quiet country" at the edge of East Asia barely merited a visit. In 1816, British naval officer Basil Hall briefly landed on an island off Gunsan while charting coastal waters. Terrified villagers fled, he wrote, "like rabbits to their hutches." It was today's Gogunsan Archipelago. Fifty years later, in 1866, a French fleet entered the Yeomha Channel near Ganghwa Island over the execution of Catholic missionaries. What soldiers found in the destitute village was a royal archive. Korea was a knowledge state living on texts. No one then could have foreseen that knowledge and education would become the greatest industrial resources of the 20th century. Empires soon awakened to Korea's geopolitical value. As R...

U.S. President Donald Trump shocked Europe after threatening on Saturday to impose tariffs on eight European countries for opposing his plan to annex Greenland. The proposed measures include tariffs of 10 percent starting in February and 25 percent from June. Tensions had already deepened through reciprocal tariffs last year, pressure to raise defense spending and Washington's push for a Russia-friendly end to the war in Ukraine. With the new year, another wave of Trump-driven "America First" policies is now shaking the foundations of the NATO alliance that has endured for more than 80 years since World War II.

European leaders reacted sharply to Trump's apparent disregard for allies, treating them as adversaries rather than partners. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer called the idea "completely wrong," and French President Emmanuel Macron said it was "unacceptable." Europe has emphasized solidarity with Denmark and Greenland and is weighing countermeasures such as retaliatory tariffs against the United States, though it has yet to find a clear solution.

Trump has argued that the Greenland annexation plan is intended to block China and Russia from gaining a foothold there and that doing so serves U.S. national interests. U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has even claimed that annexation is necessary to prevent the United States from being dragged into a war should Russia attack Greenland. Trump has previously raised the possibility of military intervention, an astonishing notion that would amount to threatening war against allies. Despite criticism within the U.S. Congress that such measures represent a "grave mistake" that would do nothing to enhance U.S. security and instead benefit adversaries such as Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping, the administration continues to press ahead.

The widening rift in the Atlantic alliance, which has escalated from trade disputes to territorial tensions, is not a distant problem. Its repercussions are unsettling Pacific allies as well, including South Korea, Japan and the Philippines. A recent example is Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's remarks about intervention in the event of a Taiwan contingency and Washington's lukewarm response to China's retaliatory measures against Japan.

Of particular concern, The Washington Post recently noted in an editorial that North Korea was not mentioned even once in the National Security Strategy released by the White House last December. The omission, the paper argued, was intentional and signaled that denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is no longer considered an option. If the Trump administration were to steer future U.S.-North Korea talks toward arms reduction negotiations premised on recognizing North Korea's nuclear status — as sought by North Korean leader Kim Jong-un — it would deliver a shock to the South Korean government and public comparable to that currently being felt in Europe.

Entering its second year in office, the Trump administration's America First approach has become a constant. The government must remain acutely alert to unusual shifts in U.S. positions on security and trade. It is an unfortunate reality, but we are living in an era of uncertainty in which alliances can no longer be trusted as they once were.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jin Min-ji and read by an artificial voice.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) raised its economic growth outlook for Korea this year to 1.9 percent, up 0.1 percentage point from the October 2025 forecast, amid the global surge in AI investment and accommodative financial conditions.

The revision aligns with the global growth outlook, as the IMF raised its global growth forecast for this year to 3.3 percent from 3.1 percent in its World Economic Outlook, which was released on Monday. Growth projections were also revised upward for advanced economies, including Korea and the United States, from 1.6 percent to 1.8 percent, and the forecast for emerging markets and developing economies was increased from 4 percent to 4.2 percent for the same year, with China's growth forecast up from 4.2 percent to 4.5 percent.

For 2025, the IMF also revised up Korea's forecast from the previous 0.9 percent to 1 percent.

Downside risks stemming from changes in trade policies are being offset by upside factors, such as a surge in AI investment and fiscal and monetary support, according to the report. But the IMF assessed that risks to the global economy remain tilted to the downside, citing concentrated investments in a small number of AI and advanced technology firms, high trade policy uncertainty, geopolitical tensions and elevated debt levels in major economies.

The IMF warned that if expectations for AI-driven productivity and profitability weaken, a sharp correction in asset prices could occur, which may amplify financial risks. At the same time, it noted that improved productivity from the AI adoption could serve as an upside driver for the global economy.

Meanwhile, global inflation is projected at 3.8 percent this year and 3.4 percent next year, continuing a downward trend from 4.1 percent in 2025.

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Aware of the risks involved, such as unveiling the darker realities of the nightlife underworld, actor Han So-hee still chose to star in the upcoming crime film "Project Y," calling it one of the most challenging projects she has received, and a rare opportunity she might not get again.

