Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

Meanwhile : Sunlight bless you

Choi Hoon The author is a professor at Hallym University. The popular sibling duo AKMU has returned with a new release. This comeback drew particular attention because of Lee Su-hyun, the younger sister. For several years, she had lived in seclusion in a darkened room due to symptoms of depression. She has now returned in visibly improved health. She said her recovery owed much to her brother Lee Chan-hyuk. They lived together, exercised, and followed a managed daily routine. In a song he wrote for her during that time, the lyrics read, "open the door, haetbit [sunlight] bless you."

Sibling duo AKMU celebrates the10th anniversary of their debut at their concert "10VE" held on June 15 and 16, 2024, at the KSPO Dome in southern Seoul. [YG ENTERTAINMENT]

S People often advise those with depression to get sunlight and exercise. Sunlight activates the serotonin system, and serotonin helps regulate impulses and stabilize mood, playing a key role in easing depressive symptoms. It is also converted into melatonin in the evening, aiding sleep. Many antidepressants likewise work through the serotonin system. Sunlight itself can function as a form of treatment. Yet such advice is often ineffective for those in the depths of depression. When symptoms are severe, a person may not even feel able to approach a window and open the curtains. Lee avoided meeting even her family, as concern from others felt burdensome when she could not act on it. Her brother approached her carefully. He did not say, "You cannot live like this; look at the sun." Instead, his first suggestion was simple: "Let's live together." Then he added, "Since we are living together, shall we try exercising together?"

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice.

The biannual Moonlight Tour at Changdeok Palace, the only palace in Seoul listed as Unesco's World Heritage Site, kicks off its run Thursday. It is the longest-running nighttime program among Seoul's palaces, having started as a trial in 2010, and now draws an average competition rate of 130 to one.

"Normally, you would need a certified pass to enter the palace as well as move around within it during the Joseon period [1392-1910], but tonight, it's okay because you are here on an invitation from King Jeongjo and Crown Prince Hyomyeong," said commentator Kim Ji-hwan as he began the rehearsal tour on Tuesday night.

First stop is Injeongjeon, the palace's main hall, where the country's official state affairs were held, such as the investiture of the crown prince or greeting of foreign envoys. Then the tour leads to Huijeongdang, once used as a residence but later turned into office buildings.

The rear garden, usually closed to visitors during the day, is opened exclusively for the Moonlight Tour. At the top of a steep path, visitors are greeted by a plaintive daegeum (bamboo flute) performance at a pavilion. The view of Changdeok Palace from atop the hill, with N Seoul Tower glowing in the distance, feels almost surreal.

Buyongji Pond and Kyujanggak, the royal library, are among those built during the reign of King Jeongjo and were one of his favorite spots. Unlike other kings who barred state officials from entering the area, King Jeongjo was known to invite a wide range of guests there to enjoy the scenery with him.

Perched solemnly on a hill and surrounded by blooming azaleas, the site is reflected in Buyongji Pond, creating a picturesque scene.

Last but not least, the 100-minute tour concludes with traditional performances at Yeongyeongdang, a modest banquet hall in the garden that Crown Prince Hyomyeong built to host feasts for his parents. From traditional chamber music to dance and playful, game-style performances, participants are treated to a small concert accompanied by a cup of tea and a box of traditional snacks.

The English sessions have sold out, while the Chinese and Japanese sessions remain available for booking on the Creatrip platform.

This article is by Lee Young-keun, Kim Su-min and read by an artificial voice.

Korea's semiconductor industry is experiencing a historic high, and top-tier graduates want to get in on the action. With major chipmakers posting extraordinary profits and dangling the prospect of massive performance bonuses, graduates are increasingly prioritizing immediate employment over further academic pursuits.

Preparatory books for corporate entrance exams for semiconductor companies have become bestsellers, and anonymous chat rooms filled with employee hopefuls sharing information are buzzing, all for the prospect of locking down a coveted position at a chipmaking company.

