Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

A bill introducing a constitutional complaint against court rulings — criticized as creating a de facto fourth trial — passed the National Assembly's Legislation and Judiciary Committee on Wednesday under the leadership of the ruling party.

The proposed revision to the Constitutional Court Act would allow individuals to file complaints with the Constitutional Court even after a Supreme Court ruling has become final. Both the opposition and the Supreme Court have warned that the measure could be unconstitutional, but the ruling party plans to push the bill through a plenary session within the month.

Democratic Party leader Jung Chung-rae said at a party meeting that the legislation would be processed "on schedule, without delay or compromise." It is difficult to understand the urgency, given that the proposal would bring major changes to Korea's judicial system and that sufficient public consensus has yet to be formed.

The National Court Administration, which operates under the Supreme Court, submitted an opinion to the Assembly stating that the system cannot be introduced by legislation alone without a constitutional amendment. While the proposal cites Germany as a model, legal structures differ significantly. In Germany, the Federal Constitutional Court holds the highest judicial authority under the Basic Law. Korea's Constitution, however, designates the Supreme Court as the highest court. According to the Supreme Court's position, introducing a fourth level of review through legislation would therefore conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitutional Court has taken a different view, arguing that violations of fundamental rights arising from court rulings should also be subject to constitutional review. Given the sharp disagreement between the two constitutional institutions, careful deliberation is warranted before moving forward.

The constitutional complaint bill is part of a broader package of judicial measures promoted by the ruling party. The other proposals include increasing the number of Supreme Court justices and introducing a new criminal offense for judicial distortion. The bill to expand the number of justices also cleared the committee yesterday, while the judicial distortion measure had already passed the committee last December and is awaiting a plenary vote.

The ruling party frames the initiatives as judicial reform, but the opposition argues they amount to an attempt to exert control over the judiciary. Some observers also question whether the accelerated timetable reflects political calculations, including concerns about potential legal risks facing President Lee Jae Myung after leaving office.

Even a ruling party with a parliamentary majority must respect the independence of the judiciary as guaranteed by the Constitution. Otherwise, the principle of separation of powers could be fundamentally weakened. Rather than pressing ahead with controversial legislation, the ruling party should suspend its push and seek broader social consensus by gathering views from across society.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice.

"I want to reach a point where I don't seem to be acting any more," said Zo in a recent interview to promote his latest blockbuster, the 23.5 billion won ($16.2 million) espionage drama "Humint."

"After years of experience, the challenge becomes that nothing is new any more. What I can do differently within those boundaries is always a concern. Now I consider standing still to also be a form of evolution. As a matter of fact, it's hard to do nothing in front of the camera. I tell myself 'let's do nothing this time' or 'let's see how I turn out on camera when doing nothing'."

The pursuit of this acting method is partially reflected in "Humint," where he plays a South Korean intelligence agent named Manager Zo whose role is to gather information through a network of human sources, or humint. Although Zo the actor pulls off a bunch of intense action sequences in the movie, his character overall is less expressive compared to those portrayed by co-stars Park Jeong-min and Park Hae-joon.

"Humint" is an espionage action film by renowned director Ryoo Seung-wan. In the film, the Manager Zo character heads to Vladivostok to track down a high-profile crime that involves both the Russian mafia and the North Korean government. There, he meets Chae Seon-hwa, a North Korean restaurant server played by Shin Sae-kyeong and North Korean agent Park Geon, depicted by Park Jeong-min.

Zo In-sung debuted as a model in 1998. He started his acting career by joining the hit sitcom "Three Guys and Three Girls" (1996-1999). Quickly rising to stardom, his early projects mostly focused on intense romances such as "What Happened in Bali" (2004), where he co-starred with Lim Soo-jung, and "Spring Day" (2005) with Go Hyun-jung.

The actor shone in these vehicles through his emotionally charged performances, sometimes crying his eyes out or wailing in grief. But such intensely heart-wrenching roles left little room for restraint, or for moments of "not acting."