"To be honest, when I was choosing my next project, I felt like I was falling into a bit of a rut, and this script was the one that seemed to spark a sense of challenge for me the most," said Han during an interview with reporters at a cafe in central Seoul on Friday.

"I knew it was dealing with a heavy subject and holding potential issues related to the jobs that appeared in the film, and I was aware there were risks involved. But it was a character I really wanted to try."

She added, "I had this strong feeling that even two or three years later, I wouldn't be able to pull off my character, Mi-sun."

Directed by Lee Hwan, the film follows two young women, Mi-sun, portrayed by Han, and Do-kyung, played by Jun Jong-seo, as they try to escape their jobs in the city's nightlife after saving enough money for a fresh start. However, everything collapses due to a betrayal, leaving them with nothing. In a desperate bid to avoid returning to their former lives, the two become entangled in crime, leading to a series of chases and constant flights.

While female-led narratives have become more visible in recent releases such as "The Price of Confession" (2025) and "You and Everything Else" (2025), stories driven by two women in the noir genre remain relatively rare.

Han described the script as "a gift from above," noting that it arrived at a time when she was yearning for a female-led story and when she had just become friends with her coactor Jun personally. She also said the production moved forward unusually smoothly — a rare experience in an industry currently facing financial difficulties.

"At the time, scripts like [noir genre driven by two female leads] were almost nonexistent," she said. "And when I was really craving something like that, this script came to me."

"Also, everything moved forward so smoothly, step by step. Even though it was a really tough time for investment and production, things just fell into place. That's when I thought that the universe is telling us to make this film."

Both Mi-sun and Do-kyung are portrayed as girl-crush, femme fatale figures, which align with both actors' public personas. Han revealed that when she first received the script, she had not yet been cast in a specific role, and the roles were decided only after an extensive four- to five-hour discussion with director Lee.

"When we met with the director, we talked a lot about which parts each of us connected with more — whether I was closer to Mi-sun or maybe to Do-kyung and how each of us could express those characters. In the end, we decided that I would play Mi-sun and Jong-seo would take on Do-kyung," she said.

And for Han, who has often portrayed mature characters shaped by their upbringing or environment, such as Yeo Da-gyeong from "The World of the Married" (2020), shared that, given Mi-sun and Do-kyung's wild decisions, she found an opportunity to incorporate a more carefree side of herself.

Another eye-catching element of the film is the characters' costumes. Both characters flaunt striking fashion choices throughout the film, with Mi-sun standing out in a leopard-print fur coat, which Han revealed came from her own wardrobe.

"To express our sense of style [in the film], we felt that each character needed their own signature element, such as a specific color or pattern," she said, adding that the costumes were limited as the story unfolded over a short period of time.

"Setting the characters aside [...] we focused on wearing clothes that suited our bodies and that we genuinely liked. So I ended up choosing leopard print because I personally love that, while Do-kyung chose red."

Debuting in...

This article is by Na Sang-hyeon and read by an artificial voice.

The era of electric-powered ships is fast approaching, following in the footsteps of EVs, as the global shipping industry accelerates its shift toward decarbonization.

Though major companies such as Hanwha are presenting electric propulsion as a solution, significant technical hurdles remain.

Hanwha Group Vice Chairman Kim Dong-kwan proposed the creation of an "electric ship marine ecosystem" in a column published ahead of the World Economic Forum's annual meeting on Monday in Davos, Switzerland, according to Hanwha.

Kim argued that the shipping industry, which has long relied on fossil fuels, must fundamentally transform its propulsion systems to achieve sustainable change.

He outlined the need for electric ship development, reliable energy storage systems (ESS), port charging infrastructure and decarbonized energy supply facilities.

"For electric ships to be widely adopted, stable ESS is essential," Kim said. "We also need to improve access to battery charging and replacement infrastructure."

"Hanwha is laying the groundwork for ships and ports to evolve together with the broader ecosystem by applying advanced ESS and clean energy solutions across maritime infrastructure," he continued. "We're in talks with European port authorities on pilot projects involving ESS and ship charging systems."

Overseas, the commercialization of electric ships is also gaining momentum. China's CATL, the world's largest battery maker, is quickly moving to dominate the electric vessel market.

CATL — which holds a 40 percent share in the electric ship battery market — plans to launch its own fully electric ship within the next three years, according to the South China Morning Post.

Another Chinese battery manufacturer, Gotion High-Tech, has already commercialized batteries for electric container ships.

The shipping industry's growing interest in electric propulsion is driven by global regulatory changes. The International Maritime Organization (IMO) has set a net-zero target for greenhouse gas emissions from shipping by 2050.

To meet this goal, the IMO set interim targets to reduce emissions by at least 20 percent by 2030 and 70 percent by 2040, compared to 2008 levels.

