Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

Ha Hyun-ock

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The Korean won is rapidly weakening. For the first time in 17 years, since the global financial crisis, the dollar-won exchange rate has surpassed 1,500 won. On Monday, it reached 1,517.3 won. The threshold of 1,500 won per dollar, long seen as a psychological ceiling, had previously been breached only during the 1997 Asian financial crisis and the 2008 global financial crisis. Concerns are now growing that 1,500 won may become the new normal.

A surging exchange rate also revives a familiar pattern: the search for a culprit. Late last year, policymakers focused less on treating the exchange rate as a warning signal and more on identifying those responsible for pushing it higher. Retail investors buying overseas stocks and the National Pension Service (NPS) became prime targets. The NPS was mobilized on the front lines of exchange rate defense through so-called strategic currency hedging, while retail investors were encouraged to return to domestic markets through special accounts aimed at securing dollar liquidity.

This time, the sharp rise in the exchange rate has a clearer external driver in the Middle East conflict. While the government may avoid directly blaming the NPS and retail investors as before, both remain vulnerable to criticism given their perceived role in foreign exchange market movements. The NPS, in particular, now faces policy pressure. The ruling party has proposed an amendment to the National Pension Act that would allow the fund to issue foreign currency bonds.

Under current law, the NPS fund is financed by pension contributions, investment returns, accumulated reserves and operating surpluses. It is not designed to raise funds through debt issuance. The proposed amendment would effectively open the door for the NPS to borrow in dollars in order to reduce its impact on the domestic foreign exchange market as it expands overseas investments. Public responses to the proposal have largely been critical.

The NPS is a dominant market player. As of the end of 2025, the National Pension Service's assets totaled 1.46 quadrillion won ($991 billion), based on the December 2025 average exchange rate of 1,472.2 won per dollar. Of that total, 861 trillion won, or 59.06 percent, was invested overseas.

According to the Bank of Korea, the NPS purchased $40.7 billion worth of foreign stocks last year. Its scale gives it significant influence over market conditions. The currency swap arrangement with the central bank was also intended to mitigate the impact of the NPS's foreign exchange demand.

Increasing overseas investment to improve returns is unavoidable for the NPS. From the government's perspective, however, rising demand for foreign currency can put pressure on the exchange rate. Yet asking the NPS to issue foreign currency bonds while it already holds substantial reserves raises concerns. Such a move would not be driven by investment strategy but by policy considerations, effectively using retirement funds to manage exchange rate fluctuations.

The immediate issue is interest costs. Borrowing requires paying interest to creditors. Market participants expect NPS foreign currency bonds to carry rates similar to those of Exchange Stabilization Fund bonds or policy banks, around 4 percent annually, with additional premiums depending on conditions.

If the NPS were to issue $40 billion in foreign currency bonds to fund overseas investments, annual interest payments alone would amount to roughly $1.6 billion, or about 2.4 trillion won. At the same time, the fund would need to generate returns exceeding that interest rate, increasing pressure on investment performance. Finding suitable investment opportunities for the additional funds would also pose challenges.

There is also a risk of higher borrowing costs across the economy. If the NPS enters the foreign currency bond market, it would compete with government and corporate issuers, potentially drivin...

The author is the editor-in-chief at the JoongAng Sunday.

Party nominations are always contentious, but on the conservative side in Korea they were especially turbulent in 2002 and 2008, when breakaway parties were hastily formed by defectors.

The 2000 nomination process under Lee Hoi-chang was often described as a "massacre." Factional bosses were excluded, including Kim Yun-hwan and Lee Ki-taek. Kim, in particular, had been a political patron to Lee. In his memoir, "Lee Hoi-chang Memoirs" (2017), Lee wrote that he wrestled with whether his reform push was driven by personal motives or political necessity. The upheaval led to the formation of the Min Guk Party, and in early April that year, a surprise announcement was made of an inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang.

Even in that environment, the Grand National Party, the predecessor of the People Power Party (PPP), maintained its status as the largest party. It had a clear justification in dismantling the era of the "three Kims" — Kim Young-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil — and it was supported by a new generation of figures such as Oh Se-hoon, Won Hee-ryong, Kim Boo-kyum and Kim Young-choon. If the 1996 general election led by Kim Hyun-chul broadened conservative ideology with figures like Hong Joon-pyo, Lee Jae-oh and Kim Moon-soo, the 2000 election expanded its generational base with politicians distinct from the liberal "386 generation."

The 2008 nominations, amid conflict between pro-Lee Myung-bak and pro-Park Geun-hye factions, were also labeled a "massacre," though the situation differed in key respects. According to Kang Chang-hee, Park's camp accepted the district nominations, albeit reluctantly. The main controversy arose over proportional representation nominations. Still, the Grand National Party secured a majority with 153 seats, while pro-Park groups, including the Pro-Park Alliance and independents, performed strongly. Discontent with the Roh Moo-hyun administration drew talent toward the conservative bloc.

If nominations are understood as a process of elite recruitment, this period marked the last time the conservative party functioned effectively. At best, that assessment extends to 2012, when both conservative and liberal camps mobilized fully. Political consultant Park Sung-min has said that nominations were "reasonably acceptable" from 1996 to 2012, but deteriorated thereafter.

By 2016, former President Park Geun-hye's approach had narrowed further. While Lee Myung-bak and Park had at least demonstrated leadership, those who followed fell short. As conservatives became a minority across regions, generations, ideology and class, party figures remained complacent as if still dominant. Kim Hyong-o, who chaired the nomination committee in 2020, said in a recent interview that "there were hardly any capable candidates recommended by the party," adding that the situation is likely worse now. His own tenure drew criticism for early purges followed by last-minute substitutions.

Conditions have since deteriorated further. Repeated electoral defeats have weakened recruitment in the Seoul metropolitan area, allowing figures disconnected from public sentiment to dominate the party. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party has grown more adept at elections, while the PPP has struggled.

Despite the need for an extraordinary approach, the leadership, including nomination committee chair Lee Jung-hyun, continues to emphasize "reform" and "renewal" without presenting a clear framework. Critics argue that symbolic gestures and vague rhetoric cannot overcome strong presidential approval ratings and wide gaps in party support.

Vacancies created by cutoffs risk being filled by election denialists or hardline loyalists advocating a return to former President Yoon Suk Yeol. The late former lawmaker Chung Doo-un once remarked that raising turnover rates alone does not constitute reform if it merely replaces one inadequate candidate with another.

Now, even that standard appears unmet....

The government is again emphasizing the need to strengthen property holding taxes to stabilize housing prices. President Lee Jae Myung said at a Cabinet meeting that real estate speculation is "the worst problem facing Korea" and warned that "the country could collapse" if it is left unchecked. He urged policymakers to prepare comprehensive measures, including tax policy, with no room for gaps.

Earlier, Lee shared an article on social media comparing property tax rates in advanced economies, noting that Seoul's rates are lower than those in New York and Tokyo. However, the comparison overlooks key differences in tax structures and risks oversimplifying the issue.

Korea's effective property holding tax rate, at 0.15 percent, is relatively low. But the picture changes when transaction taxes are included. Total property-related taxes amount to 1.0 percent of GDP, exceeding the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) average of 0.91 percent. When acquisition and capital gains taxes are added, the figure rises to 2.67 percent, more than double the OECD average of 1.27 percent. Comparing only holding taxes creates a distorted view.

Moreover, Korea's system reflects officially assessed property values annually, meaning holding taxes tend to rise each year. This year, sharp increases in assessed values are already leading to higher tax burdens. Raising holding tax rates further under such conditions risks amplifying market distortions and increasing uncertainty.

International comparisons also require caution. In New York, holding taxes account for a larger share of property taxation, but acquisition and capital gains taxes are relatively low, and assessments are largely based on purchase prices. This differs from Korea, where rising home prices directly increase tax burdens.

Singapore, often cited as a model, operates under a system close to land nationalization. It also exempts capital gains taxes for properties held more than three years, regardless of residency. These institutional differences make simple comparisons problematic.

Simply adopting higher tax rates from foreign cases without considering structural differences is unlikely to be effective. If the goal is to curb speculation, the tax system must function coherently in practice. Strengthening holding taxes requires a comprehensive redesign of the entire property tax framework, covering acquisition, ownership and transfer.