His approach began to shift when he worked with acclaimed screenwriter Noh Hee-kyung for "That Winter, the Wind Blows" (2013), said Zo.

"She would always tell me to stand still and deliver the line simply. When I feel unsure about my performance, I tend to fidget. But the character I was playing wasn't an anxious person, so I tried to act in a more composed way. I'm not saying this approach is 'right,' but that's the direction I am putting more value into these days. Both in my life and in my acting, I try to keep things simpler nowadays."

Zo hinted that such an approach may be reflected a bit more in his upcoming film "Possible Love" (working title), where for the first time he will be working with an auteur director.

"Possible Love" is a romance film directed by Lee Chang-dong, who is best-known for deeply psychological or tragic films such as "Burning" (2018). In the new film, Zo will be acting next to big names like Jeon Do-yeon and Sul Kyung-gu. "Possible Love" is slated for release in the second half of the year on Netflix.

"I am very anxious to see how I show up on the screen because Lee is known for his auteur styles," he said.

Aside from "Humint" and "Possible Love," Zo has another project releasing this summer: Na Hong-jin's mystery thriller "Hope."

"Humint" was released in local theaters on Wednesday. The film accounted for nearly 40 percent of total ticket reservations as of Wednesday morning according to Korea Film Council.

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice.

When the latest high-profile prisoner-of-war (POW) exchange between Russia and Ukraine took place on Feb. 5, 314 individuals walked toward freedom — but two names were conspicuously absent: Ri and Baek, the North Korean soldiers captured in the Kursk region about a year earlier.

Seized by Ukrainian forces in early 2025, they have since publicly expressed a wish to resettle in South Korea, as they could face severe punishment — potentially even death — if forced back to North Korea.

Their case has since become a high-stakes test of international law, pitting the rigid mandates of the Geneva Conventions, which call for POWs to be returned to their home country, against the fundamental principle of non-refoulement — the prohibition on returning individuals to states where there are substantial grounds to believe they will meet with irreparable harm.

While Seoul maintains that the two are South Korean citizens under its Constitution, the dilemma is reaching a tipping point as momentum for a cease-fire builds.

The consensus among lawmakers, experts and activists is that Ukraine can, and should, leverage international law to transfer the men to South Korea as a willing third state, prioritizing the principle of non-refoulement over mandatory repatriation. By framing the transfer as a humanitarian necessity rather than a political provocation, experts suggest Seoul can fulfill its constitutional duty to protect its citizens while minimizing the risk of North Korean retaliation.

The legal duel

Under South Korea's Constitution, North Korean nationals are considered citizens of the Republic of Korea, giving Seoul a legal basis to accept the two POWs.

However, on the international stage, the tug-of-war centers on the interpretation of the 1949 Third Geneva Convention.

Article 118 of the Convention stipulates that POWs should be released and repatriated "without delay" after the end of active hostilities. Under a literal reading, this would mandate the return of Ri and Baek to North Korea upon the signing of a cease-fire.

Sung Jae-ho, a professor emeritus of Sungkyunkwan University's law school, however, argues that the principle of non-refoulement serves as a "superior norm" that all states must follow.

"The established interpretation in international law and the UN is that the obligation for repatriation under Article 118 is not absolute," Sung said. "It must reflect the voluntary will of the prisoner."

Sung points to UN General Assembly Resolution 610, adopted in 1952. A pivotal document from the 1950-53 Korean War, the resolution affirmed that "force shall not be used against prisoners of war to prevent or effect their return to their homelands."

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), in its updated Commentaries on the Third Geneva Convention, states that the obligation to repatriate under Article 118 must be interpreted in line with the principle of non-refoulement as reflected in international human rights law. Under this framework, as the ICRC notes, states are barred from transferring any person under their control if there are "substantial grounds" for believing they would be in danger in the receiving state.

While the ICRC Commentary is not legally binding, it is widely treated as persuasive interpretive guidance.