The European Union has also tightened carbon emissions regulations, requiring shipping companies to secure emissions allowances for their entire carbon output starting in 2027.

Electric ships offer several clear advantages. Compared to diesel-powered vessels, they produce far less noise and vibration, reducing harm to marine ecosystems. Their simpler structure also translates into lower maintenance costs over time.

While traditional internal combustion engine ships operate at about 20 percent energy efficiency, electric ships can achieve up to 40 percent, making them a more economical option.

As a result, the global electric ship market is projected to grow rapidly from $6.5 billion in 2025 to $58.8 billion in 2035 — nearly a tenfold increase over a decade, with an average annual growth rate of 24.6 percent, according to market research firm Future Market Insights.

The firm added that the adoption of hybrid and fully electric propulsion solutions is expected to accelerate.

However, challenges remain before large-scale adoption becomes feasible. At sea, charging infrastructure is still scarce. This makes onboard energy storage — in the form of ESS — critical for long voyages.

But ESS units are currently heavy, expensive to install and technologically immature, which limits their application in transoceanic vessels.

As a result, the marine batteries supplied by CATL are mostly used in inland waterway ships and short-distance cruises.

Safety is another key consideration, especially the need to minimize fire risks at sea. Liquid immersion cooling, a next-generation thermal management technique that uses nonconductive coolant to cool components, is emerging as an important technology.

In 2024, Hanwha Aerospace and ...

This article is by Lee Young-keun, Jun Yul, Kim Jeong-jae and read by an artificial voice.

YEONGAM, South Jeolla — On a weekday morning, building owner Park Chan-su pauses his sweeping outside a small apartment complex in a rural county to greet a tenant heading to work on a bicycle.

"Heading out early today? Stay safe out there," Park, 79, said as a man in gray work clothes rides off from the parking lot of a studio apartment complex in Samho-eup in Yeongam County, South Jeolla.

The tenant is a Chinese national who works at a nearby shipyard, one of many foreign laborers in Yeongam County where immigrants make up a growing share of the work force and, according to government research, enjoy some of the highest levels of acceptance by local residents in Korea.

"They all work at heavy industry plants," Park said. "Accidents happen often. Every morning, I tell them to be careful. We make our living thanks to them, too."

Park was born in nearby Muan County and spent 20 years as a civil servant while farming on the side. He began managing the apartment building about a decade ago. Some evenings, he shares beer in the parking lot with tenants like Khojiakbar Akbarov, 28, a welder from Uzbekistan.

Akbarov grew up in the Central Asian nation about 5,000 kilometers (3,106 miles) away and came to Yeongam two years ago on a nonprofessional employment (E-9) visa. He works at a shipyard and pays rent to Park with the wages he earns in Korea.

"I could work in Seoul or Busan, but the people here are kind," Akbarov said. "I want to live here for 10 or 20 years."

A recent report by the Migration Research and Training Centre, affiliated with the Ministry of Justice, helps explain why such relationships are common in Yeongam. The county scored 70.1 out of 100 in a survey measuring how willing residents are to accept immigrants as members of society, placing it among the highest-ranked regions nationwide.

The score reflects a broader social integration index used by the government to assess how communities are adapting as Korea increasingly relies on foreign labor to offset population decline and labor shortages.

At the other end of the scale stood Jeju, which recorded an acceptance score of 52.1, among the lowest in the country.

Generational differences were stark. In Jeju, only 45.8 percent of respondents in their 20s said they viewed immigrants as members of society. In Yeongam, 88.4 percent of residents aged 60 and older said they did.

Research fellow Yoo Min-yi said three factors largely explain regional gaps in acceptance: how many migrant workers hold legal status and contribute to local industries, how often immigrants and locals interact and public attitudes toward migrants from specific countries.

Communities with large numbers of legally employed migrants working in the region's core industries — and where foreigners mix regularly with residents rather than forming isolated enclaves — tend to show higher integration scores, according to Yoo.

Yeongam County fits that profile. Foreign workers account for about 30 percent of employees at HD Hyundai Samho's dockyard and the surrounding Daebul Industrial Complex, a pillar of the local economy.

"At first, it was frustrating because we couldn't communicate," said Joo Soon-jun, 50, head of Deokin Enterprise, a subcontractor at the shipyard. "But clear communication is essential, so I started learning a foreign language. When I reached out first, my co-workers studied Korean harder too. You have to think of them as family."

Jeju offers a different picture.

According to the Justice Ministry, the number of undocumented migrants who entered Jeju under its visa-free system rose from 1,285 in 2013 to 11,191 as of June last year. About 93 percent were Chinese nationals.

Jeju introduced visa-free entry in 2002 to boost tourism, but officials say the system has also been exploited by migrants who overstay or disappear into informal labor markets.

One morning last year, while Yeongam residents e...