Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

The Lee Jae Myung administration has held five policy forums on housing supply, finance and taxation, promising to hear a wide range of views from the market. Yet the tax reform plan announced on Monday came down to one thing: higher taxes.

President Lee's pledge that he would "not use taxes as a tool of housing policy" has vanished, as has the Presidential policy chief Kim Yong-beom's call to "shut up and just build" more homes. Instead of expanding supply and encouraging transactions, the government has shifted its focus to raising the long-term burden of property ownership and transactions. In the end, it is simply "shut up and just raise taxes."

The government says it is normalizing property taxes, which are low compared to other major economies, while protecting genuine homebuyers. But the reality is different. The threshold for the comprehensive real estate tax on single-home owners has been raised from 1.2 billion won to 1.4 billion won ($839,500 to $979,5000) in assessed value, while the basic deduction for nonresident single-home owners has been cut from 1.2 billion won to 900 million won.

At the same time, the cap on annual increases in the tax burden will rise from 150 percent to 200 percent, while the fair market value ratio will increase from 60 percent to 70 percent next year. The tax rate on ultrahigh-end homes will nearly double, while rates on homes in the 600 million to 1.2 billion won taxable value bracket will rise from 1 percent to 1.3 percent.

The government is also making it harder to sell homes. Long-term capital gains deductions will be based more heavily on years of residence, while new limits will be imposed on the deduction. This runs counter to the basic principle of a functioning housing market: If property taxes rise, transaction taxes should be lowered to encourage homes to come onto the market.

President Lee had also promised before taking office to expand inheritance-tax deductions so that people would not have to sell their longtime homes because of taxes. That pledge is absent from the latest plan. With neither transaction-tax relief nor expanded inheritance-tax deductions, homeowners will face heavier burdens when they own, sell or pass on their homes. The policy amounts to punitive taxation of homeowners.

The consequences could be severe. The completion rate for Seoul apartments fell 58.4 percent in the first half of this year, while the average jeonse (lump-sum deposit) surpassed 700 million won. Regulatory side effects are spreading beyond southern Seoul into northern districts and the wider capital region, worsening rental-market pressures.

The lessons of the Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in administrations are clear: Housing markets cannot be stabilized by taxes alone. Higher costs will eventually be passed on to tenants.

The solution is equally clear. If property taxes are raised, transaction taxes must be boldly cut. Reconstruction and redevelopment should be encouraged, and housing supply expanded. Only a steady stream of new homes can restore the hope of homeownership, stabilize prices and normalize the market.

By trying to overpower the market, the government is leaving ordinary citizens to bear the burden of a tax bomb.

집값 불안 키운 부동산 정책, 징벌적 과세만 더 강화했다

이재명 정부는 공급·금융·세제 등을 주제로 다섯 차례 부동산 정책 토론회를 열며 시장의 다양한 의견을 듣겠다고 했다. 그러나 정부가 3일 발표한 세제개편안의 결론은 결국 증세였다. "세금을 주택 정책의 수단으로 쓰지 않겠다"던 이재명 대통령의 약속도, "닥치고 공급"을 강조했던 김용범 청와대 정책실장의 호언장담도 자취를 감췄다. 정책의 무게중심은 공급 확대나 거래 활성화가 아니라 장기적인 보유세·거래세 부담 확대에 쏠렸다. 남은 것은 결국 '닥치고 증세'뿐이다.

정부는 주요국보다 낮은 보유세를 정상화하고 실수요자를 배려한 정책이라고 설명하지만 현실과는 거리가 멀다. 1세대 1주택자의 종부세 과세 기준은 공시가격 12억원에서 14억원으로 높였지만, 비거주 1주택자의 기본공제는 12억원에서 9억원으로 낮췄다. 보유보다 거주를 중시하는 방향으로 세제를 바꾸겠다는 취지다. 그러나 동시에 종부세 세부담 상한은 직전 연도 세액의 150%에서 200%로 크게 높이고, 종부세 공정시장가액 비율도 현행 60%에서 내년 70%로 인상한다. 과세표준 12억원(시가 약 45억원) 이상 초고가 주택은 종부세율이 현행보다 두 배 수준으로 높아지고, 과세표준 6억~12억원 구간의 중산층 주택도 세율이 1%에서 1.3%로 오른다.