If they are repatriated to the North via Russia, "there is a strong likelihood" that the charge of treason would apply, the Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU) said in a report published Monday.

Under North Korea's criminal code revised on Dec. 24, 2023, the report noted, the offense carries at least five years of "reform through labor," and in particularly serious cases, life terms or the death penalty, along with confiscation of property.

"Given their capture as prisoners of war, their publicly expressed desire to go to South Korea, and their interviews with international media, the North Korean POWs could be deemed a 'par...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Polestar will bring the Polestar 3 and Polestar 5 to the Korean market this year, signaling its ambition to cement its stature as a luxury EV marque.

The initiative comes amid robust sales in Korea of low-cost EVs made in China, particularly from Tesla and BYD, prompting the Swedish automaker to assertively try to distinguish itself from other China-made brands. Korea is the Swedish marque's top market in Asia, and sixth-largest globally.

Polestar has set a sales target of 4,000 units this year, a roughly 35 percent increase over last year's sales.

"If 2025 was devoted to laying the foundation for growth with the Polestar 4, this year marks our deliberate ascent as a luxury EV marque," said Ham Jong-sung, managing director of Polestar Korea, on Wednesday at a media event in central Seoul.

"We eschew discount-driven tactics that could undermine brand equity or sow confusion. Our strategy hinges on principled pricing and the cultivation of trust in the Polestar brand."

The Polestar 3, the brand's inaugural performance SUV, marries sleek Scandinavian design with a maximum range of 635 kilometers (394 miles) based on Europe's WLTP cycle. It is slated for a second-quarter launch, with deliveries expected in the third quarter.

The Polestar 5, a four-door performance grand tourer, delivers a formidable 884 horsepower and 103.5 kilogram-meters (749.0 pound-feet) of torque, with a range of up to 678 kilometers.

The pricing has not been disclosed, but Ham said both models would be offered in Korea at the "most compelling and competitive" rates among the 28 countries where the brand operates.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

GS Global held a company-wide blood drive on Wednesday, joining efforts to ease seasonal blood shortages.

Employees, including CEO Kim Sung-won, participated voluntarily in the drive, which was conducted aboard a blood donation bus operated by the Korean Red Cross stationed outside the company's headquarters in Gangnam District, southern Seoul.

Participants were offered small tokens of appreciation, including coffee vouchers and the recently trendy "Dujjonku," a portmanteau of "Dubai" and the Korean words for "chewy" and "cookie."

Beyond blood donation, GS Global has expanded its corporate social responsibility efforts to include scholarships for high school students and support for underprivileged communities.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Hyundai Engineering and Construction (Hyundai E&C) on Tuesday hosted a nuclear technology seminar in Dallas, Texas, bringing together more than 100 local nuclear firms as it seeks to position itself to capitalize on Donald Trump's so-called "Nuclear Renaissance."

With the Trump administration aiming to provide scientific discovery through its nuclear power development, driven by mounting electricity shortages as AI data centers proliferate, years of stalled reactor construction in the United States have hollowed out the industry's execution capacity, leaving design firms intact but few contractors capable of delivering large-scale nuclear projects.

The seminar has been designed to deepen local understanding of nuclear construction and to strengthen ties with U.S. companies, Hyundai said.

The event covered the technical and operational complexities unique to nuclear construction, including industry standards, major mechanical installation processes, modular construction concepts and procedures, specialized nuclear trades, heavy-lift operations, nuclear facility architecture, and workforce training.

More than 100 companies from across the U.S. nuclear and construction sectors attended, including Texas-based contractors and several top-ranked firms, some of which entered into partnerships with Hyundai E&C last year to explore potential collaboration.

Hyundai E&C signed a front-end engineering design (FEED) contract with Fermi America last year for the construction of four large-scale reactors in the U.S. firm's 11-gigawatt integrated energy campus, known as Project Matador, near Amarillo, Texas.