In particular, policymakers must ensure that high transaction taxes do not suppress market activity. Above all, housing supply remains critical. Without sufficient supply, tightening property taxes alone risks worsening distortions in the housing market rather than stabilizing prices.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Korea is set to implement a five-day vehicle rotation system — restricting cars from operating on one weekday each week — across the public sector starting at 12 a.m. on Wednesday as part of an energy-saving campaign to address energy supply disruptions caused by the prolonged war in the Middle East.

But the immediate impact is expected to be modest, as participation in the private sector remains voluntary and the affected vehicles account for less than 7 percent of the total fleet.

Still, the mandatory system marks the first such measure in 15 years, since oil prices surged past $100 a barrel in 2011, following political turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa. Should the policy be expanded to private vehicles, it would be the first time in 35 years since the 1991 Gulf War.

The measures were announced following Korea's upgrade of the oil-related resource security alert to the second of four levels — "caution" — after Iran's block of the Strait of Hormuz disrupted Korea's crude imports. The Energy Ministry's series of measures includes ways to minimize liquefied natural gas (LNG) consumption, implement stringent oil-saving and energy conservation policies, and accelerate the deployment of renewable energy and energy storage systems.

How the 5-day car restriction system works

The five-day vehicle rotation system restricts passenger cars from operating on designated weekdays based on the last digit of their license plates. For instance, vehicles with plate numbers ending in 1 or 6 are barred from the roads on Mondays, while those ending in 2 or 7 are restricted on Tuesdays.

However, cars used by people with disabilities, vehicles carrying pregnant women or young children, EVs and hydrogen cars are exempt from the mandatory restriction. Hybrid cars and small-sized cars, which had long been exempt under similar schemes, are included this time.

A voluntary system was already in place among public institutions, with no provisions for monitoring or penalties. The government plans to tighten enforcement by increasing compliance checks and imposing disciplinary measures on repeat violators.

The measure is expected to cover roughly 20,000 institutions across the country, including public agencies and schools, affecting about 1.5 million vehicles owned by government employees, or roughly 6.8 percent of all cars registered in Korea.

That will potentially save around 3,000 barrels of oil per day — a relatively modest figure compared to Korea's daily petroleum consumption of around 2.8 million barrels, a quarter of which is consumed by vehicles.

Public institutions that fail to comply with the system will receive warnings, and employees who violate the restrictions four or more times will face disciplinary action.

"If the energy supply crisis materializes, stronger measures will be unavoidable," Minister of Climate, Energy and Environment Kim Sung-whan said during a press briefing on Tuesday. "We will actively consider additional demand-reduction measures, such as remote work."

No mandatory measures are being pushed for the private sector as of now, but Kim said he is considering doing so if the nation's oil-related resource security alert worsens in the future.

The government also plans to temporarily encourage staggered commuting hours in public institutions and major corporations to help spread transportation demand.

The top 50 energy-consuming companies will be asked to develop energy-saving plans, with incentives such as priority access to financing for energy-efficiency facilities offered to those that meet their energy reduction targets.

Boosting nuclear, coal to cut LNG

Korea will expand operations at nuclear and coal-fired plants in a bid to curb LNG consumption, which has the greatest impact on electricity prices.

Fifteen out of 26 nuclear reactors are operational as of March 16, and of the 11 reactors undergoing maintenance, five are slated for reactivation ...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

Rookie girl group Baby DONT Cry is going against its own name with "Bittersweet," a song that evokes the ache of nostalgia — a feeling that can sometimes lead to tears.

"The lead track 'Bittersweet' reminds me of the moments that felt painful at the time but ultimately shaped me into who I am today," said leader Yihyun during a press showcase for Baby DONT Cry's first EP, "After Cry," at Blue Square in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on Tuesday.

"I believe the song will make everyone nostalgic [for something]," she added.

"After Cry" is scheduled to be released at 6 p.m. on Tuesday.

Baby DONT Cry — consisting of Yihyun and Beni from Korea and Kumi and Mia from Japan — debuted last June under P Nation, a K-pop agency founded by singer Psy. Soyeon, a member of the girl group i-dle, produced the quartet's first single, "F Girl" (2025).

Baby DONT Cry's unique name represents the members' determination to use their confidence and youthful energy to defy the stereotypes that come with the word "baby."