정부는 부동산 거래의 퇴로도 막고 있다. 양도소득세 장기보유특별공제는 보유 기간 공제를 없애고 거주 기간 중심으로 바꾸는 데 그치지 않고, 기존 장기거주특별공제를 폐지하는 대신 장기거주소득공제를 신설했다. 장기...

Columns

Korea should strengthen military education with better funding, Seoul-area training and service-specific expertise rather than merging the academies.

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Published

August 4, 2026 - 9:33 a.m.

Modified

August 4, 2026 - 10:52 a.m.

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Newly commissioned Navy ensigns toss their service caps into the air and cheer at the commencement and commissioning ceremony for officer candidates of the Navy and Marine Corps on the grounds of the Naval Academy in Jinhae-gu, Changwon, South Gyeongsang, on May 28.

ROK Navy

Song Ho-keun

The author is a columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo, a chair professor and director of Doheon Academy, Hallym University.

On the night of April 21, 1951, Britain's Gloucestershire Regiment dug in on Mount Gamak in Paju to confront Chinese and North Korean troops crossing the Imjin River toward Seoul. Outnumbered, 750 soldiers fought until their final rounds. As Andrew Salmon recounted in "To the Last Round" (2009), their sacrifice bought time to establish a line at Mount Umyeon.

Defending the capital remains just as vital 75 years later. If an adversary advanced simultaneously through Goyang, Mia, and Guri, which of the Han River's 32 bridges would commanders destroy? That is not a question ChatGPT can answer. Lose the capital region in war and defeat is all but certain. Kyiv remains heavily fortified for precisely that reason. Yet do our future Army, Navy, and Air Force commanders know the terrain of the Seoul metropolitan area as instinctively as GPS?

Despite this, the service headquarters sit at the foot of Gyeryong Mountain in Chungnam, far removed from the pulse of modern society. Can future national security leaders sharpen their understanding of the nation while spending their formative years around Gyeryong Mountain? Military academies are not tools for balanced regional development.

Recently, defense officials and lawmakers signaled legislation to merge the three military academies under the banner of "integration," to be located at Jaundae — its name alone evokes drifting purple clouds. But blending soil, water, and sky makes little academic or tactical sense. Operations from World War II's Iwo Jima to the Chosin Reservoir succeeded because joint operations rested on deep, distinct domain expertise. In academia, interdisciplinary programs fail without foundational excellence in specific disciplines. Jointness cannot replace expertise.

Ultimately, military strength relies on one prerequisite: attracting outstanding young talent. If top students stop choosing the academies, national defense begins its decline.

Decades ago, military officers held high social standing. Today, online marriage rankings place officers near the bottom, only slightly above manufacturing workers at small enterprises. Between political controversies and a perceived loss of prestige, the profession has lost its luster.

Meanwhile, while leading civilian universities have seen budgets surge and facilities modernize, military academies resemble impoverished villages. The Korea Military Academy's 2026 education budget stands at 28.4 billion won ($20.5 million), with the Naval and Air Force academies at roughly 21 billion won each. While touted as high per-student expenditures due to specialized equipment, the campuses remain outdated, and faculty morale has withered. This is how the nation treats those willing to risk their lives for security — and we are told merger alone will fix it?

How, then, should we truly enhance jointness and military strength?

First, expand the Korea Military Academy campus in Taereung to establish a shared liberal arts curriculum for first- and second-year cadets from all three services. In their third year, cadets should move to Taereung, Jinhae or Cheongju for specialized training, introducing joint operations tracks later in their early officer careers.