Hyundai is currently working toward securing an engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) contract in the first half of this year, focusing on site layout planning, cooling system evaluations, and cost and schedule estimates.

"We hope that this seminar, which shared practical knowledge and know-how across the full range of large-scale nuclear construction disciplines while showcasing Hyundai E&C's global expertise and technical capabilities, will contribute to increasing participation by leading local construction companies in nuclear power projects," said Hyundai E&C.

This article is by Sarah Chea, Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

In the industrial corridors surrounding Samsung Electronics' Pyeongtaek plant and SK hynix's plant in Icheon, both in Gyeonggi, executives from overseas auto parts makers have quietly gathered in recent weeks, lingering nearby in an unusual show of urgency. Their message has been simple and increasingly insistent: Make chips for cars.

A shortage of memory chips is starting to be felt in the automotive sector as chipmakers funnel their scarce capacity into lucrative AI- and data-center-driven memory, pushing low-margin automotive chips to the back of the line.

The supply crunch has already begun to take hold, and should it intensify, it will raise concerns over returning to the nightmare of the Covid-19-era chip shortage, when car production lines around the world ground to a halt for want of a single chip. For now, automakers' inventories should shield consumers from delivery delays through the first half of the year, but if companies fail to secure sufficient chip supply now, disruptions to end product deliveries could start to emerge in the second half.

Korean auto-parts makers such as Hyundai Mobis are already fighting a battle for survival to secure supplies of automotive semiconductors, where prices have jumped by more than 50 percent compared to 2025 levels.

"Prices for auto chips have already risen 52 percent from last year, and we expect further rises," said an executive at one of Korea's major auto parts manufacturers, speaking on condition of anonymity. "Even at elevated prices, securing volume has become the overriding priority."

Counterpoint Research forecasts that memory prices, after increasing roughly 50 percent in the fourth quarter of last year, will climb by a similar margin again in the first quarter of this year. If those projections hold, that would mean that memory prices will have more than doubled within just six months.

S&P Global warned that shortages of automotive dynamic random access memory (DRAM) could push prices up by 70 to 100 percent in 2026 compared to 2025 levels. Such increases would be particularly painful for premium vehicles equipped with advanced cockpit systems and autonomous driving features, which already incorporated more than $150 worth of DRAM per vehicle in 2025.

"We could also see some anecdotal disruption to car production triggered mostly by panic buying however," the report said. "Indeed the DRAM shelves are currently being emptied and an artificial shortage may occur."

Automakers typically carry about 150 days of inventory, but beyond that buffer lies the real risk, as Samsung and SK hynix are prioritizing highly profitable high bandwidth memory over the relatively inexpensive chips used in vehicles, riding the AI and data center boom.

More than 90 percent of the global memory semiconductor market is controlled by just three companies — Samsung Electronics, SK hynix and Micron — with auto chips accounting for some 10 percent of their total production.

"Even producing high-priced chips isn't enough to meet demand right now. Why would we burn valuable factory capacity making cheap chips for cars?" said an engineer handling memory chips at one of Korea's major chipmakers.

EVs are expected to be hit hardest. Barclays estimated that for models such as Tesla's Model 3 and Model Y, a sustained rise in memory prices could lift the bill of materials by roughly 1 percent.

"After the pandemic, automakers have built inventories of automotive semiconductors sufficient for roughly six months to a year," said Esther Lim, an auto industry analyst at Samsung Securities. "Memory shortages could begin to affect vehicle production from the second half of 2026, but we do not expect a shock on the scale seen during the pandemic."

Some experts argue that the industry may be forced to rethink vehicle design itself, shifting toward architectures that rely on fewer semiconductors. Due to safety requireme...

The author is an architect and a former president of the Korea National University of Arts.

Paju Book City stands as a rare example of a cultural district created through collective vision and long-term cooperation. The project began in 1988, when seven publishers proposed building a publishing and cultural complex to strengthen an industry then dominated by small, scattered firms. Their goal was to gather publishing houses in one place and create a city that would function as both an industrial base and a cultural space.