A recruitment preparation book for SK-related corporations published by private education group Eduwill ranked No. 1 on online bookstore Yes24's best-seller list in the second week of April, according to the publisher. Sales of preparation books for the Global Samsung Aptitude Test, the entrance exam of Samsung-affiliated corporations, also jumped about 40 percent in the first quarter this year compared to the same period last year.

"The number of job seekers aspiring to work in semiconductor-related fields grew notably as the chip companies offer generous compensation in accordance with their performance," a representative from Eduwill said.

On Monday, when an online SK Competency Test exam took place, 3,000 participants in an anonymous chat room shared their reflections on the test, asking about the difficulty and potential cutoff score.

"Underclassmen from my university, who had rarely been in touch, reached out and asked about recruitment strategies," a semiconductor engineer said.

For some, the recent supercycle has changed the trajectory of their careers. Park, a 26-year-old college student majoring in electrical and electronic engineering, originally planned to continue his education by pursuing a master's degree. Now, Park dreams of retiring after working in the semiconductor industry for a short period.

"I think if I get a job in the industry now, I could achieve 'FIRE' after just five years," said Park, who recently applied for entry-level positions at Samsung Electronics and SK hynix, referring to the acronym for "Financial Independence, Retire Early," a life philosophy that encourages saving and investing significant amounts of one's salary to gain financial independence and opt out of the work force before the age of 40.

"As nobody knows when the supercycle in the semiconductor industry will end, I thought it would be wiser to land a job as soon as possible and accumulate some savings," Park said.

In hagwon (private education), students now include SK hynix among their most sought-after career paths, alongside more traditionally popular options like medical school, dental school, Korean medicine, pharmacy and veterinary school.

Such fervor in the semiconductor industry appears to be linked to record-high earnings and consequent employee compensation.

Samsung Electronics reported a historic preliminary operating profit of 57.2 trillion won ($38 billion) for the first quarter this year. SK hynix, set to announce its earnings on April 23, is also expected to post an operating profit of around 40 trillion won, according to securities firms such as KB Securities, Kiwoom and Heungguk Securities.

Sydney-based global investment bank Macquarie recently projected that SK hynix's annual operating profit could reach 447 trillion won next year. If realized, an allocation of 10 percent for bonuses among 34,500 employees would result in a payout of 1.29 billion won each, a payout now possible since the company abolished its upper limit for incentives last year.

While acknowledging the possibility of growth in earnings, a representative from SK hynix said that the operating profit estimation from Macquarie is off-base.

"Considering the difficulty of rapid expansion in production capacity in the short term, a 400 trillion won projection appears somewhat exaggerated," th...

The author is a professor at Hallym University.

The popular sibling duo AKMU has returned with a new release. This comeback drew particular attention because of Lee Su-hyun, the younger sister. For several years, she had lived in seclusion in a darkened room due to symptoms of depression. She has now returned in visibly improved health.

She said her recovery owed much to her brother Lee Chan-hyuk. They lived together, exercised, and followed a managed daily routine. In a song he wrote for her during that time, the lyrics read, "open the door, haetbit [sunlight] bless you."

People often advise those with depression to get sunlight and exercise. Sunlight activates the serotonin system, and serotonin helps regulate impulses and stabilize mood, playing a key role in easing depressive symptoms. It is also converted into melatonin in the evening, aiding sleep. Many antidepressants likewise work through the serotonin system. Sunlight itself can function as a form of treatment.

Yet such advice is often ineffective for those in the depths of depression. When symptoms are severe, a person may not even feel able to approach a window and open the curtains. Lee avoided meeting even her family, as concern from others felt burdensome when she could not act on it.

Her brother approached her carefully. He did not say, "You cannot live like this; look at the sun." Instead, his first suggestion was simple: "Let's live together." Then he added, "Since we are living together, shall we try exercising together?"

Some have described AKMU's return as a case of a brother pulling his sister back by the collar. That is partly true, but the process was far gentler. He offered his own life and moved toward her little by little, very slowly, taking her hand and walking with her toward the window. When she finally felt ready to open the curtains herself, he was there beside her, and the sunlight, prepared to bless them, quietly filled the room.

This episode underscores the limits of simple prescriptions for mental health. Recovery often requires time, patience, and the steady presence of someone willing to share daily life. Rather than urging immediate change, the approach shown here emphasizes companionship and gradual movement toward light. It is only when the person regains a sense of agency that advice such as seeking sunlight can truly take hold and begin to work.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The Strait of Hormuz has been closed. A narrow waterway blocked by the clash between the United States and Iran has, within weeks, disrupted the global economy. About 20 percent of the world's oil and a significant share of liquefied natural gas pass through this route. As that flow stalled, global oil prices surged and logistics slowed. More striking, however, was Iran's declaration that it would impose tolls on passage through what had long been considered open seas.

The move carries symbolic weight. Since the end of the Cold War, efficiency has been the guiding principle of the global economy. Under a free trade order with lowered barriers, companies built supply chains that produced goods at the lowest cost and transported them along the fastest routes. The blockade of Hormuz exposed how vulnerable that system is to geopolitical disruption. In its place, what is emerging resembles a network of "economic fortresses," where movement requires payment at each segment and inspection at each checkpoint.

The first of these new barriers is the privatization of strategic chokepoints. Iran's toll proposal may be only the beginning. Russia is seeking to assert control over Arctic shipping routes. Egypt and Panama have long used canal fees as leverage. Beyond physical routes, infrastructure once treated as global public goods, including undersea cables and satellite orbits, is increasingly subject to control and cost.

A second barrier takes the form of what may be described as moral and environmental checkpoints. Policies such as the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism and supply chain due diligence laws addressing child labor, forced labor and environmental damage are no longer distant prospects. While framed as efforts to protect the environment and human rights, they also function as technical filters that exclude products failing to meet certain standards. Entry into global markets now requires not only technological competitiveness but also the financial and administrative capacity to meet what can be seen as an ethical entry fee.

The third element is the weaponization of supply chains through control of resources and technology. China's export restrictions on critical minerals provide a clear example. Rare earth elements, essential for electric vehicle batteries and smartphones, have become tools to influence other countries' industries. Indonesia has similarly leveraged its nickel supply to pressure foreign firms to build local facilities and transfer technology. The United States has adopted guardrail provisions to limit the flow of advanced semiconductor technology, requiring allies to align with its policies. These developments suggest a shift from open trade to more coercive forms of negotiation.

Geopolitical analyst Peter Zeihan argued in "The End of the World Is Just the Beginning" (2022) that the era of security underwritten by the United States would end, leaving only those countries able to secure their own trade routes and supply chains. Japan has been among the first to act on this warning. After experiencing supply disruptions linked to tensions over the Senkaku Islands, Japan established a centralized approach to economic security. It created a ministerial position in 2021 and enacted the Economic Security Promotion Act the following year.

Japan has designated key materials, including semiconductors and batteries, as strategic assets under state oversight. It has offered subsidies totaling about 1.2 trillion yen ($7.5 billion) to attract TSMC to Kumamoto and is investing heavily in the foundry venture Rapidus to develop advanced chipmaking capabilities. The aim is to reduce dependence on external actors and avoid exposure to rising costs imposed by others.

Tokyo has also introduced a system allowing certain patents tied to national security to remain undisclosed, with penalties for violations. It is supporting reshoring efforts to bring overseas productio...

The author is the president of Taejae University.

A recent demand by Samsung Electronics' labor union for 40 trillion won ($27.0 billion) in performance bonuses has drawn attention. The surge in semiconductor demand driven by the rise of AI has sharply increased the company's operating profits: Samsung Electronics reported more than 57 trillion won in operating profit in the first quarter, and its semiconductor division is projected to generate about 270 trillion won this year. If 15 percent of operating profit were distributed as bonuses, as the union proposes, the total would exceed 40 trillion won. That figure surpasses last year's research and development spending of 37.7 trillion won and is nearly four times its dividend payout of 11.1 trillion won.

SK hynix reached a labor-management agreement last year to distribute 10 percent of operating profit as bonuses and removed the cap on distribution. If operating profit reaches about 25.1 trillion won this year, the average bonus per employee would approach 700 million won. Macquarie has forecast next year's operating profit at 44.7 trillion won, which could raise average bonuses to roughly 1.3 billion won. The government has also benefited from the boom, collecting 3.6 trillion won in corporate tax from SK hynix in 2024 and 7.4 trillion won in 2025.

However, when the semiconductor market declined in 2023, SK hynix recorded an operating loss of 7.73 trillion won, and Samsung Electronics' device solutions division posted a loss of 14.9 trillion won. Despite these losses, there were no cases of unions voluntarily cutting salaries or of the government refunding part of the corporate taxes it had collected. An organization that shares profits first but ignores losses cannot sustain itself as a community. The semiconductor industry is highly cyclical and requires continuous investment in research and facilities even during downturns. Japan, once a leader in the industry in the 1980s, ultimately lost its position due to passive responses.

In "The Stories of Germany's Century-Old Companies" (2019), Masaru Yoshimori, an emeritus professor at Yokohama National University, examines firms such as BMW, Volkswagen, Porsche, Bosch, Bertelsmann, Merck, Fugger, Krupp and Zeiss. Many began as family businesses and have maintained their founding values while fulfilling broader social roles. Among them, Bertelsmann's pension and profit-sharing systems are particularly notable.

Bertelsmann started as a small publishing house and grew into a global media group spanning television, radio, printing and digital services. It owns: Random House, Penguin Books, Doubleday, Bantam Books; magazines such as Vogue, Vanity Fair and The New Yorker; music labels including Sony BMG and RCA; Europe's RTL television network; the internet company AOL; and film-related assets tied to Time Warner. To support employees, the company established a welfare system that includes a corporate pension introduced in 1955. Employees with 30 years of service receive 42 percent of their final pretax salary each month after retirement, and benefits extend to surviving family members.

The profit-sharing system introduced in 1970, known as the Bertelsmann model, distributes pretax profits to employees, but the funds cannot be withdrawn for 25 years. The accumulated pool is then lent back to the company at an interest rate of about 2 percent. This structure effectively creates an internal bank, fostering long-term cooperation between employees and the company. It reduces corporate tax burdens and provides stable financing for long-term investment. Employees who need liquidity before maturity can sell their profit-sharing rights to colleagues through an internal exchange. At one point, returns from this system reached about 20 percent of monthly salaries.

The Krupp Group also implemented an early pension system. Employees with 40 years of service receive 75 percent of their average salary after retirement, while those with more ...

With fewer than 50 days remaining before the June 3 local elections, candidates from both ruling and opposition parties are rolling out a wave of cash assistance pledges. While these proposals are framed as responses to high energy prices, they risk becoming little more than vote-buying if they lack proper feasibility reviews and clear funding plans. The trend reflects a deeper dependence on cash-based populism in Korean politics.

Heo Tae-jeong, the Democratic Party's candidate for Daejeon mayor, has pledged to provide 200,000 won (about $135) per resident as relief from high oil prices. This would be separate from central government payments ranging from 100,000 to 600,000 won per person for lower-income households. Implementing the plan would require an additional 290 billion won in local funding. Even Jang Chul-min, a Democratic Party lawmaker who competed against Heo in the primary, criticized the proposal as lacking sufficient budgetary support.

Similar promises are emerging elsewhere. Kim Young-rok, a candidate in the Jeonnam-Gwangju mayoral race, has proposed a 300 billion won relief package. Opposition candidates have followed suit. South Gyeongsang Governor Park Wan-soo of the People Power Party, who is seeking reelection, has pledged to provide 100,000 won to every resident regardless of income. The estimated cost is 328.8 billion won, with applications set to begin on April 30. Many candidates for municipal and district leadership positions are also offering unconditional cash benefits.

This competition has spread nationwide, highlighting a pattern of fiscal promises driven more by electoral considerations than long-term planning. Korea's system of local autonomy, now in its 31st year, was intended to strengthen grassroots democracy. Yet local governments continue to face serious financial constraints.

According to the Ministry of the Interior and Safety, as of last year, 14 out of 17 provincial and metropolitan governments, excluding Seoul, Gyeonggi and Sejong, had fiscal independence rates below 50 percent. Regions such as North Jeolla, South Jeolla, North Gyeongsang and Gangwon reported levels in the 20 percent range. More than 100 local governments nationwide are unable to cover even public sector salaries with their own tax revenues.

In this context, expanding cash handouts without sustainable funding risks worsening fiscal instability. Budgets allocated for essential services, including support for vulnerable populations, could be diverted to short-term electoral initiatives. Local government finances are not discretionary funds for political campaigns but public resources that require careful stewardship.

Calls are growing for candidates to reconsider such pledges and prioritize fiscal responsibility. Without clear funding strategies, these proposals could undermine both local governance and public trust.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice.

[INTERVIEW]

When Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk came into office, questions lingered whether the preceding administration had rushed into opaque, debt-laden arms contracts with Korea. Polish Ambassador to Korea Bartosz Wisniewski put those concerns firmly to rest and let Poland's military speak for itself.

"The ultimate judgment on this [depends on] our military," Wisniewski told the Korea JoongAng Daily in an exclusive interview at the Embassy of Poland in Seoul on Tuesday. "And our military says we are happy with this equipment. We know how to use it, it's reliable [and] it arrived on time — that's very important, and that's what matters."

In 2022, Korea and Poland signed a $44.2 billion framework agreement, which includes the export of Korea's K2 tanks, K9 self-propelled howitzers, FA-50 light attack aircraft and Chunmoo multiple rocket launchers to Poland.

Wisniewski's remarks came one day after the two nations agreed to elevate their bilateral relationship to a "comprehensive strategic partnership" during the first visit by a Polish prime minister to Seoul in 27 years.

The urgency of the partnership is etched into a single date: the first phone call between President Lee Jae Myung and Tusk on Sept. 11, 2025, one day after a swarm of Russian drones violated Polish airspace.

"It showed that we are living in a war zone — not a shooting war, but we cannot be naive about what Russia is intending to do," Wisniewski recalled. "Russia is testing us."

Against that backdrop, South Korea's track record speaks for itself.

Defense industry cooperation between Seoul and Warsaw predates the current crisis — the first such partnership dates back to 2014 — but 2022 proved the true value behind the two countries' relationship, when North Korean troops were deployed to the Ukraine war, directly helping Russia wage war on Poland's doorstep.

"Korea was there to provide [help] when we needed it," Wisniewski said.

Today, Poland operates South Korean tanks, howitzers and rocket launchers, and it will soon possess Korean fighter jets as well. That logistical reliability has transformed Korea into what Tusk now calls "Poland's most important ally after the United States."

According to a report released by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute in March, Korea held a 3 percent share of the global arms market between 2021 and 2025, ranking ninth worldwide. Poland accounted for 58 percent of South Korea's total arms exports during that period.

"People are asking, 'Why are we spending so much on defense?'" Wisniewski said. "Well, I would reverse this question: Can we afford not to? I don't think we can."

The partnership is now moving well past procurement. What Wisniewski calls "stage 2" encompasses technology transfers, joint production and co-development for third-country markets and extends into AI, microchips and space exploration. He framed it as genuinely reciprocal.

"It's not going to be a one-sided road; it's going to be two-directional," he emphasized. "Our defense industry also has something to offer in terms of unmanned systems and [...] radar technology."

The goal, he added, is a "new quality" of partnership: jointly developed systems that are neither strictly Korean nor strictly Polish but something new that could serve as a model for others.

Closer to home, supply chains remain a vulnerability.

With 8,000 kilometers (4,971 miles) separating the two nations, South Korea and Poland are pivoting toward "Polonization" of production.

"We cannot afford to have almost 400 K2 tanks standing without proper maintenance," the Polish prime minister said. "We are facing a very aggressive opponent. It has to be battle-ready."