Second, allocate funding commensurate with the value of national security to attract top-tier cadets and...

Editorials

President Lee Jae Myung's real estate tax plan burdens homeowners, discourages transactions and risks worsening supply and rental pressures.

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Published

August 4, 2026 - 12:01 a.m.

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August 5, 2026 - 8:58 a.m.

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President Lee Jae Myung, fifth from left and on screen, speaks during the national debate on real estate policy at KBS in Yeouido, western Seoul, on July 23.

JOINT PRESS CORPS

The Lee Jae Myung administration has held five policy forums on housing supply, finance and taxation, promising to hear a wide range of views from the market. Yet the tax reform plan announced on Monday came down to one thing: higher taxes.

President Lee's pledge that he would "not use taxes as a tool of housing policy" has vanished, as has the Presidential policy chief Kim Yong-beom's call to "shut up and just build" more homes. Instead of expanding supply and encouraging transactions, the government has shifted its focus to raising the long-term burden of property ownership and transactions. In the end, it is simply "shut up and just raise taxes."

The government says it is normalizing property taxes, which are low compared to other major economies, while protecting genuine homebuyers. But the reality is different. The threshold for the comprehensive real estate tax on single-home owners has been raised from 1.2 billion won to 1.4 billion won ($839,500 to $979,5000) in assessed value, while the basic deduction for nonresident single-home owners has been cut from 1.2 billion won to 900 million won.

At the same time, the cap on annual increases in the tax burden will rise from 150 percent to 200 percent, while the fair market value ratio will increase from 60 percent to 70 percent next year. The tax rate on ultrahigh-end homes will nearly double, while rates on homes in the 600 million to 1.2 billion won taxable value bracket will rise from 1 percent to 1.3 percent.

The government is also making it harder to sell homes. Long-term capital gains deductions will be based more heavily on years of residence, while new limits will be imposed on the deduction. This runs counter to the basic principle of a functioning housing market: If property taxes rise, transaction taxes should be lowered to encourage homes to come onto the market.

President Lee had also promised before taking office to expand inheritance-tax deductions so that people would not have to sell their longtime homes because of taxes. That pledge is absent from the latest plan. With neither transaction-tax relief nor expanded inheritance-tax deductions, homeowners will face heavier burdens when they own, sell or pass on their homes. The policy amounts to punitive taxation of homeowners.

The consequences could be severe. The completion rate for Seoul apartments fell 58.4 percent in the first half of this year, while the average jeonse (lump-sum deposit) surpassed 700 million won. Regulatory side effects are spreading beyond southern Seoul into northern districts and the wider capital region, worsening rental-market pressures.

The lessons of the Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in administrations are clear: Housing markets cannot be stabilized by taxes alone. Higher costs will eventually be passed on to tenants.

The solution is equally clear. If property taxes are raised, transaction taxes must be boldly cut. Reconstruction and redevelopment should be encouraged, and housing supply expanded. Only a steady stream of new homes can restore the hope of homeownership, stabilize prices and normalize the market.

By trying to overpower the market, the government is leaving ordinary citizens to bear the burden of a tax bomb.

Columns

As the foreign population surges, Korea must overhaul immigration policy, funding and integration systems to turn demographic change into growth instead of conflict.

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August 4, 2026 - 12:01 a.m.

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August 5, 2026 - 8:57 a.m.

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International students tour the dormitory during a move-in ceremony in Yeongdo-gu, Busan, on March 11. This facility, designed to house five international students, serves as a prime example of adding new value to abandoned urban housing through collaboration between the local community and the university.

Yonhap News

Jeon Yong-il

The author is a professor of Economics, Sungkyunkwan University

The number of foreign nationals residing in Korea reached 2.91 million as of July and is expected to surpass 3 million by the end of this year. Of the nation's 227 municipalities, 142 now have immigrant populations exceeding 5 percent. About 1.1 million foreign nationals work in small- and medium-sized enterprises, agriculture, fisheries and livestock farming — sectors many Koreans avoid. Meanwhile, students from immigrant backgrounds now exceed 200,000.

Although immigrants have become vital to easing labor shortages in an aging society, public perception remains slow to change. The Migration Research and Training Center's Immigrant Social Integration Index shows that while many Koreans acknowledge immigrants' economic contributions, they remain hesitant to accept them as full members of society. This gap between a growing foreign population and limited public acceptance raises a crucial question: Is Korean society truly prepared for an era of 3 million foreign residents?

Without careful preparation, marginalization and social conflict could become unavoidable. Korea should closely examine the experiences of Western nations that struggled with isolation and social tensions due to insufficient institutional safeguards during early migration waves. If Korea misses its window to strengthen social integration, it risks repeating the same mistakes.

The first priority must be reforming the governance structure overseeing immigration. While the Ministry of Justice's Korea Immigration Service has fulfilled its role thus far, expanding immigration scope has led to conflicting roles across multiple agencies. To respond effectively, Korea must strengthen overarching policy coordination and grant the agency true central coordinating authority.

In her 15-volume historical narrative series about the Roman civilization, author Nanami Shiono attributed Rome's longevity to its openness and inclusiveness. Crucially, this was not a policy of unconditional acceptance, but a system that integrated newcomers into Rome's established order and structure. How, then, can we expand such openness and inclusiveness? Simply asking the public to embrace the virtues of humanitarianism or universal brotherhood is not enough. People must first come to recognize that immigrants are not free riders but members of society who make positive contributions.

Korea should significantly expand Korean-language education to reduce misunderstandings and conflicts caused by communication barriers. That will naturally require funding. Yet asking taxpayers to shoulder additional costs solely for immigrants is not a realistic solution. A different approach is needed. Relying exclusively on the general budget means immigration programs are often pushed to the bottom of funding priorities because of their specialized nature. Instead, Korea should establish a dedicated funding mechanism using revenues already paid by foreign nationals, such as visa and nationality application fees. Legislation to create such a system has already been proposed in the National Assembly.

Social integration cannot be achieved through language education alone. It also requires stable funding, consistent policies and a national immigration strategy. Immigration should no longer be viewed merely as an extension ...

Columns

Korea should strengthen military education with better funding, Seoul-area training and service-specific expertise rather than merging the academies.

Opinion Desk

Opinion

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Published

August 4, 2026 - 12:00 a.m.

Modified

August 5, 2026 - 8:59 a.m.

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Newly commissioned Navy ensigns toss their service caps into the air and cheer at the commencement and commissioning ceremony for officer candidates of the Navy and Marine Corps on the grounds of the Naval Academy in Jinhae-gu, Changwon, South Gyeongsang, on May 28.

ROK Navy

Song Ho-keun

The author is a columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo, a chair professor and director of Doheon Academy, Hallym University.

On the night of April 21, 1951, Britain's Gloucestershire Regiment dug in on Mount Gamak in Paju to confront Chinese and North Korean troops crossing the Imjin River toward Seoul. Outnumbered, 750 soldiers fought until their final rounds. As Andrew Salmon recounted in "To the Last Round" (2009), their sacrifice bought time to establish a line at Mount Umyeon.

Defending the capital remains just as vital 75 years later. If an adversary advanced simultaneously through Goyang, Mia, and Guri, which of the Han River's 32 bridges would commanders destroy? That is not a question ChatGPT can answer. Lose the capital region in war and defeat is all but certain. Kyiv remains heavily fortified for precisely that reason. Yet do our future Army, Navy, and Air Force commanders know the terrain of the Seoul metropolitan area as instinctively as GPS?

Despite this, the service headquarters sit at the foot of Gyeryong Mountain in Chungnam, far removed from the pulse of modern society. Can future national security leaders sharpen their understanding of the nation while spending their formative years around Gyeryong Mountain? Military academies are not tools for balanced regional development.