More than 360 companies later formed a joint fund and petitioned the government. In 1997, they secured a 1.4 million-square-meter (346-acre) site in Munbal-dong, Paju, laying the foundation for what would become Korea's largest publishing cluster.

From the planning stage, leading architects including Min Hyun-sik, Seung H-Sang and Kim Young-joon were invited as coordinators to establish urban design principles and architectural guidelines. To ensure public value, building volumes were carefully adjusted, while sustainable materials and restrained color schemes were recommended to maintain visual harmony.

The city was divided into several blocks, each encouraging certain building types such as rocklike, bookshelf-type or freestanding structures. Open spaces known as "wind paths" were secured between buildings to improve airflow and preserve shared public areas. The approach reflected a high level of urban design intended to integrate individual architecture into a coherent cityscape.

A key principle was what participants described as a "great contract." Decisions on architect selection and design direction were entrusted to a professional pool, ensuring both architectural autonomy and consistency with the city's philosophy. About 60 architects participated, producing more than 150 buildings within a shared framework.

The result is a collection of distinctive works, including the Asia Publication Information Center and headquarters for major publishers such as Hangilsa, Woongjin ThinkBig and Sakyejul. International architects also joined the project, contributing buildings such as those for Yeolhwadang and Mimesis and strengthening the city's global standing.

Paju Book City demonstrates that diverse architecture can coexist within a unified urban structure that prioritizes public space. It has become a hub for the knowledge industry, covering the entire process from planning and editing to distribution, and has attracted international academic interest as a rare architecture-centered industrial city.

The district nonetheless faces structural limits. With relatively weak residential and commercial functions, its capacity for self-sustaining urban life remains limited. Even so, its success has encouraged expansion. A second-phase publishing and media complex is underway, and nearby Heyri Art Valley, developed in a similar spirit, continues to draw visitors.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The government's real estate policy appears to be moving toward what many describe as "Moon Jae-in season two." The details differ, but the overall direction of comprehensive regulation closely resembles the approach of the previous administration. Including similar measures under the Roh Moo-hyun government two decades ago, this marks the third time a Democratic Party (DP) administration has relied heavily on regulatory intervention.

The policies are not identical. If the Moon government's measures were considered relatively moderate, the current administration under President Lee Jae Myung is viewed as significantly more aggressive.

The strongest step so far has been a sweeping expansion of land transaction permit zones. The system was used selectively under Moon but never at this scale. In April 2020, then-Seoul Mayor Park Won-soon first designated parts of Jamsil, Samsung, Daechi and Cheongdam as restricted areas. Although officially a land transaction permit system, it effectively functioned as a housing transaction approval mechanism.

At the time, the restrictions were applied to selected neighborhoods rather than the entire city. The current administration, however, took a far broader approach under its Oct. 15, 2025, measures, designating all 25 districts of Seoul and 12 areas in southern Gyeonggi as permit zones. Homes with existing tenants cannot be freely bought or sold, effectively blocking transactions. Despite growing complaints, the government has refused to ease the policy, citing the need to curb gap investment.

The key question is whether the measures have achieved their intended goal of stabilizing housing prices. Official data suggest otherwise. According to the Korea Real Estate Board, Seoul home prices have continued to rise every week even after the expansion. At one point this year, the weekly increase exceeded 0.3 percent, a level previously considered a sign of overheating during the Moon administration.

Private data show an even clearer trend. According to KB Real Estate, weekly apartment prices in Seoul rose by more than 0.3 percent for three consecutive weeks beginning last month. The figures suggest that while transaction controls may temporarily suppress activity, their effect does not last.

The government is now preparing additional measures, this time focused on taxation. A campaign pledge not to use taxes to control housing prices appears to have been abandoned. The first step is the reinstatement of heavier capital gains taxes on owners of multiple homes. Starting May 10, sellers with multiple properties will face a tax burden of up to 82.5 percent on capital gains.

