Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

The author is a lawyer and the head of the political news department at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Calls are growing within the legal and accounting professions to reduce the number of new entrants passing qualification exams. The argument is not new, but its urgency has changed. Just two or three years ago, it was a question of how large a share of the market each professional could secure. Now, it is about whether such a share will exist at all.

Major law firms and accounting firms are sharply cutting recruitment of entry-level lawyers and accountants. The reason is straightforward: AI is rapidly replacing many of the functions these professionals once performed. Jobs long regarded as relatively secure, insulated from economic cycles and corporate restructuring, are among the first to be disrupted. A senior partner at a large law firm recently said that even if people capable of strategic decision-making and managing networks will still be needed in 10 to 15 years, there is now uncertainty over how such talent can be cultivated if entry-level hiring continues to shrink. Firms recognize the need for a pipeline of future leaders, yet appear unwilling to preserve jobs for that purpose.

The media industry is undergoing a similar transformation. AI systems have already begun to replace specialized roles such as copyediting, graphics and layout. When reporters input their material into AI tools, the systems can generate articles or columns that replicate the tone and style of both the publication and the individual journalist at a competent, if not exceptional, level. The belief that human thought must be expressed by human hands is holding on, but only barely, like a sandbag against a rising tide.

These rapid changes inevitably raise questions about the future. For some, the concern is personal. What kind of work will the next generation be able to do? What should they study, and what values should guide them? If parents are already grappling with such uncertainty, it is difficult to imagine the weight of these questions for the young people who must answer them. Despite their significance, these concerns have yet to be translated into concrete political or policy agendas.

Instead, political leaders have largely focused on competition. Candidates for regional office are promising to build data centers, produce semiconductors that power AI and expand robotics industries, while pledging to supply the necessary electricity, water and labor. The central government appears similarly preoccupied with how to compete in the global race for AI dominance. Yet these discussions remain dominated by a single assumption: that victory in competition is the overriding goal. There has been little debate over whether it is appropriate to devote so much of society's capital and natural resources to this effort, or how to protect people's livelihoods in the radically transformed society that may follow.

Younger generations are already aware that they are largely excluded from decisions about how resources are allocated. Many participated actively in recent political events, contributing to high voter turnout and political change. Yet they are increasingly distancing themselves from the two major parties. According to a March survey by Gallup Korea, the proportion of independents among people in their 20s stands at 45 percent for men and 46 percent for women, more than double the levels seen among those in their 40s and 50s.

At the same time, their thinking is deeply political. In interviews conducted in early April with people in their 20s, many expressed concerns about shrinking job opportunities regardless of economic growth, delays in pension reform and the burden of rising national debt being passed on to future generations. What they lack is not awareness, but confidence that existing political parties have either the ability or the will to address these issues.

The question, then, is why a generation that has experienced intense political events...

Cha Se-hyeon

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

A recent report by Politico said the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump classified NATO members as "nice" or "naughty" allies ahead of a White House visit by Mark Rutte. The distinction was reportedly based on each country's level of cooperation in the Iran war. While the list was not disclosed, countries such as Britain, France and Spain, which Trump has criticized as uncooperative, were widely believed to be among the "naughty" group.

The report focused on NATO, but similar assessments may also apply to U.S. alliances in Asia. South Korea and Japan were both seen as uncooperative regarding requests to dispatch forces to the Strait of Hormuz. Trump has repeatedly criticized Korea in public remarks, pointing out that U.S. troops are stationed in a difficult security environment next to Kim Jong-un, whom he described as possessing nuclear weapons. He has warned that the United States "will remember" such behavior.

Signs of strain have become more pronounced this month. The United States has reportedly limited intelligence sharing on North Korea, citing remarks by Chung Dong-young about a uranium enrichment facility in Kusong, North Pyongan. At the same time, National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac acknowledged during a briefing in Vietnam that the so-called Coupang issue is affecting bilateral security consultations. These include follow-up talks on Korea's nuclear-powered submarine development and the possibility of allowing reprocessing and enrichment, which had been agreed upon in principle last year. Such developments suggest growing friction in the Korea-U.S. relationship.

Concerns are also rising among U.S. allies in Europe and Asia that Trump's approach may go beyond pressuring allies and instead signal a shift toward loosening or redefining alliances altogether. In Europe, while a complete withdrawal from NATO is not yet considered likely, scenarios involving partial U.S. troop withdrawals or redeployments within Europe are gaining traction. In Asia, Trump's planned visit to China in mid-May has fueled concerns that a form of great power "sphere of influence" diplomacy could emerge, potentially involving reciprocal concessions between Washington and Beijing.

Experts warn that Taiwan and North Korea could be included in such bargaining. Victor Cha recently wrote that while the United States should not abandon the goal of North Korea's denuclearization, it must recognize that the objective is likely a long-term one. He suggested that interim measures such as arms control agreements, limits on nuclear testing and missile production, crisis management mechanisms and a ban on the transfer of nuclear weapons or technology could form the basis of a Cold War-style peace arrangement.

As geopolitical risks driven by Trump's policies become more tangible, responses among allies are diverging. Europe is moving toward greater strategic autonomy by advancing discussions on a so-called European NATO. The core idea is to gradually shift leadership of the alliance from the United States to Europe. Germany, which had previously been skeptical of France-led proposals, has shown signs of changing its position. This shift has encouraged the European Union to consider contingency plans that would allow it to defend itself even in the event of a U.S. withdrawal from NATO.

Political developments within Europe are also influencing the debate. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, often described as "Europe's Trump," has frequently opposed European Union policies, including support for Ukraine. However, changes in his political standing and the potential emergence of more pro-EU governments have added momentum to discussions on strengthening European defense cooperation. Emmanuel Macron recently argued that tensions between Europe and the United States are likely to persist even after the Trump administration, emphasizing that Article 42.7 of the EU treaty could...

Lee Hyun-sang

The author is a columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The sudden visit to the United States by People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok, made amid preparations for local elections, has raised questions. What first appeared to be an unexpected move soon turned into controversy. His claim that he met a U.S. assistant secretary of state was later found to involve a meeting with the 33-year-old chief of staff to a U.S. under secretary of state. His explanation of a "working-level misunderstanding" did little to quell criticism.

Behind the episode lies a clearer intent. Jang appears to be trying to navigate his political troubles by associating himself with Donald Trump. His actions suggest an effort to appeal to conservative supporters who continue to see Trump as a powerful figure and who remain loyal to former President Yoon Suk Yeol.

During his trip, Jang reportedly sought a meeting with Paula White, often described as Trump's spiritual adviser. The move appears to have been aimed at creating an opportunity for a possible encounter with Trump himself. His posting on social media of Trump's image alongside the phrase "FAFO" was not simply parody but closer to an attempt to adopt Trump's confrontational political style.

The connection between Jang and Trump can also be understood through a shared affinity with certain strands of conservative Christianity. A key part of Trump's support base is evangelical Protestants, within which more hardline groups frame politics as a moral struggle. This view is reflected in figures such as Pete Hegseth, who has described political conflict as a battle to defend Western Christian civilization. In this framework, politics becomes less about compromise and more about confrontation.

Jang's own rhetoric has at times echoed this approach. He has told conservative rallies that God would lead them to victory and suggested that even extraordinary political measures, including former President Yoon Suk Yeol's Dec. 3, 2024 attempt to impose martial law, could be part of a larger plan. His visits to prominent churches have reinforced perceptions that his political language leans more toward religious conviction than institutional reasoning.

This perspective has also shaped his leadership within the party. Even as the People Power Party's approval rating has reportedly fallen to around 15 percent ahead of the elections, Jang has focused on internal discipline rather than reflection. His calls to remove those responsible for internal dissent have been interpreted as attempts to consolidate control.

His response to calls for resignation follows a similar logic. Jang has argued that stepping down would amount to evading responsibility. Critics say this reflects a narrow understanding of accountability. His willingness to consider replacing candidates even with less than two months before the election has further raised concerns about instability.

As policy debate has receded, internal conflict has taken center stage. The language of identifying internal adversaries and enforcing discipline has overshadowed efforts to present policy alternatives. In this respect, some observers see parallels between Jang and Trump, noting that both leaders have at times become sources of risk for their own organizations.

Within the party, reactions have been marked less by fear than by frustration. Some candidates reportedly view the leader's campaign presence as a burden. Political opponents have used the controversy to question the party's credibility.

Despite mounting criticism, Jang has shown little sign of stepping aside. His continued leadership appears tied to calculations about political survival after the election. His recent remarks blaming internal divisions for declining support suggest an effort to shift responsibility.

Critics argue that just as Trump reshaped American politics in ways that deepened polarization, Jang risks lowering the standards of conservative politics in Korea. Where reasoned d...

Korea's economic growth engine is cooling rapidly. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) projected Korea's potential growth rate this year at 1.71 percent, down 0.21 percentage points from last year's 1.92 percent, which had already fallen below 2 percent for the first time. The forecast for next year is even lower at 1.57 percent. If realized, the trend would mark a continuous decline since 2012, when the rate stood at 3.63 percent. Concerns are growing that growth could become stuck in the 1 percent range, as Korea risks sinking deeper into a low-growth trap while being distracted by a semiconductor boom.

While it is natural for potential growth to decline as economies mature, Korea's pace of decline is unusually steep. According to a report by the Bank of Korea, the country's potential growth rate dropped by six percentage points between 1994 and 2024. That amounts to a decline of roughly one percentage point under each administration. If the trend continues, negative potential growth could eventually emerge. The Korea Development Institute has warned that without structural reforms, Korea's potential growth could fall into the zero percent range in the 2030s and turn negative in the early 2040s.

The administration of President Lee Jae Myung has set a target of achieving 3 percent potential growth and declared this year the starting point for a rebound. It has drawn encouragement from the stronger-than-expected first-quarter growth of 1.7 percent. However, that figure reflects temporary factors such as a semiconductor upcycle, exchange rate effects and a low base from the previous year, making it difficult to interpret as a sign of underlying strength.

Korea's economy now faces multiple structural challenges. A declining birthrate and aging population are reducing the labor force, while technological innovation has slowed. Industrial competitiveness is weakening as rigid labor market conditions persist and new regulations, including recent labor legislation, add further constraints. In manufacturing, a traditional strength, many sectors are losing ground to China in both quality and price competitiveness. At the same time, the spread of artificial intelligence is accelerating job losses among people in their 20s and 30s.

The only effective response is comprehensive structural reform to restore competitiveness. Yet government policy remains focused on short-term stimulus measures and efforts to support stock markets. The OECD's message is clear: Unless Korea moves beyond the illusion created by the semiconductor sector and undertakes sweeping economic reforms, it will struggle to escape prolonged low growth.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

[INTERVIEW]

BEIJING — For Hyundai Motor, China has been an intractable challenge, resistant to any effort to succeed. CEO José Muñoz says it is time for Hyundai to be "humble," acknowledge its failure and learn from Chinese rivals to survive.

"We have learned in China to be humble, work harder and try to constantly learn from others in this industry," Muñoz said during a press interview on the sidelines of Auto China 2026 in Beijing on Friday.

"In the Chinese market, speed is tremendous. Some of the top brands that you saw 10 years ago here have now disappeared," Muñoz added. "I think we have taken too long to react to the situation, but thankfully, I think before it is too late, I'm taking the right decision to strain the market."

Muñoz's remarks come after Hyundai unveiled the Ioniq V, the first China-dedicated EV under its Ioniq brand at the exhibition on Friday, signaling a bold push to seek revival in China.

Starting with the Ioniq V, Hyundai plans to introduce 20 new models in China over the next five years, aiming to sell 500,000 units annually by 2030, a surge of nearly 150 percent over last year.

After entering China in 2002, Hyundai's market share rose to 5 percent in 2016, becoming one of the top 3 players with Volkswagen and GM when combined with Kia.

However, following Seoul's decision to deploy the U.S. Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, or Thaad, antimissile system on its territory, a widespread boycott of Korean products in China hit its sales hard, and its share dropped to less than 1 percent in 2025.

One of the key factors behind Hyundai's downturn in China lies in its inability to align with the preferences of local consumers, who are more attuned to domestic technologies and offerings such as autonomous driving features.

In response to these challenges, Hyundai's Ioniq V is equipped with CATL batteries and features Level 2+ autonomous driving capabilities through a collaboration with the Chinese company Momenta.

"As a result of our partnership with ByteDance's subsidiary, Douyin, the Ioniq V integrates large language model-based voice recognition, smart recommendations and personalized services, while also supporting Baidu and Gaode maps," said Huh Jae-ho, the China chief technology officer at Hyundai Motor.

"We also support third-party apps like WeChat, and have incorporated features such as Pen Mode and Karaoke, catering to the preferences of young Chinese consumers."