Recently, defense officials and lawmakers signaled legislation to merge the three military academies under the banner of "integration," to be located at Jaundae — its name alone evokes drifting purple clouds. But blending soil, water, and sky makes little academic or tactical sense. Operations from World War II's Iwo Jima to the Chosin Reservoir succeeded because joint operations rested on deep, distinct domain expertise. In academia, interdisciplinary programs fail without foundational excellence in specific disciplines. Jointness cannot replace expertise.

Ultimately, military strength relies on one prerequisite: attracting outstanding young talent. If top students stop choosing the academies, national defense begins its decline.

Decades ago, military officers held high social standing. Today, online marriage rankings place officers near the bottom, only slightly above manufacturing workers at small enterprises. Between political controversies and a perceived loss of prestige, the profession has lost its luster.

Meanwhile, while leading civilian universities have seen budgets surge and facilities modernize, military academies resemble impoverished villages. The Korea Military Academy's 2026 education budget stands at 28.4 billion won ($20.5 million), with the Naval and Air Force academies at roughly 21 billion won each. While touted as high per-student expenditures due to specialized equipment, the campuses remain outdated, and faculty morale has withered. This is how the nation treats those willing to risk their lives for security — and we are told merger alone will fix it?

How, then, should we truly enhance jointness and military strength?

First, expand the Korea Military Academy campus in Taereung to establish a shared liberal arts curriculum for first- and second-year cadets from all three services. In their third year, cadets should move to Taereung, Jinhae or Cheongju for specialized training, introducing joint operations tracks later in their early officer careers.

Second, allocate funding commensurate with the value of national security to attract top-tier cadets and ...

Marina Neretina shares how she built a career in marketing at renewable energy startup CnerG.

[Hired in Korea]

As more internationals look to build careers in Korea, many find themselves facing practical hurdles — from limited guidance to a lack of firsthand experience. To bridge that gap, the Korea JoongAng Daily talks with professionals who have carved out their paths in diverse fields, offering readers real-world insights on how to start their careers in the country in this series "Hired in Korea."

While running her own paper recycling business in Russia, Marina Neretina wanted a bigger opportunity in a country with a completely different culture, and she chose Korea.

Neretina went on to earn a master's degree in international business from Ewha Womans University and now works as the marketing lead at sustainability startup CnerG.

CnerG runs a global digital marketplace that helps companies procure environmental commodities, including international renewable energy certificates and carbon credits.

"I was always interested in marketing and sustainable development, so I would say what I'm doing now is almost the perfect role for me," Neretina told the Korea JoongAng Daily. "It all started with making handmade paper, which made me wonder, 'Why don't we find better ways to recycle paper?'"

"Now I've built the company's marketing system almost from scratch, and I'm happy to see not only my own professional growth but also the growth of the sustainability industry here in Korea," she added.

The Korea JoongAng Daily sat down with Neretina to learn more about her journey, the challenges of building a career in Korea as a foreign professional and her advice for others hoping to do the same.

Q. Have you always been interested in sustainable development?

A. Yeah, because I've always wanted to have a bigger purpose.

Working in the sustainability sector, I feel like I'm contributing to a business that helps the environment, which gives me a meaningful role in society.

Even though it all started rather randomly when I was making paper crafts, I really enjoyed creating things with paper and eventually started a business. The more I worked on it, the more I realized how rewarding it is to do something meaningful.

When I saw a position at this company, I thought, "This is the right role for me." Luckily, I received the job offer.

I was happy to work in a field that aligned with my values.

What kind of company is CnerG, and what does the company do?

CnerG is a company focused on renewable energy and carbon credit markets.

Our clients are companies that either voluntarily or due to industry regulations want to become more sustainable and responsible. They may want to purchase renewable energy or offset their carbon emissions by buying carbon credits.

That's where CnerG comes in.