However, with its first and latest EP, "After Cry," the group aims to explore "not merely the moments after you finish crying, but the story behind why you shed those tears in the first place and how you ultimately wiped them away," according to Yihyun.

"After Cry" kicks off the "Tears" trilogy, with "We Bloom" and "Beyond the Limit" to follow. The release dates and formats of the upcoming installments have yet to be revealed.

The latest album features five songs: the lead track, "Bittersweet," and B-sides "Mama I'm all right," "Moves like Ciara," "Tears on My Pillow" and "Shapeshifter," the last of which was another prerelease.

"Bittersweet" was produced by prominent songwriter Ryan Jhun, known for smash hits such as girl group IVE's "Eleven" (2023) and boy band SHINee's "Lucifer" (2010). Jhun — alongside famed lyricist Kim Eana, best known for her work on singer IU's discography, including "Good Day" (2010) — was also credited on every other track except for "Moves Like Ciara."

According to the members, the lead track mirrors their own struggles and growth.

"This song reminded me of my earlier days in Korea," said Mia. "At the beginning, I used to struggle because I was far away from my family and alone in a foreign country. But now I'm standing on a stage like this [...] which makes me feel really grateful and happy."

"The song 'Bittersweet' and the album are not necessarily sad," noted Benny, who said that the lead track reminded her of her trainee days, when she had little time to make memories with her friends and classmates at school.

"Instead, the songs capture our growth — how we moved past that kind of sadness and continued to develop."

Now nearing its first debut anniversary, the group reflected on its growth over the past year.

"A year ago, when we held a debut showcase at exactly where we are right now, we were really nervous and scared," Benny shared. "But now I feel like we've gained the skills and confidence to express ourselves more clearly."

Looking forward, Yihyun wished that Baby DONT Cry would become a team that "inspires confidence" in others.

"We hope to fly to every place in the world where our fans are," she added.

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Actor Lee Seo-jin and renowned producer Nah Yung-suk head to Texas, with no set plan, relying solely on Lee's lead. Having built a 15-year relationship, the duo brings an almost romantic comedy-like chemistry that viewers can look forward to, according to the show's producer.

"While working on the postproduction, I found myself thinking they were like a bubbly, bright female lead and a cynical male lead," said producer Kim Ye-seul during the show's news conference held in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on Tuesday. "On set, it just felt like they had great back-and-forth chemistry, but as I kept rewatching the footage during editing, it really started to come across like a romantic comedy."

"Lee would complain, saying things like, 'Why do we even have to do this?' but then the moment he sees how much Nah enjoys it, he watches from the side with a pleased smile. It felt very much like a classic rom-com trope, with the male lead complaining at first, but then quietly smiling when he sees the female lead happy."

Aligning with this, the producer added that the viewers will also notice Lee's geotbasokchok charm, a Korean term describing a person who seems cold on the outside, but is warm and soft on the inside.

Produced by Nah and Kim, the reality show "Ready or Not: Texas" follows the crew traveling across the Lone Star State entirely according to Lee's plan and based on his preference — a state that Lee often mentioned as somewhere he would like to live after retirement.

The producer emphasized that the show differs from the typical travel reality shows, where the production team maps out a detailed itinerary.

"It definitely wasn't a standard travel course," producer Kim said. "We even joked that we'd be in trouble if anyone actually used our show as a guidebook for a trip to Dallas, Houston or anywhere in Texas."

Nah added, "It's not the kind of trip where you follow a guidebook. It really moves according to Lee's personal tastes. So I think part of the fun for viewers is simply watching where that journey takes them."

One particularly unconventional stop was a Korean gamjatang, or pork back-bone stew, restaurant located some distance from one of the major city centers.

"That restaurant is somewhere tourists would never normally go," Nah said. "The reason we ended up there wasn't because it's a well-known Korean restaurant in a big city, but because Lee insisted we had to try it."

"When we asked why, he said there's a large Samsung factory nearby, and a Korean restaurant where the employees regularly go would be on a completely different level from a typical touristy Korean restaurant. And when we heard that, it did sound pretty convincing. So, we actually went and tried it, and I remember being genuinely surprised by how good it was."

Lee added, "The place does better gamjatang than most you'd find in Seoul."