A rebound in China is crucial for Hyundai, especially given the skepticism surrounding EVs in the U.S. market and sluggish EV sales in Europe. China is the world's largest EV market, with environmentally friendly vehicles now accounting for 55 percent of new car sales, backed by generous government subsidies and incentives.

Hyundai aims to export the China-focused Ioniq series to other regions like the Asia Pacific, North America and the Middle East. The Alexio, a China-dedicated EV that was launched last year, also debuted in Australia.

"We're seeing a very positive reaction in Australia, and the head of Asia Pacific operations is considering expanding the Alexio to other parts of the region," said Muñoz.

"Also, we have the opportunity to hedge the risks that we have in other regions globally," the CEO added. "If [the Ioniq series] succeeds in China, we will [expand to] markets like Asia Pacific, Southeast Asia and potentially in Central and South America."

This article is by Lee Jae-lim, Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

PYEONGTAEK, Gyeonggi — Samsung Electronics is on course to print its fattest quarterly profit on record in the first quarter of this year — one so outsized it would eclipse every won the company earned across all of 2025 combined. The profits may be historic, but the internal mood is souring. Hundreds of chip engineers from a division for high bandwidth memory have quit the Korean electronics giant this year alone, while tens of thousands of existing employees are threatening a strike.

More than 30,000 employees — roughly one in four of Samsung's Korean work force — have spilled out onto the streets in protest on Thursday, a rare and striking display of collective discontent from a company not exactly known for public labor drama.

What lit the fuse? A combustible mix of two things. One is the spectacle of Samsung minting money hand over fist during what the Korean media has branded a chip "supercycle," while workers feel their paychecks have not kept pace with the company's fortunes. The other is word from across town that SK hynix employees are expected to take home bonuses of up to 1.2 billion won ($809,124) per person this year.

The National Samsung Electronics Union (NSEU) has declared an 18-day strike beginning May 21 and running through June 7, a stoppage it estimates would cost Samsung Electronics 18 trillion won in losses if no settlement is reached beforehand. Should it proceed, it would be the longest strike in the company's 57-year history.

In turn, Samsung filed for an injunction against the union on April 16 to prevent the strike.

The drain across town

Samsung has characterized the strike as unlawful, maintaining that it has negotiated in good faith and put industry-leading terms on the table — only to be met with rejection.

What it offered was not negligible. Samsung proposed allocating more than 10 percent of operating profit to a performance bonus pool, contingent on the semiconductor division posting the highest domestic revenue and profit figures, with memory division employees guaranteed payouts that would outpace those at rival firms.

The union, however, did not budge. It dismissed the offer as a one-time gesture dressed up as reform. With SK hynix's generous compensation structure looming large in the background, the bar for what counts as satisfactory has shifted considerably. So rather than waiting for a resolution, some engineers from Samsung's core semiconductor units are simply choosing to cross over to SK hynix, which has been on an aggressive hiring drive for both fresh graduates and seasoned engineers this year.

More than 200 Samsung employees have made the move between January and April alone, according to the union — a figure it suspects understates the true exodus, as departing workers often cite other reasons given the charged internal atmosphere.

One semiconductor engineer in her 30s, who moved from Samsung to SK hynix last year, told the Korea JoongAng Daily that compensation was the decisive factor — and that she has no regrets.

"Looking at last year alone, I was making roughly 3.5 times what my maximum take-home at Samsung had been," she said. "Work-life balance is significantly better here, too, and there's much more autonomy within my team. Factoring in that the compensation gap will likely grow wider this year, I expect the total difference to be around 10 times."

When she arrived at SK hynix, more than 100 former Samsung employees were already there. The largest single group came from the high bandwidth memory packaging side, precisely the talent pool most critical to the AI chip boom now driving the two chipmakers' record profits.

A protester in his 50s, who asked to be identified only by his surname Bae, said the shift is continuing. About 3 percent of the work force from his engineering department has left for SK hynix, and he feels that "quietly, others are preparing to do the same."

"...

This article is by Kang Hye-ran and read by an artificial voice.

Key historical and cultural landmarks of the Joseon royal family, such as palaces, royal tombs and the Jongmyo Shrine, are becoming popular with Koreans seeking to reconnect with their roots.

"I booked the program as a way to recharge for myself while taking time off between jobs," said a woman in her 20s while dressed in an elegant hanbok embroidered in gold thread patterns on April 16.

She is among the lucky few who secured a spot in the nighttime tour program of Deoksu Palace's Seokjojeon Hall, where demand for tickets outpaced supply by 137 to 1 this year.

The program features a tour around the palace led by guides dressed as royal guards and court ladies. It also includes an inside tour of Seokjojeon Hall, the western-style building inside the palace grounds, along with a cafe experience on the building's second-floor terrace, which serves coffee and desserts alongside a classical music performance.

Visitors to palaces, royal tombs and the Jongmyo Shrine hit a record high last year, totaling over 17.8 million people, according to the Korea Heritage Service. About a quarter of them were foreign visitors.

This year, the cumulative number of visitors reached 4,076,352 as of April 19, up 13.1 percent from the same period last year.

Following the surge in numbers, obtaining tickets for seasonal events such as the K-Royal Culture Festival held in the spring and fall, along with select programs at the five major palaces, including Gyeongbok Palace and Changdeok Palace, has become almost as competitive as concerts by popular K-pop groups.

One reason palaces have gained popularity is the expansion of attractions inside their grounds.

At Gyeongbok Palace, restoration and maintenance projects that began in the 1990s have increased the number of buildings from 36 to 148.

"With the physical increase in palace buildings, visitor routes have expanded, and the restoration of the sojubang, or royal kitchen, has made it possible to host programs such as Gyeongbok Palace's saenggwabang program," said Kim Cheol-yong at the Korea Heritage Service. The saenggwabang refers to the section of the sojubang where sweets, porridge and other delicacies were prepared for the king and queen during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910).

Gyeongbok Palace's saenggwabang program lets visitors enjoy the same desserts and teas.

In addition to the K-Royal Culture Festival, which began in 2014, tailored programs that reflect the historical significance and unique characteristics of each site — such as the Moonlight Tour of Changdeok Palace — have steadily increased, contributing to rising visitor numbers.

"Palaces may be static spaces, but with additional programming, visitors can feel as if they are experiencing living history," said Lee Hoon, a professor of tourism at Hanyang University.

This trend also aligns with the rise of the "experience economy" since the late 2010s and particularly after the Covid-19 pandemic. As consumption shifts from goods to experiences, spending that prioritizes emotional satisfaction has become a trend.

The Deoksu Palace's Seokjojeon Hall night tour program, for example, is subsidized by public funds as part of cultural welfare, allowing participants to experience the upper-class culture of early modern Korea for 35,000 won ($23) per person.

As places rich with stories of kings, rituals, taboos and power, palaces and royal tombs also provide both education and entertainment.

A representative example is the surge in visitors to Jangneung Royal Tomb — the tomb of King Danjong — in Yeongwol County, Gangwon, among those who developed an interest in the king and Joseon history after watching the film "The King's Warden," which drew more than 16.5 million viewers in cinemas after its release on Feb. 4.

The Korea Heritage Service has also been rolling out tailored programs in response to the surge of interest in King Danjong.

Gyeongbok Palace's saenggwabang will host a r...

This article is by Oh Hyeon-woo. and read by an artificial voice.

What price do we pay when AI takes on human tasks? As the saying goes, "There is no free lunch."

Artificial intelligence is consuming memory chips at an explosive pace, with no viable substitutes as of present.

Memory chips provide the high-speed storage AI models need to perform computations. As their performance improves, the amount of data that can be fed into AI models increases and processing speeds rise. They are also considered essential for delegating multi-process tasks to AI agents, a type of AI system that can carry out tasks on its own based on instructions.

But that demand is quickly creating a bottleneck.

Rihard Jarc, chief investment officer at U.S. tech-focused investment firm New Era Funds, claimed that an analysis of the source code of Anthropic's Claude showed AI's memory consumption was higher than expected.

"AI coding agents consumed up to 93 to 129GB of memory during active sessions, with idle processes still using around 15GB each," Jarc said on X on March 31.

At peak use, in this case, a single agent can take up about 40 percent of a 288-gigabyte HBM4 memory stack, showing how much memory these systems require. If multiple AI agents are deployed, total memory demand would increase substantially.

Demand for AI agents themselves is also rising rapidly.

The number of AI agents in use worldwide reached 28.5 million last year and is expected to grow to 2.2 billion by 2030, according to global market research firm Statista. The rise of "multi-agent" systems, where a single user runs multiple AI agents, is also gaining traction.

Anthropic has reportedly recently begun shifting its pricing model from time-based subscriptions to usage-based fees, as demand exceeds the company's available memory capacity.

"Even processing text data alone is already straining memory capacity, and demand will surge further when video and images are included," Kim Tae-ho, chief technology officer at Nota AI, said.

AI has options when it comes to computing chips, like how GPUs which can be replaced by neural processing units (NPU) and Google's tensor processing units (TPU). But, for memory semiconductors, its dominant option is HBM (high bandwidth memory), a 3-D-stacked, high-performance computer memory interface.

As a result, companies are increasingly focused on reducing how much memory AI models use.

Google's TurboQuant, introduced in March though the company's official blog, reflects this shift. The technology improves AI efficiency by addressing memory bottlenecks that occur when large language models process data. Google plans to present a full paper on TurboQuant and have it reviewed by peers at the International Conference on Learning Representations, which runs from Thursday to Monday in Brazil.

Korean startups are also joining the race to improve memory efficiency.

AI startup Nota has developed technology that compresses data exchanged between AI models and accelerators to reduce memory usage. MakinaRocks and ActionPower, AI transformation startups which adopt and integrate artificial intelligence into their operations, are focusing on reducing memory use to enable "on-device" AI, which runs directly on devices.

"To run AI agents on devices like laptops and smartphones, which cannot accommodate large memory chips, minimizing memory usage is the best approach," Lee Ji-hwa, chief technology officer at ActionPower, said.

The industry expects a shift toward AI models that are built depending on memory usage.

"AI developers are currently focused on building state-of-the-art models to dominate the market, but as adoption accelerates, cheaper and lighter models will emerge, leading to market segmentation," an industry source said.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined b...

This article is by Jeong Eun-hye and read by an artificial voice.

Korean romance dramas were once built on Prince Charming fantasies, but the spotlight is shifting to the boy next door — grounded, relatable and touched with the right amount of fantasy to feel real.

In the past, male leads in Korean romance dramas were typically portrayed as high-status, wealthy and highly capable figures embodying strong masculinity. Recently, instead of handsome princes on their trusted steed or chaebol heirs, more love interests come from ordinary backgrounds.

Shin Soon-rok, the male lead in the third season of tvN's "Yumi's Cells" (2021-), played by Kim Jae-won, is a leading example of this change. The series, which started airing on April 13, portrays him enjoying bubble baths while sipping banana milk and quietly reading before bed. He has clear preferences for foods such as mandu (dumplings), bungeoppang (fish-shaped pastry) and baked goods, and despite recharging at home, he always seems to be in a kind of "low power mode" when he is outside.

Based on a webtoon of the same name that amassed 3.5 billion cumulative views and gained popularity among women in their teens and 30s, Soon-rok has already built a solid fan base. The season three teaser featuring Soon-rok, released on April 7, has drawn nearly 700,000 views on YouTube as of Tuesday, along with more than 500 comments such as "Finally, Yu-mi's husband is here!" and "I've been waiting for Soon-rok."

Shortly after its first episode was released, the show ranked No.1 in paid subscriber contribution on its streaming platform Tving. It also topped viewership ratings among cable networks in its time slot, according to Nielsen Korea.

Soon-rok, whom Yu-mi meets with after two breakups, is a calm and reserved publishing editor. He fits the image of what many women today consider an ideal partner — a "homebody" or "nerdy guy," in other words, a "harmless man."

Rather than a social life filled with frequent drinking gatherings, he focuses on a single field while moving between home, work and the gym. Instead of aggressively pursuing romance or having extensive dating experience, he gives the impression of someone who would quietly devote himself to one person.

"As most consumers of romance content are working women or those with social experience, the trend has shifted away from idealized romance toward 'fantasy grounded in reality' as a key trait," culture critic Kim Hern-sik said.

Male as supporters

As male leads take on a softer demeanor, they are increasingly portrayed as supporting the female lead's growth rather than boosting her social status.

The trend can be seen in Netflix's "Boyfriend on Demand," which ranked No.1 globally among non-English shows last month, topping charts in 47 countries.