The policy is based on the view that profits from multiple-home ownership constitute unearned income that should be largely recaptured through taxation. The next logical step could be higher property holding taxes.

Raising capital gains taxes without adjusting holding taxes may reduce the already limited supply of homes on the market. Owners who do not sell pay no capital gains tax, giving them an incentive to wait for policy changes or a future easing of regulations. As a result, the market could face a growing shortage of listings.

There may be a temporary increase in supply during any grace period before higher taxes take effect, but such effects tend to disappear once the deadline passes.

Korea has experienced a similar policy cycle before. The measures announced on July 10, 2020, under the Moon administration strengthened tax burdens at every stage of property ownership, acquisition and sale. At the time, then Finance Minister Hong Nam-ki said the government would sharply increase taxes across the board while temporarily delaying the higher capital gains tax until June 2021 to encourage sales.

The outcome is widely remembered. Housing prices surged, and a phrase describing people who delayed buying homes in line with government signals only to be priced out by the s...

Ko Jung-ae

The author is the editor-in-chief at the JoongAng Sunday.

Political theorist Waller Newell observed that leadership requires both boldness and conviction. But steadfastness does not mean refusing to change when circumstances demand it. For example, he noted that those who expected ideological consistency or policy continuity often grew frustrated with U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt.

Newell's point makes sense. Even the best choices lose their usefulness over time. People, policies and institutions all reach limits. Another scholar once acknowledged the change in opinion on Korea's single five-year presidential term, saying that after watching a succession of unqualified leaders, a shorter term might be preferable to an eight-year system of re-election.

Even so, President Lee Jae Myung's recent policy shifts raise concerns. The changes have come within a short period and have been accompanied by limited explanation, making it difficult to see them as the result of careful deliberation.

At the end of May last year, Lee said he would not rely on taxation to control housing prices. He argued that suppley and demand are the key forces that move the real estate market, so suppressing demand can create a balloon effect. "The goal of policy is price stability," he said, adding that his administration would differ from previous progressive governments, which relied heavily on demand restrictions.

The remarks reflected a reassessment of the policy failures experienced under the Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in administrations. They were widely seen as pragmatic. As recently as late last month, Lee reiterated that taxes should be used only as a last resort and that he intended to delay such measures as much as possible.

But just two days later, Lee announced the end of a grace period on higher capital gains taxes for owners of multiple homes and has since adopted increasingly strong rhetoric. He has also suggested possible disadvantages for single-home owners who do not reside in the property.

Housing prices may have risen more quickly than expected, and supply measures may not have been as effective as hoped. But questions remain about whether these developments justify a return to policy approaches associated with earlier Democratic Party administrations. Rather than explaining the complex background and policy tradeoffs, Lee has largely relied on sharply divisive language.

A similar pattern has appeared in foreign policy. The Korea-U.S. summit was allegedly so successful that no joint statement was needed, but that stance has since encountered difficulties. More recently, the president attributed the problems to the National Assembly, a claim that confused some observers, given the administration's broader legislative success.

There have also been notable shifts in Korea-Japan relations. Two years ago, Lee described the radioactive wastewater released into the ocean from Japan's Fukushima nuclear plant as a threat to public health. Though the problem persists, Lee has remained largely silent while maintaining cordial relationships with Japanese leaders.

Prioritizing improved ties is likely appropriate, given the current geopolitical conditions. Still, when a president changes their position or tone, they have an obligation to explain why. Otherwise, society risks repeating cycles of intense public backlash driven by emotion rather than understanding.

Leadership involves presenting a clear direction for the future by explaining present choices. When current statements differ from past ones, the reasons behind that change must be made clear. Only then can today's words carry credibility.

If today's message cannot account for yesterday's, then there is little reason to expect tomorrow's to remain consistent. Where explanation is absent, speculation, suspicion and cynicism tend to take its place.

It is unlikely that such an outcome is what the president intends.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated ...