Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

At the end of every year, there are awards for the music that echoed across streets, the films that lingered and the dramas that kept people waiting week after week.

But one thing that arguably fills the year with just as much excitement - and just as much joy, yet rarely receives formal recognition - is food. Despite its massive role in giving people something to crave and savor, it is often left out of the conversation.

In 2025, a handful of food items sparked long lines, sold out within hours and sent people repeatedly refreshing delivery apps. They turned into daily conversation starters and, at times, a competitive sport for those looking to secure them.

Here is a look at the foods of the year - five dishes and products that truly shined in 2025.

Chewy Dubai cookie

Anyone who has spent some time in Korea will remember the buzz around Dubai chocolate when it went viral worldwide. Almost every store selling a house-made version saw long queues and rapid sales, inspiring a wave of spinoffs, including Dubai-style chapssaltteok (rice cake) and Dubai cakes.

None, however, match the frenzy surrounding the Dubai jjonddeuk (chewy) cookie today. Don't be fooled by the name; this is not so much a cookie as it is a dense, chewy sphere, wrapping pistachio kataifi in melted chocolate marshmallow.

At a bakery in Bangi-dong, Songpa District, southern Seoul, known for its Dubai jjonddeuk cookie, all 400 cookies were gone by 10:30 a.m., even before its opening at 11 a.m.

"We opened earlier because the weather is so cold today, and there were already a lot of people waiting outside," said Yoo Seong-eun, the owner who has been selling the cookie since October.

"Some even line up as early as 8 a.m.," she added. In just a minute, more than 10 people - from students to even those much older - had gathered outside the storefront. When the owner told them that they were already all sold out, some even expressed frustration. "You should have posted a notice in advance," shouted one visibly angry woman.

"I rode the bus for 30 minutes from Gwangjin District just for this," said a 24-year-old Lee Yoon-jeong, who had come on a recommendation from a friend. "This was supposed to be my first Dubai jjonddeuk cookie."

Office worker Jo Yeon-woo, who was also turned away, said this would have been her fourth time buying the cookie. "Dubai cookies are crunchy inside and soft outside," said Jo, who was wrapped in black padded jacket. "But this place has more pistachio spread, which makes it much more gooey."

At around 10:50 a.m., a taxi pulled up in front of the store, and a middle-aged man rushed out, only to learn that the cookies were already all gone. He showed visible disbelief. More people continued to arrive even after 11 a.m., despite the store having already put up a sold-out sign.

The Dubai jjonddeuk cookie is believed to have been first developed by Mond Cookie. Smaller than the versions that are more widely sold today, news of the original gradually spread by word-of-mouth starting in August last year. By mid-November, more bakeries and cafes introduced increasingly elaborate ones, with a thinner wrapping of marshmallow and more pistachio.

Towel cake

Flavor alone is no longer enough to capture the attention of young consumers. It is the unusual, visually striking appearance that sparks curiosity before the first bite. And once mukbang creators and influencers began showcasing and enjoying this dessert, it did not take long for the soogun cake - also known as the towel cake - to become a viral hit.

Originating in China under the name maojin juan, the cake is a thin crepe filled with cream and folded to resemble a neatly rolled towel. Since going viral online, Korean convenience stores rushed to release their own versions, with CU and GS25 selling out immediately during its prerelease.

The most popular varieties were the chocolate versions, made with chocolate crepes and chocolate...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

At the end of every year, there are awards for the music that echoed across streets, the films that lingered and the dramas that kept people waiting week after week.

But one thing that arguably fills the year with just as much excitement - and just as much joy, yet rarely receives formal recognition - is food. Despite its massive role in giving people something to crave and savor, it is often left out of the conversation.

In 2025, a handful of food items sparked long lines, sold out within hours and sent people repeatedly refreshing delivery apps. They turned into daily conversation starters and, at times, a competitive sport for those looking to secure them.

Here is a look at the foods of the year - five dishes and products that truly shined in 2025.

Chewy Dubai cookie

Anyone who has spent some time in Korea will remember the buzz around Dubai chocolate when it went viral worldwide. Almost every store selling a house-made version saw long queues and rapid sales, inspiring a wave of spinoffs, including Dubai-style chapssaltteok (rice cake) and Dubai cakes.