Following Lee's lead, the producers also visited a number of sports venues, including AT&T Stadium, home of the NFL team the Dallas Cowboys.

"There was one place Lee kept going on about even before the trip, saying we absolutely had to go, and that was the Cowboys' football stadium," Kim said. "When we finally got there, you could really see his genuine excitement come out."

Kim also noted that Lee often shared interesting facts and bits of history about the places they visited. However, some details later turned out to be inaccurate, leading the team to include occasional on-screen correction captions — something she believes will add entertainment to the viewing experience.

The show's earlier iteration, "New York New York," began as a YouTube project before being reworked for a global release, and the team admitted to feeling a certain level of pressure.

"To say there was no pressure would be a lie," Nah said. "The project actually started off quite casually, with us just thinking we'd film something fun for YouTube when Lee had free time."

"But once Net...

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Korea is now a democratic nation, but it was once a country ruled by kings and queens. But what if the monarch still existed?

That is the premise that many Korean dramas have explored, and now, MBC's upcoming series "Perfect Crown" is the latest to take on the theme.

Starring singer-actor IU and actor Byeon Woo-seok from "Lovely Runner" (2024), the series has less than a month until its release on April 10. It will also be available on Disney+.

Set in an alternate Korea under a constitutional monarchy, the show will center on Seong Hee-ju, an ordinary woman from a wealthy chaebol family, and Lee Wan, the King's second son, whose royal status limits his potential.

IU takes on the role of Hee-ju, while Byeon plays Wan. The show is directed by Park Joon-hwa, who was behind "Alchemy of Souls" (2022-23).

For those less familiar with this kind of fictional constitutional monarchy setting and looking for a taste of modern royal-themed K-dramas before the "Perfect Crown" airs, here are a few options to check out.

'Princess Hours'

The boom in fictional monarch dramas may well have started with MBC's 2006 hit "Princess Hours."

Based on the comic book of the same name by Park So-hee, the series follows Shin Chae-gyeong, an ordinary high school student whose life turns upside down as she ends up in an arranged marriage with the crown prince Lee Shin, the heir to the throne, due to a promise their grandfathers made long ago.

The bubbly and bright Chae-gyeong struggles to adjust to the strict rules and manners of palace life as a princess, while constantly clashing with her reserved and cold husband, who had feelings for another girl, Min Hyo-rin, before their marriage.

In the series, actor Yoon Eun-hye portrays Chae-gyeong, and actor Ju Ji-hoon, well known for his roles in Netflix's "Kingdom" (2019-20) and "The Trauma Code: Heroes on Call" (2025), portrayed Shin. Actor Song Ji-hyo and Kim Jeong-hoon also appear in the show, respectively taking the roles of Hyo-rin and Lee Yul, the son of the late crown prince Lee Soo.

The show was a massive hit at the time, reaching a 27.1 percent viewership rate, according to Nielsen Korea.

Its fashion also drew significant attention, blending modern styles with designs inspired by hanbok, traditional Korean attire, while also showcasing the garment itself.

Though it has been two decades since the drama concluded, it remains popular to this day, including its soundtracks, such as "Perhaps Love" (2006), still being brought up and covered by artists. It was also remade by singers Eric Nam and Cheeze in 2017. Even some of the series' short clips have surpassed 10 million views on YouTube.

'The King 2 Hearts'

The enemies-to-lovers trope is a staple in Korean dramas, often depicting that love can transcend nationality, status and even longstanding political conflict.

MBC's 2012 drama "The King 2 Hearts" shows this idea through a romance between characters from North and South Korea.

Set in an alternate Korea under a constitutional monarchy, the story follows the love story between a South Korean prince, Lee Jae-ha, and a North Korean special forces female officer, Kim Hang-ah. The two meet as they team up as a unified Korean team for a World Officer Championship. Though they start off on the wrong foot, displeased with each other, they gradually grow closer and fall in love. However, their relationship faces obstacles as tensions between the North and South escalate.

"The King 2 Hearts" stars singer-actor Lee Seung-gi and actor Ha Ji-won, respectively playing prince Jae-ha and officer Hang-ah. Alongside them, actor Cho Jung-seok takes the role of Eun Shi-kyung, an elite South Korea Military Academy-trained army captain, and Lee Yoon-ji as Lee Jae-shin, Jae-ha's younger sister.

Positioning itself as a "black comedy," the drama adds a political and realistic dimension by incorporating broader social and geopolitical issues beyond the love story...

The author is a cultural columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

"Swimming is life itself. Learning to breathe is training in handling anxiety and fear, and the rhythm of freestyle resembles balance and harmony in life. The flip turn is the courage to face the wall and change direction again."

Jung Kang-min, from "How is the pool water temperature today, Mr. Seneca?" (2025)

There is a saying that the later years of life should be devoted to the arts and physical pursuits. I began learning to swim after retiring. Progress is slow because I lack athletic ability, but it feels like a good decision. Standing alone in the water, I feel both fear and a sense of release. It is as if I have tasted a fragment of complete solitude. The author writes that in the water, one cannot think of anything else. There is only the need to breathe. This may be why swimming quickly leads to inner calm. It resembles the Stoic process of enduring discomfort to find inner peace.

As the title suggests, the book calls on Seneca and presents lessons in Stoic philosophy learned at the pool. It combines early morning swimming experiences with quotations from Stoic thinkers. Marcus Aurelius wrote that you become what you repeatedly do, and excellence is a habit. He also likened the world to a flowing river and said one must understand the current and swim accordingly. Epictetus advised not to expect events to happen as you wish, but to wish them as they are, so life can proceed smoothly. Seneca warned that haste is a form of weakness and that people complain about life being short while wasting much of their time.

Stoic philosophy offers a practical attitude for the later stages of life. It urges people to focus on intention rather than results. Epictetus emphasized that while one can control the beginning of an action, its outcome is decided by fortune. One should do one's best without clinging to results. What humans can control are perception and action, while everything else lies beyond their reach. Dissatisfaction arises when people seek fulfillment in what they cannot control.

This perspective aligns with the discipline of swimming, where each breath and stroke must be managed within one's limits. Accepting the water as it is, rather than resisting it, allows the swimmer to move forward with steadiness and less fear, offering a quiet lesson on how to live in an uncertain world today.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Yoon Byung-se

The author is a former foreign minister of Korea and former chair of the REAIM Global Commission on Responsible AI in the Military Domain.

"Humanity must not entrust its fate to the black box of algorithms."

Despite this warning by United Nations Secretary General António Guterres, the international order is already shifting toward a reality in which artificial intelligence is becoming a decisive factor in warfare. Conflicts such as the Russia-Ukraine war, the Israel-Hamas war and the recent U.S.-Israel confrontation with Iran demonstrate how AI is being integrated into key stages of the kill chain. Compared to the precision warfare of the Gulf War or the network-centric operations of the Iraq War, AI now plays a coordinating role on the battlefield, reshaping both the speed and structure of war.

In the Iran conflict, AI fuses data from satellites, signals intelligence, drones and radar in real time, compressing the kill chain to minutes. This enables simultaneous implementation of multidomain operations under frameworks such as Combined Joint All-Domain Command and Control. The ability to strike thousands of targets in a short period reflects this structural transformation. It also aligns with the evolution of the Maven project initiated during the first U.S. President Donald Trump administration, expanded under former U.S. President Joe Biden and further accelerated in its battlefield application during Trump's second term. By combining "data integration" with "meaning integration," AI is redefining how wars are conducted.

After the Sept. 11 attacks, a bipartisan commission criticized intelligence agencies for failing to "connect the dots." Today, AI is increasingly addressing that gap. Information gathered through multiple channels is integrated into a common operational picture, while the kill chain is evolving into a "kill web" that incorporates cyberoperations to disable adversaries. At the Responsible AI in the Military domain (REAIM) summit hosted by Korea in September 2024, the United States outlined six domains for military AI application: intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, command and control, logistics, human-machine teaming, simulation and operations in space, cyber and electromagnetic. These domains underscore AI's central role in modern warfare.

The U.S. Department of Defense now refers to "algorithmic warfare" and "AI-enabled battlefield operations," while China promotes its doctrine of what it calls "intelligentized warfare." Discussions in Washington increasingly center on the arrival of an AI war era.

Examples from recent conflicts further illustrate this shift. Drone swarms and loitering munitions in Ukraine, as well as systems such as Lavender and Gospel used in Gaza, show how AI can dramatically accelerate targeting and operational tempo. Even at an early stage, military AI is already shaping the pace of war beyond conventional weapons systems, while the scope of human decision-making continues to narrow. The temptation to move toward fully autonomous weapons is likely to grow.

These changes are elevating AI competition to the core of military rivalry. Victory in unseen domains increasingly determines outcomes on the battlefield. Some analysts argue that AI capabilities now carry strategic significance comparable to tactical nuclear weapons. Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger once predicted that AI would shape the global order of the 21st century, a forecast that is now approaching reality.

Yet the pace of military AI development far outstrips global governance efforts. Intergovernmental discussions on lethal autonomous weapons systems, United Nations (UN) resolutions and REAIM initiatives continue, but the gap between norms and reality has widened during Trump's second term. A central issue is how to maintain human control and define the acceptable scope of autonomy. Recent tensions involving the U.S. Department of Defense and the AI firm Anthropic, which was d...

The author is the chief editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Korea's economy is facing its most serious test since the 2008 global financial crisis and the 2020 Covid-19 pandemic. The conflict in the Middle East has triggered a trio of pressures: high inflation, a weak currency and elevated interest rates. With about 90 percent of Korea's imported crude oil passing through the Strait of Hormuz, concerns are growing over a possible energy crisis in April. Even if the war ends soon, normalization is expected to take three to five years. Economist Paul Krugman has warned of emerging signs of stagflation, recalling the oil shocks of the 1970s.

What is puzzling is the relative absence of Korea's economic leadership in this emergency. Despite financial market volatility, few officials have stepped forward. In the immediate aftermath of the Iran conflict, it was not the government but the Bank of Korea that first sought to calm markets, noting that interest rates and exchange rates had risen excessively relative to fundamentals. The so-called F4 meeting, involving Deputy Prime Minister Koo Yun-cheol, Bank of Korea Gov. Rhee Chang-yong, Financial Services Commission Chairman Lee Eok-won and Financial Supervisory Service Gov. Lee Chan-jin, has rarely convened. Among them, only the central bank chief appears to command market confidence. With his term nearing its end, concerns are rising that even this voice may soon be absent.

The weakening of the economic team reflects a broader decline in the civil service. During Korea's era of state-led development, government officials wielded considerable authority and prestige. Top talent gravitated toward economic ministries, and senior officials often played decisive roles in shaping policy. Even around the early 2000s, figures such as Jin Nyum, Jeon Yun-cheol, Lee Hun-jai, Kang Bong-kyun, Kang Man-soo and Yoon Jeung-hyun led economic policy with clear conviction and strong leadership. That era, which extended through the mid-2000s, saw experienced officials guide the country through financial crises.

Today, many of the most capable individuals choose the private sector, where compensation is higher and career prospects are clearer. Public service offers fewer incentives, while the risks have increased. Officials who simply followed instructions have at times faced legal consequences, discouraging initiative. Frequent travel between Seoul and Sejong has also eroded morale and sense of mission.

Frequent changes in government have further weakened the bureaucracy. Senior officials are often labeled according to the administration under which they rose, making them vulnerable to replacement after political transitions. Politicians and politically affiliated academics frequently rotate through key posts, while experienced bureaucrats leave prematurely. As a result, the pool of capable officials has steadily shrunk. Faced with this environment, many civil servants either align themselves with political currents or remain passive to avoid risk.

Another factor is President Lee Jae Myung's hands-on leadership style. He tends to set clear directions and advance policies with specific instructions, leaving little room for independent judgment within the economic team. Since the start of the year, the president has taken the lead on a wide range of issues, including stock market measures, taxation on multiple homeowners, investigations into collusion, a nationwide farmland survey, fuel price caps, supplementary budgets, pension reforms and vehicle rationing schemes.

Supporters within the ruling camp praise his attention to detail, noting his administrative experience and decisiveness. A senior presidential official described him as someone who does not hesitate. His approach often produces swift results and addresses public concerns effectively.

However, no president can oversee every issue in detail, nor should policy be determined solely by one individual's preferences. Decisions must be evaluat...