The summit also produced economic deliverables.

Lee committed to accelerating the import of Polish beef — a process that has been stalled for more than two decades.

"We are not going to export beef to the extent that it is going to be any kind of...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Korea is moving to expand its strategic oil storage capacity as prolonged disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are prompting a surge of inquiries from oil-exporting nations seeking to use Korea's storage facilities.

"We are reviewing a plan to expand our current storage capacity of about 140 million barrels by an additional 20 million," Yang Ki-wook, director-general for industry, trade and resource security at the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources, said Tuesday at a press briefing at the Sejong government complex.

"We are already in talks with the United Arab Emirates [UAE], and other Middle Eastern countries have also shown interest."

For producers in the region, recurring geopolitical tensions have underscored the Strait of Hormuz's vulnerability, prompting a shift toward storage hubs in Northeast Asia as a hedge against supply disruptions.

"Middle Eastern countries would be hit even harder than Korea if the strait were blocked," Yang said, noting the heavy reliance of countries such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait on crude exports.

"From their perspective, storing oil outside the strait and selling it later helps mitigate risk."

Under the joint stockpiling program, foreign companies store crude in Korea's facilities in leases, which also grants Seoul preferential purchasing rights in times of supply stress. Korea National Oil Corporation has nine oil storage facilities nationwide, managing reserves equivalent to 116.5 days of consumption.

Yang also said such a program has helped it secure alternative supplies more swiftly in the past few months amid the war.

"Joint stockpiling was not a formal condition, but there were requests from partner countries," Yang said. "In the case of the UAE, it appears to have facilitated securing replacement volumes."

"Stockpiling is not merely about buying oil when prices are low, but a strategic asset directly tied to securing alternative supplies in times of crisis," Yand added. "We will strengthen its practical role in stabilizing supply by aligning it more closely with domestic industry demand."

Korea has secured roughly 118 million barrels of alternative crude from 17 countries, including Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the United States, for April and May, equivalent to about 82 percent of typical import levels before the war.

The government is also operating a swap program that lends strategic reserves to refiners. Korea's big four refiners — SK Energy, GS Caltex, HD Hyundai Oilbank and S-Oil — have applied to swap a combined 32 million barrels, with 17 million barrels allocated for April.

"Six contracts totaling 8.38 million barrels are already being delivered to refineries, and an additional 8 million barrels are expected to be contracted within this month," Yang added.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Renault Korea has vowed to roll out at least one new model every year through 2029, with its first pure EV slated for 2028, in a bid to sustain a nascent rebound in domestic sales.

The Korean arm of the French auto group saw its recovery begin in late 2024 with the launch of the Grand Koleos. The rebound then continued with the recent launch of the Filante, as the automaker seeks to regain footing in a market dominated by Hyundai Motor and Kia.

"In 2027, we will officially launch our first fully software-defined vehicle with [Level] 2++ autonomous technology," said Renault Korea CEO Nicolas Paris during a press conference on Tuesday in central Seoul.

"I want people to see people proud to view Renault as the first alternative to Hyundai and Kia on the market."

The software-defined vehicle will pair advanced autonomy with AI-driven voice interaction, enabling realtime, context-aware assistance ranging from explaining nearby landmarks to guiding drivers to parking spots.

Renault Korea also aims to shorten its development cycle to under two years to expand its lineup more quickly for Korean customers.

The plan aligns with Renault Group's recently announced "Future Ready" strategy to roll out 36 new models by 2030, with a goal of all of the company's sales coming from EVs and hybrids.

"Korea will play a key role in the D and E segments," Paris said, emphasizing the Busan plant's "ability to design, develop and industrialize flagship models for the group."

The company's first EV, due in 2028, will be built in Busan, with exports targeted at Latin America, the Middle East and Oceania.

After years of weak sales, Renault Korea rebounded in late 2024 with the Grand Koleos SUV, which sold 40,877 units in 2025, accounting for 78.2 percent of the company's total domestic sales.

The Filante, launched in March, has sold 4,920 units in its first month.