None, however, match the frenzy surrounding the Dubai jjonddeuk (chewy) cookie today. Don't be fooled by the name; this is not so much a cookie as it is a dense, chewy sphere, wrapping pistachio kataifi in melted chocolate marshmallow.

At a bakery in Bangi-dong, Songpa District, southern Seoul, known for its Dubai jjonddeuk cookie, all 400 cookies were gone by 10:30 a.m. on Wednesday, even before its opening at 11 a.m.

"We opened earlier because the weather is so cold today, and there were already a lot of people waiting outside," said Yoo Seong-eun, the owner who has been selling the cookie since October.

"Some even line up as early as 8 a.m.," she added. In just a minute, more than 10 people - from students to even those much older - had gathered outside the storefront. When the owner told them that they were already all sold out, some even expressed frustration. "You should have posted a notice in advance," shouted one visibly angry woman.

"I rode the bus for 30 minutes from Gwangjin District just for this," said a 24-year-old Lee Yoon-jeong, who had come on a recommendation from a friend. "This was supposed to be my first Dubai jjonddeuk cookie."

Office worker Jo Yeon-woo, who was also turned away, said this would have been her fourth time buying the cookie. "Dubai cookies are crunchy inside and soft outside," said Jo, who was wrapped in a black padded jacket. "But this place has more pistachio spread, which makes it much more gooey."

At around 10:50 a.m., a taxi pulled up in front of the store, and a middle-aged man rushed out, only to learn that the cookies were already all gone. He showed visible disbelief. More people continued to arrive even after 11 a.m., despite the store having already put up a sold-out sign.

The Dubai jjonddeuk cookie is believed to have been first developed by Mond Cookie. Smaller than the versions that are more widely sold today, news of the original gradually spread by word-of-mouth starting in August last year. By mid-November, more bakeries and cafes introduced increasingly elaborate ones, with a thinner wrapping of marshmallow and more pistachio.

Towel cake

Flavor alone is no longer enough to capture the attention of young consumers. It is the unusual, visually striking appearance that sparks curiosity before the first bite. And once mukbang creators and influencers began showcasing and enjoying this dessert, it did not take long for the soogun cake - also known as the towel cake - to become a viral hit.

Originating in China under the name maojin juan, the cake is a thin crepe filled with cream and folded to resemble a neatly rolled towel. Since going viral online, Korean convenience stores rushed to release their own versions, with CU and GS25 selling out immediately during prerelease.

The most popular varieties were the chocolate versions, made with chocolate crepes an...

This article is by Nam Soo-hyoun and read by an artificial voice.

Consumer prices rose 2.1 percent in 2025, close to the government's target of 2 percent. While overall inflation was subdued, prices for food and dining - categories with a high impact on everyday life - saw significant increases. In December alone, prices rose 2.3 percent, driven by the weakening won and higher petroleum prices.

The annual increase of 2.1 percent marks the lowest inflation rate in five years, according to data released by the Ministry of Data and Statistics on Wednesday. Annual consumer price inflation rose from 0.5 percent in 2020 to 2.5 percent in 2021; peaked at 5.1 percent in 2022; and fell to 3.6 percent in 2023 and to 2.3 percent in 2024.

"In 2022 and 2023, prices for petroleum products, processed foods and public services such as electricity and gas rose sharply due to global commodity price hikes," said Lee Du-won, the director of economic statistics at the Data Ministry. "But this year, falling international oil prices reduced the pressure on petroleum and utility costs."

By category, food and nonalcoholic beverages rose by 3.2 percent, and dining and accommodation rose by 3.1 percent. Other goods and services, including insurance fees and apartment maintenance costs, jumped by 4.5 percent.

By item, the rise in prices of agricultural, livestock and fisheries products slowed to 2.4 percent, down from 5.9 percent last year. However, agricultural prices showed less change due to the base effect of poor harvests last year, when they rose 10.4 percent. Livestock prices rose by 4.8 percent, and fisheries by 5.9 percent. Key staples saw notable increases: Pork rose by 6.3 percent, rice by 7.7 percent, mackerel by 10.3 percent and imported beef by 4.7 percent.

Factory product prices - which include processed foods and petroleum - rose by 1.9 percent, compared to 1.5 percent the previous year. Within this category, coffee prices surged by 11.4 percent, and bread by 5.8 percent. After falling by 11.1 percent in 2023 and 1.1 percent in 2024, petroleum prices rose again for the first time in three years, following a 22.2 percent spike in 2022.

"Although international oil prices declined, a weaker won and reduced fuel tax discounts likely pushed up gasoline and diesel prices," Lee explained.

Consumer prices in December rose 2.3 percent on year, the fourth consecutive month with an inflation rate in the 2 percent range. The high exchange rate is believed to have driven up prices for petroleum and imported agricultural, livestock and fisheries products. Petroleum prices rose 6.1 percent, the highest since February, when they rose 6.3 percent. Agricultural, livestock and fisheries products rose by 4.1 percent overall, lifting headline inflation. Compared to the same month last year, the price of rice jumped by 18.2 percent, apples by 19.6 percent and imported beef by 8 percent.

"When the won weakens, it first affects raw material prices, which then feed into import and producer prices and eventually consumer prices," said Lee. "Recent currency depreciation contributed to the rise in prices for petroleum and some meat and seafood items this month."

If the won continues to weaken excessively, inflationary pressure is expected to persist into 2026.

"We expect the consumer price index to gradually fall to around 2 percent due to stable core inflation and weak international oil prices," said Kim Woong, the deputy governor of the Bank of Korea, during a briefing on Wednesday. "Given that everyday prices remain in the upper 2 percent range, we will continue monitoring inflation closely, especially the impact of exchange rates."

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

Hyundai Motor and Kia stand to benefit handsomely in Europe, thanks to their core competency in hybrid powertrains, as the European Union (EU) rolls back its 2035 plan to end combustion-engine cars, with hybrids retaining enduring favor.

With a 15 percent tariff imposed by the Donald Trump administration likely to squeeze margins in the United States, the automaker is doubling down on Europe, a market it sees as critical.

The European Commission unveiled a proposal on Dec. 17 to soften its carbon-reduction targets for new vehicles, lowering the required cut from 100 percent to 90 percent by 2035. The revision reflects a growing recognition that phasing out internal-combustion vehicles - which still account for roughly 40 percent of new car sales in Europe - within a decade is unrealistic.

Where Hyundai held its ground: Hybrids

For Hyundai Motor, which has long pursued a dual-track strategy spanning both electric and hybrid vehicles, the easing of regulatory pressure in Europe could hardly be more welcome.

Hyundai's sales in Europe underscore the point, as hybrids are consistently outperforming pure EVs. In October, Hyundai sold 6,535 units of the Tucson in Europe, of which 4,699 were hybrids and 1,836 were plug-in hybrids. The Kona showed a similar pattern, with hybrid sales reaching 2,794 units, surpassing the 2,481 EV versions.

Of the 3,635 Kia Niro vehicles sold in the same period, 3,430 were hybrids, dwarfing just 205 EVs.

Hyundai had already been facing pressure due to a wave of low-cost Chinese cars flooding the region. This year, a total of 11.02 million passenger cars were sold in Europe through October - of these, Hyundai and Kia sold roughly 880,000 vehicles, securing only 8 percent market share. The sales were down 2.8 percent from last year's sales, with the market share slipping 0.4 percentage points, according to the European Automobile Manufacturers' Association.

"Recent renewed demand for hybrid vehicles reflects, in part, the decision by Europe and the United States to ease environmental regulations from their original trajectory," said Kim Kyoung-you, a senior research fellow at the Korea Institute for Industrial Economics & Trade (KIET).

"Unlike Japan, which is closely associated with hybrids, or China, which has come to symbolize electric vehicles, Korea lacks a singular automotive identity," Kim added. "But in today's more fragmented and fluid market environment, that very absence may prove to be an advantage - allowing Korean automakers to compete on flexibility and balance."

Hyundai said it plans to more than double its hybrid lineup, expanding from eight models today to at least 18 by 2030.

Second chance for Genesis

Hyundai may also see this as a golden chance for its Genesis luxury subbrand - which has long eyed Europe but repeatedly fallen short - in the absence of sufficient electric lineups.

Genesis recently announced that it will enter France, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands early next year, anchored by its first high-performance production model under the "Magma" banner. Until now, the brand has been sold only in Germany, Britain and Switzerland.

Despite being the historical heartland of premium automobiles, Genesis has been struggling to raise its presence. Genesis sold a cumulative 9,444 vehicles in Europe over the four years from 2021 to 2024, which means its sales totaled just 2,300 or so vehicles per year, or roughly 220 units per month.

Against Genesis's global sales total of 229,532 units in 2024, Europe accounted for a mere 1.2 percent.

"Genesis is committed to establishing a strong regional center in Europe based out of Germany," said Peter Kronschnabl, managing director of Genesis Motor Europe, during an interview with the Korean press when asked about the premium brand's strategies for the European market.

"As previously announced, by 2027 we will introduce hybrid powertrains to our lineup - giving cust...

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

A curious feature of the modern Korean calendar is that it includes two New Year holidays: Jan. 1 and a later three-day break to mark the Lunar New Year.

Today, both are statutory holidays in Korea. But for decades, successive governments insisted that only one New Year truly counted - and it was not the one Koreans had celebrated for centuries.

While Jan. 1, officially known as Sinjeong in Korean, was elevated as the legitimate beginning of the year, the Lunar New Year - known as Seollal or Gujeong, meaning "old New Year" - was denied official holiday status until 40 years ago.

Although authoritarian governments from the 1960s through the 1980s did not ban Seollal outright, they actively discouraged its observance through official messaging.

This was a deliberate choice, rooted in the political, economic and ideological priorities of leaders determined to remake the country - and its people - at speed. It also shaped the distinct ways Koreans celebrate the two New Year holidays.

Two New Years, different traditions

Celebrations of Jan. 1 are a relatively recent development in Korea, which traditionally relied on lunisolar calendars derived from Chinese models. As a result, how Koreans mark the beginning of a year depends largely on individual taste and is often modern in tone. In Seoul, some people stay up to watch the ringing of the bell at the Bosingak Pavilion at midnight on Jan. 1, while others in mountainous or coastal areas wake early to view the year's first sunrise from a clear vantage point.

Seollal, by contrast, is a holiday whose rituals date back more than a millennium. People travel long distances to gather with extended family, perform ceremonial bows to elders and honor ancestors with charye, lavish platters of food that they later share with relatives. Because Koreans traditionally believed a person aged on this day, they also eat symbolic foods such as rice cake soup to mark the passage of time.

The contrast between the two holidays did not emerge by accident.

Restarting the calendar

The distinction between the two New Year holidays dates to 1896, when King Gojong, the penultimate ruler of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), proclaimed the adoption of the Gregorian calendar and Jan. 1 as the official start of the year in a royal edict.

The decree, intended to align the country with Western practices, was widely resisted. Many Koreans continued to regard the first day of the lunisolar calendar - central to the timing of Seollal and other traditional holidays, such as the autumn festival of Chuseok - as the authentic start of the year.

That resistance hardened after Japan colonized Korea in 1910. Japan had adopted the Gregorian calendar during the Meiji Restoration in 1873, and New Year traditions there simply shifted to Jan. 1. But while Japan's reform was driven by a desire to modernize and emulate Western powers, its promotion of Jan. 1 in occupied Korea was part of a broader effort to erase Korean culture.

Beginning in the 1930s, colonial authorities not only banned ancestral rites during Seollal, but also prohibited the making of rice cakes and the brewing of alcohol around the holiday.

Even after liberation in 1945, official promotion of Jan. 1 as New Year's Day over Seollal continued. Successive governments dismantled vestiges of Japanese rule but still "systematically supported" the Gregorian start of the year, casting Seollal as "backward," according to the National Folk Museum of Korea.

An ideological choice

The government's preference for Jan. 1 reflected the worldview of Korea's early leaders, who sought to shape the newly independent state according to their own beliefs.

The country's first president, Syngman Rhee - a devout Protestant and fervent advocate of Western-style modernization - viewed the Lunar New Year with disdain rivaling that of the colonial authorities. As a result, a list of public holidays promulgated by presidentia...

Park Hun

The author is vice president for external affairs at the University of Seoul and the president of the Korean Association of Tax Law.

"I would like to give part of my assets back to society, but when it comes time to write a will, I feel lost."

That was the concern recently shared by an acquaintance approaching retirement. Like many others, he did not want to pass everything he had accumulated over a lifetime solely to his children. He hoped to donate at least part of it to a meaningful cause. Yet the obstacles felt overwhelming. Korea's high inheritance tax already seemed burdensome, and he feared that adding a charitable donation would leave too little for his family. More discouraging still was the belief that donations bring little meaningful tax benefit. In the end, he gave up.

This pattern is common. Many people say they would like to give if they had the means, but when the moment of inheritance arrives, most leave their assets entirely to family members. The reason is not a lack of generosity. It is the absence of a system that supports such intentions.

Korea has a proud tradition known as the "1 percent sharing movement." It began in 2011 when senior managers at POSCO committed to donating 1 percent of their income to those in need. The movement resonated widely and helped plant the seeds of a giving culture. Yet while many share a portion of their income during their working lives, few manage to share anything at life's end.

Britain addressed this problem through policy. In 2012, it introduced the "Legacy 10" scheme. Under the system, if an individual donates at least 10 percent of their estate to charity, the inheritance tax rate on the remaining assets falls from 40 percent to 36 percent. Britain's inheritance tax structure is simple, with a single rate of 40 percent. Korea's system ranges from 10 percent to 50 percent across five different brackets. For that reason, a uniform rate cut may be unrealistic. A more practical alternative would be to grant a 10 percent reduction in the calculated inheritance tax.

The results of Britain's modest reform were striking. Lawyers now routinely tell clients drafting wills that donating 10 percent of their estate will also reduce their tax burden. Many respond that donating 10 percent therefore makes sense. Since the policy's introduction, legacy giving in Britain has surged. It has become widely accepted that 90 percent goes to family and 10 percent to society. Just as Korea's 1 percent movement encouraged giving during one's lifetime, Britain's 10 percent rule has helped establish a culture of giving at life's end.

Korea, by contrast, has one of the highest top inheritance tax rates in the world, yet legacy donations remain rare. While donated amounts are excluded from taxation, this alone does not provide sufficient incentive. Consider a person inheriting 2 billion won. If they donate 200 million won, inheritance tax is levied on the remaining 1.8 billion won. Faced with high tax rates regardless, many prefer to leave as much as possible to their family. But imagine a system in which donating 200 million won also reduces the inheritance tax on the remaining assets by 10 percent. The calculation changes. Lower taxes and meaningful giving become possible at the same time.

According to a 2025 survey on perceptions of legacy giving conducted by Korea Gallup on behalf of the Korea Council of Charities, 53.3 percent of respondents said they would be willing to donate part of their estate if tax reductions were included in the law. That compares with just 29 percent who expressed willingness in the absence of institutional incentives. The intention exists. The system does not.

Some may worry that such reforms amount to tax breaks for the wealthy. But it is worth asking which is more effective: funds collected and spent by the state or resources voluntarily donated and used by public-interest organizations. In Britain, tax revenue declined slightly, but far larger sums...

The author is a professor at Sogang University.

As a child in elementary school, I was especially drawn to monkeys whenever I visited the zoo. A teacher once told us that a nuclear war could wipe out humanity and leave the world to monkeys. I also remember films depicting apes ruling over a ruined Earth. Around the same time, arguments rooted in Thomas Malthus's "An Essay on the Principle of Population" (1798) warned that starvation would spread rapidly as population growth outpaced resources. Today, similar anxieties surface in different forms. Posters declaring "We burn coal, and our future burns with it" are now a familiar sight on city streets.