The male lead, Park Kyeong-nam, played by Seo In-guk, is the female lead's coworker who lacks romantic charm and can even come across as prickly. The female lead, Mi-rae, a webtoon producer played by Blackpink's Jisoo, experiences relationships with idealized partners through a virtual reality dating service, but ultimately realizes that her true ideal type is Kyeong-nam.

Beneath his blunt, traditionally masculine exterior lies a refined sensibility shaped by his background in fine arts — a contrast that ultimately wins her over.

A similar shift appears in the film "Once We Were Us" (2025), an unexpected box office success that portrays a grounded yet tender romance among people in their 20s.

The male lead Eun-ho, played by Koo Kyo-hwan, navigates the hardships of life in Seoul alongside Jeong-won, played by Mun Ka-young, while pursuing his dream of becoming a game developer. Though the two eventually part ways, he continues to reflect a decade later: "What if we had made different choices back then?"

Eun-ho feels like someone who could exist in real life — perhaps on any university campus today. Even after finding success, he remains devoted to his first love.

The film drew 2.6 million vi...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

BEIJING — Hyundai Motor has lifted the curtain on the Ioniq V on Friday at Auto China 2026 in Beijing, its first model under the Ioniq EV brand tailored for the Chinese market, as the automaker seeks to spark a revival in a nation that has eluded its grasp for a decade.

The Korean automaker also outlined plans to launch 20 new models in China over the next five years, aiming to sell 500,000 units annually by 2030, nearly a 150 percent increase from last year.

The Ioniq V will be powered by CATL's batteries, offering a range of over 600 kilometers (372 miles) on a single charge, and feature advanced self-driving technologies developed by Suzhou-based Momenta.

"The launch is slated for the end of the year, with the Ioniq V potentially being exported to Australia, Latin America, and the Middle East, depending on its sales performance.

Ioniq V: Boldly future-forward

With a bold, futuristic design featuring frameless doors, a sporty hood, and sharp-edged lighting at both ends, the Ioniq V embodies a striking vision of the future.

Named after Venus, this model aims to appeal to Chinese consumers with an interest in space and planets, hinting that future releases may also carry the names of celestial bodies.

The rear design boasts slender horizontal tail lamps, while a sporty skid plate further enhances the dynamic feel.

Measuring 4,900 millimeters (193 inches) in length, 1,890 millimeters in width and 1,470 millimeters in height, the Ioniq V offers a generous 2,900 millimeters wheelbase with a spacious 1,078 millimeters of legroom in the front and 1,019 millimeters in the rear.

Physical buttons can be detached near the large display, offering customization to suit individual preferences.

The interior is also filled with crystal-shaped mood lighting on the crash pad, which extends across the dashboard to emphasize its luxurious ambience.

The Ioniq V also comes with Hyundai's first-ever electric air vents.

"China is our greatest opportunity for growth," Hyundai Motor CEO José Muñoz said at Auto China 2026. "It is not just the world's largest automotive market. It is the world's most advanced EV and software-defined vehicle ecosystem. If you want to be globally competitive, you must be genuinely competitive here."

Ambitious U-Turn in China

Hyundai vowed to drop a total of 20 new cars in China for five years, including an electric SUV in the first half of 2027 and an extended range EV.

It will also boost collaboration with Chinese firms such as CATL and Momenta to meet the needs of Chinese consumers accustomed to local technology and convenience.

Hyundai was once considered one of the Big Three automakers in China, along with Volkswagen and General Motors, with a market share of over 5 percent as recently as 2016. However, the carmaker's sales plummeted after the United States deployed its Terminal High Altitude Area Defense antimissile system in Korea, leading to a boycott of Korean-made products.

Local brands like BYD and Geely have rapidly eaten into the market for the past decade, with Hyundai now accounting for less than 1 percent of the market.

Hyundai will also set up dedicated brand spaces in major cities and dealer showrooms, along with several customer programs run by Ioniq specialists.

The automaker will maintain its One Price policy across all sales channels, selling vehicles at a single nationwide price without price fluctuations, to enhance customer trust.

"Today, we are not just launching a new car; we are expressing our profound respect for the Chinese market and our unwavering commitment to its future," said Li Fenggang, president at Beijing Hyundai Motor at the show.

"Ioniq V and our new strategic vision demonstrate our resolve to meet and exceed those expectations, leveraging Chinese innovation to set new global standards in mobility."

Hyundai displayed a total of nine cars, including the Ioniq V and two concept cars, the Elexio SUV and the Palisad...