There are many regulations governing these markets, so companies can't simply buy carbon credits or renewable energy certificates without understanding which options are suitable for them.

CnerG helps businesses navigate those regulations by providing expert guidance and making it easier to procure the right environmental commodities.

What is your role at CnerG?

My role as a marketing lead is to attract new customers effectively.

Since the renewable energy and carbon markets are highly technical and heavily regulated, I'm in charge of assessing and explaining everything to our clients. The goal is to demonstrate our expertise while helping potential clients understand how these markets work.

Although my primary focus has always been digital marketing, I have taken on broader responsibilities, including developing strategy, establishing marketing processes and launching new channels and initiatives.

Overall, my work involves creating marketing assets and content, managing our website and digital channels, and running paid online campaigns that help us attract new clients and generate leads from companies interested in working with us.

What helped you prepare for y...

When the United States signed a civil nuclear cooperation deal with Saudi Arabia last week, it opened a door for Riyadh that it has kept shut for Seoul for half a century.

As South Korea conducts its own negotiations with Washington to secure uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing rights, the timing of the U.S.-Saudi accord has not gone unnoticed.

Thomas Countryman, who served as lead negotiator for the United States during the bilateral "123 agreement" renegotiations with Seoul from 2013 to 2015, described the U.S.-Saudi accord as a historic departure from American nonproliferation leadership.

"For the last 50 years, there have not been any exceptions made in 123 agreements until this Saudi agreement," Countryman told the Korea JoongAng Daily. "It is the first big reversal of policy and a reversal of leadership, because it opens the door for other countries to do the same thing with their friends."

The deal drew attention chiefly for appearing to carve out an exception to Washington's nonproliferation "gold standard" — the decades-old principle that foreign partners forgo domestic enrichment and reprocessing while accepting intrusive International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections.

Under the U.S.-Saudi agreement, Washington and Riyadh will spend two years studying whether uranium enrichment on Saudi soil is commercially viable. If approved, an American company would build and operate the facility. If deemed unviable, Saudi Arabia is barred from pursuing enrichment independently or with foreign partners for 10 years.

South Korea's presidential National Security Office reacted with cautious vigilance.

"We've been following this agreement with interest," National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac told reporters on July 22. "Even if it carries no direct implications for us, it could carry indirect ones."

On the surface, the Saudi deal could be seen as a hopeful sign — proof that the United States will now trade nonproliferation purity for strategic advantage, which could work in South Korea's favor.

But South Korean officials and nuclear experts aren't so sure. Seoul's nuclear sector operates on a vastly different scale, under entirely different geopolitical stakes.

South Korea's nuclear partnership with Washington is governed by a bilateral "123 agreement," named after Section 123 of the U.S. Atomic Energy Act.

Under its current terms, Seoul must obtain Washington's written consent before it can enrich uranium or reprocess spent fuel — a restriction that has held firm even as South Korea built one of the world's largest civilian nuclear sectors.

South Korea operates 26 domestic reactors and powers a broader network requiring fuel for roughly 40 reactors when accounting for export projects. That operational track record gives Seoul a compelling economic case for domestic fuel-cycle rights — one far stronger than Saudi Arabia, which has yet to turn on its first commercial reactor.

"Because South Korea's and Saudi Arabia's civilian nuclear industries are at fundamentally different stages of development, a simple side-by-side comparison is difficult," a senior Foreign Ministry official said during a closed-door briefing on Tuesday.

The official emphasized that any future enrichment facility in Saudi Arabia would be built, run and strictly controlled by U.S. companies — a U.S.-managed "black box" arrangement. The U.S. Department of Energy explicitly framed the agreement as a vehicle to secure a vital foothold for American vendors, such as Westinghouse, in the nascent Saudi reactor market.

South Korea's nuclear cooperation talks with the United States, led by chief negotiator Lim Kap-soo, are not seeking a foreign-managed facility. Seoul wants the right to operate and control indigenous fuel-cycle facilities.