Such language has also entered official settings. Warnings that humanity itself could face extinction have been voiced at government events. Climate, Energy and Environment Minister Kim Sung-hwan is said to repeat the phrase at large and small gatherings and did so publicly during a parliamentary audit in October. His commitment to environmental causes is understandable. Yet it feels excessive. When a cabinet minister leads with fear, it is difficult to accept. Humanity has long lived under repeated dystopian warnings. Current pessimistic forecasts tied to carbon emissions are serious. Claims that capitalism-driven inequality will end in catastrophe also persist.

Yet despite these grim predictions, humanity has endured. The global population has grown, but productivity gains have sharply reduced deaths from starvation. Local conflicts continue, but nuclear risks have been relatively contained through arms reduction agreements. The development of alternatives has visibly reduced reliance on fossil fuels. Capitalism, widely seen as reaching its limits, is searching for new paths through models described as compassionate or community-oriented.

None of this suggests that today's crises should simply be ignored. The problem lies in an approach that relies too heavily on fear. Humanity is not so fragile. History shows that at moments of danger, societies have repeatedly found workable alternatives and moved forward.

Today is the final day of the year. The poet Robert Browning urged readers not to let go of hope, reminding them that "the best is yet to be." We are all lights in the night sky, stars and fireflies alike. The hope left inside Pandora's box remains intact.

Farewell, 2025.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Kim Byung-yeon

The author is a chair professor of economics at Seoul National University.

The era in which the economy and security could be treated as separate domains has ended. Today, the economy has become a weapon that serves both offensive and defensive purposes. The "weaponization of the economy" means that economic tools are now central instruments for controlling and constraining rivals at geopolitical fault lines. Countries that are vulnerable to economic attacks inevitably expose serious weaknesses in their national security as well.

When Russia invaded Ukraine, Germany agonized over whether to supply weapons to Kyiv. What held Berlin back was its heavy reliance on Russian natural gas, which accounted for more than half of Germany's consumption. Estimates suggested that a disruption in energy supplies could cause Germany's GDP to contract by as much as 12 percent. Faced with that risk, Germany chose to provide helmets rather than offensive weapons. Excessive dependence on Russian energy effectively tied Germany's hands.

The United States, by contrast, used economic tools with notable effectiveness during the Russia-Ukraine war. Anticipating the possibility of conflict, Washington had prepared a comprehensive sanctions strategy in advance. Immediately after the war began, the United States unleashed what amounted to rapid-fire, large-scale sanctions spanning trade, energy and finance. By identifying and targeting the Achilles' heel of the Russian economy, this economic security strategy played a decisive role in thwarting Moscow's plan to occupy Ukraine within weeks.

China is also actively weaponizing its economy. It controls more than 90 percent of global gallium production and over 60 percent of germanium output, both of which are essential for semiconductors and advanced weapons systems. By restricting exports of these two minerals, China has been able to blunt U.S. tariff pressure. It has also demanded detailed supply chain information from Western firms seeking access to rare earth materials, citing concerns over potential military use. The apparent aim is to map not only individual companies but also the strategic supply chains of rival countries for future leverage.

Much attention has been paid to military responses to a Taiwan contingency, including a blockade or invasion of the Taiwan Strait. Yet a recent estimate by a Japanese research institute suggests that China could reduce Taiwan's GDP by 25 percent through comprehensive trade sanctions alone, without any military action. China's own losses in such a scenario would amount to less than 1 percent of GDP. This indicates that an economic war without gunfire could represent China's optimal strategy.

Korea is among the countries most vulnerable to economic security risks, yet progress in building its economic security capabilities has been slow. Japan created the post of minister for economic security in 2021, a role once held by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi. Next year, Tokyo plans to establish an Economic Security Center under the Cabinet Office, placing it within the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry. The center will focus on integrated research and policy development spanning the economy, technology, diplomacy, intelligence and the military, while also mapping supply chains for critical materials and coordinating policies across ministries. In mid-December, Japan hosted a global economic security forum, inviting experts from the United States, Europe and Australia, along with diplomats and business leaders. It has formed an economic security partnership with Britain and a consultative framework with Germany.

Korea, however, lacks a clear command center for economic security. Responsibilities are scattered across ministries, resulting in weak coherence. While the National Security Office has officials tasked with economic security, staffing levels are inadequate. What is needed are experts who combine deep knowledge of economics and g...

The Democratic Party (DP) has been engulfed in allegations of illicit dealings over election nominations. What began as claims of favoritism and workplace abuse revealed by a former aide to the party's floor leader has spiraled into a far graver controversy, exposing what appears to be long-hidden corruption in the nomination process itself. Rep. Kim Byung-kee resigned from his post on Tuesday after issuing a broad apology for the various allegations. Given the seriousness of the case, however, resignation alone is far from sufficient.

The controversy surfaced after media reports disclosed a recorded conversation involving party officials. The recording captures a discussion in April 2022 between then-DP Rep. Kang Sun-woo, who served on the Seoul chapter's nomination committee, and Kim, who was the committee's secretary at the time. The topic was the alleged receipt of 100 million won ($70,000) by a staff member ahead of the June 1 local elections. The money was reportedly provided by a Seoul city councilor who was granted the sole nomination in Kang's constituency the following day.

If the recording is authentic, it points to a serious election crime involving both nomination trading and willful neglect by party officials. In part of the audio, Kang is heard pleading, "Please save me." While the two lawmakers expressed concern about the situation, the matter ultimately remained buried for more than three years. Conduct by a political party that should never be tolerated in a democracy was left unaddressed. Kang has denied promising a nomination or accepting money, but a thorough investigation by law enforcement is unavoidable.

If lawmakers entrusted with overseeing nominations showed such a lack of ethical judgment, the public can hardly avoid questioning the integrity of the entire nomination process during that election. For years, it has been an open secret in political circles that a financial "food chain" exists between National Assembly members and local councilors, with tens or even hundreds of millions of won allegedly changing hands. A former People Power Party (PPP) lawmaker was previously investigated for allegedly receiving 50 million won in exchange for a city council nomination. The latest recording reinforces concerns that corruption surrounding nominations may be widespread rather than isolated.

Additional allegations further compound the damage. Kim has also faced claims that his wife used a corporate credit card tied to the Dongjak District Council vice chair's office for personal expenses. The downfall of two DP lawmakers who had risen rapidly, one as floor leader and the other as a ministerial nominee, underscores the depth of abuse of power and entrenched corruption within the political system.

On Tuesday, the DP ordered its ethics inspection body to launch a fact-finding probe into Kang. The PPP has filed criminal complaints, accusing her of violating political funds laws and bribery statutes and Kim of obstruction of business. Police or the Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials must now establish the facts and hold those responsible fully accountable. With local elections scheduled for next June, both ruling and opposition parties must undertake serious self-reform to eradicate nomination corruption.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice.

Seoul's Hangang Bus ferries, which have been allowed to operate on half of their routes out of safety concerns, are expected to fully resume service in January 2026.

The Seoul Metropolitan Government said on Tuesday that it has submitted a report to the Ministry of the Interior and Safety, detailing measures already taken to address regulatory violations, along with additional improvements scheduled for completion by March 2026.

A joint inspection by the Interior Ministry and outside experts was conducted from Nov. 21 to 26, during which authorities examined the ferries' 28.9-kilometer (18-mile) route, vessels, piers and emergency response systems. The review identified 120 issues, including 28 regulatory violations, 39 cases of poor maintenance and 53 areas of improvements.

City officials said 89 of the issues have already been addressed through measures such as emergency lanterns and strengthening monitoring of ferry operations during dry seasons. The remaining 31 items are slated for completion by March of next year.

Additionally, the city government said it would establish its own safety measures and conduct final route checks before resuming full operations.

"We will carry out the remaining improvements as planned, resume Hangang Bus service on all routes in January and ensure a safer, more reliable water transportation system for the public," said Park Jin-young, the deputy mayor of the city's Future Hangang Project Headquarters.

Four of the service's seven piers - Jamsil and Apgujeong in southern Seoul and Oksu and Ttukseom in the east - have been suspended following a series of safety-related incidents. On Nov. 15, a Hangang Bus ferry operating between Ttukseom and Jamsil became stranded on a shallow section of the river. All 82 passengers were rescued without injury.

Just 10 days after its official launch on Sept. 17, the waterborne transportation service faced a roughly monthlong suspension due to technical issues.