That distinction is critical.

Washington felt comfortable offering a foreign-managed arrangement to a dependent partner with no existing commercial reactors. Granting similar rights to South Korea, however, would cr...

Lazare Eloundou Assomo called for a proper assessment to determine whether a redevelopment plan threatens a site's Outstanding Universal Value.

BUSAN — Calling Korea's Jongmyo Shrine a "jewel," Lazare Eloundou Assomo, director of the Unesco World Heritage Centre, stressed the need for a proper procedure to find a solution to the latest dispute over plans to redevelop the area around the landmark.

"Jongmyo is the jewel of Korea — that's what I like to call it," Assomo said in a recent roundtable interview with the Korean press on the sidelines of the 48th session of the World Heritage Committee currently underway in Busan.

"It was the first World Heritage site that Korea gave as a gift to the international community by inscribing it. When you speak about Jongmyo, it's equivalent to speaking about Korea — its people and its culture. So it's important to preserve Jongmyo, and it's the responsibility of the international community to help preserve it."

Jongmyo Shrine, the Confucian royal shrine of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) located in the heart of the Korean capital, is mired in a high-rise redevelopment dispute involving the Korea Heritage Service, the Seoul Metropolitan City and the residents.

A new height limit for a neighboring area permits the construction of taller buildings, a change welcomed by landowners. The central government, however, has pushed back, with the Korea Heritage Service warning that the taller buildings could undermine the shrine's scenic and symbolic value.

The heritage agency and Unesco have pushed for a World Heritage Impact Assessment — a review that evaluates whether a development plan threatens a site's Outstanding Universal Value, the core standard for Unesco World Heritage inscription. The city and residents backing the redevelopment have objected to the assessment.

Assomo said the assessment is necessary "to see and understand the impact and to find a solution."

"What we can see in Jongmyo happens in a lot of sites around the world. What's important is not to avoid the impacts that will have negative effects. The rules are the same for all heritage sites. We hope and encourage all the stakeholders to work together."

Assomo, born in Cameroon, is an architecture expert who has worked with Unesco since 2003, and was appointed director of the World Heritage Centre in 2021. He is especially known for leading the post-conflict reconstruction of mausoleums in Timbuktu and safeguarding ancient manuscripts.

Condemning heritage deconstruction, as was the case with Timbuktu due to extremist fighting, as a "war crime," Assomo said preservation of heritage, especially when it's closely associated with a community, is what forms the fundamentals of a distinct culture.

"The biggest consequence of such heritage deconstruction is that it erases the evidence of different cultures," he said. "If you come to Cameroon, you will be very interested to visit my heritage the way I am coming to Korea to visit your heritage. That gives us the possibility of sharing something which is important and the value of universality. That's what Unesco is protecting."

During the 48th session of the World Heritage Committee, a decision was adopted calling on Japan to adequately reflect the history of Korea's forced labor done at its Unesco-listed Sado Mine.

Assomo said the decision does not legally compel Japan to take any specific action.

"Each state party that submits a site for inscription on the World Heritage List commits to implementing the decisions of the World Heritage Committee," he said.

"When the committee adopts a decision, the concerned state party has already committed itself to implementing it and reporting on the results. The reporting mechanism allows us to monitor whether progress has been made. We do not have a system of obliging because countries commit themselves in its true dialogue and cooperation."

When asked about his experience in Busan as the city is pushing for World Heritage inscription, Assomo ...

BUSAN — Additional getbol (tidal flats) of Korea were inscribed as a Unesco World Heritage site on Saturday in recognition of their rich biodiversity and important role as feeding grounds for migratory birds.

The latest inscription is an extension of getbol's existing World Heritage listing made in 2021.

The inscription was approved — without any proposed amendments from other state parties — at the 48th session of the World Heritage Committee at the plenary session held Saturday morning in Busan.

"South Korea's marine ecosystem has now become a great heritage that the world must protect together," said Korea Heritage Service Administrator Huh Min, following the decision.

"This inscription marks the beginning of our responsibility to pass this precious asset intact to future generations."

Huh attended the plenary session in hanbok (traditional Korean clothing).

Saturday's extension reconfigures the "Getbol, Korean Tidal Flats" listing as a serial property comprising six components: the Boseong-Suncheon-Yeosu-Goheung Getbol, the Shinan-Muan Getbol, the Muan Hamhaeman Getbol, the Gochang Getbol, the Seocheon Getbol and the Seosan Getbol.

BY JIN EUN-SOO [[email protected]]

The Ministry of Unification, Hyundai Motor and Seoul's education office signed a deal to build Yeomyung School a campus it won't have to leave — closing out two decades of leases and rejection.

For more than 20 years, Yeomyung School — the only accredited middle and high school in Seoul for young people with North Korean backgrounds — has been looking for a place to call its own.

Now, it finally found one.

Founded in 2004, Yeomyung has been bounced three times and even blocked once outright, when an entire Seoul neighborhood organized to keep it out.

A memorandum of understanding signed Friday between the Ministry of Unification, Hyundai Motor Group, Seoul Metropolitan Office of Education and Yeomyung itself will fund a new, four-story building for the school in Gangseo District, western Seoul, on the site it currently shares with a shuttered public elementary school.

Hyundai will contribute 6 billion won ($4.3 million) of the total 16 billion won project cost.

The ministry and the Seoul education office are providing continued funding and the land itself, and Yeomyung's own nonprofit foundation is adding 10 billion won it raised over the years from 1,123 individual donors.

For a school with a two-decade history of being asked to leave, the deal marks a genuine turning point — though, as its principal made clear, not quite the finish line.

Yeomyung was founded by a coalition of Protestant churches to serve young North Korean defectors who struggle to keep up in South Korean society and its mainstream education.

It moved to Myeongdong, in the shadow of Mount Namsan, in February 2008, gained formal accreditation for its high school curriculum two years later, and stayed 15 years.

Its real trouble began in 2019, when it tried to buy government-owned land in Eunpyeong District, in northwestern Seoul, to build a permanent campus.

Residents blocked it.

Principal Cho Myeong-sook, who first encountered North Korean defectors in 1997 during her honeymoon in China, has worked at Yeomyung since its founding and led it since 2021.

She recalled what she was told to her face during the Eunpyeong fight.

"They told me directly they were worried property values would fall, and that their own children would end up mixing with ours," Cho told the Korea JoongAng Daily. "I couldn't understand it. Why would we affect anyone's property values?"

After the plan collapsed, Cho — then the school's vice principal — took the fight public.

"Where can our defector youth go," she wrote in an online petition, "when they don't even have a mother left to kneel and beg on their behalf?"

It didn't work.

The rezoning request stalled, and Yeomyung's lease in central Seoul ran out without a next address secured.

Cho said students followed the backlash online despite being told not to.

She recalled one calling her, crying, late one night after reading hostile comments under a news article about the school.

"The student asked, '[We] risked our lives to get to South Korea — why are they telling us to go back?'" Cho said, tearing up at the memory. "I had no words. I just said I was sorry, and we cried together."

Even Friday's deal took some convincing.

The district office and the Seoul education office were initially reluctant to back a new push, mindful of what had happened in Eunpyeong. Their full support only came together in recent months.

Yeomyung relocated to its current site — the first two floors of a public elementary school that closed in March 2020, as Korea's falling birthrate emptied its classrooms — in August 2023, a temporary arrangement whose usage permit runs out in February 2027, roughly two years before the new building is due to be finished. At the gate, a newer plaque for Yeomyung has been bolted on just below the old school's sign.

Cho said she is hoping for a further extension to bridge the gap, and is counting, in part, on visibility to make officials less willing to say no this time.

Hyundai, Korea's top automaker, reached out first aft...