Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

A silver medal awarded at the 2026 Milan-Cortina Winter Olympics on Sunday felt like a scene from a drama. Snowboarder Kim Sang-kyum won Korea's first medal in the men's parallel giant slalom, surprising many as an athlete long regarded as an underdog.

Kim, now 37, was competing in his fourth consecutive Olympics. Despite his experience, his previous best finish had been 15th. Few expected him to stand on the podium at this stage of his career.

His achievement was the result of years of persistence. As a child, Kim began snowboarding to overcome asthma. At a time when the sport had little institutional support in Korea and no corporate teams, he worked temporary construction jobs to pay for training. Driven simply by a desire to keep riding, he endured years of obscurity before reaching the Olympic podium.

In the final, Kim missed the gold medal by just 0.19 seconds. Rather than showing disappointment, he expressed sincere joy and bowed deeply to his family and teammates who had supported him. The moment stood out as a reminder of the spirit of sportsmanship.

Another powerful story unfolded on the alpine skiing course. Lindsey Vonn, the American skiing legend, returned at age 41 to compete in her fifth Olympics despite a history of serious injuries. While attempting to become the oldest medalist in alpine skiing, she suffered another major injury and was airlifted to a hospital.

Even during the evacuation, Vonn encouraged her teammate, Breezy Johnson, who went on to win the gold medal. Some observers questioned whether her attempt was reckless, but her determination to push her limits and her support for a teammate left a strong impression.

These unscripted moments highlight the enduring meaning of the Olympics in the age of AI. At a time when social media is filled with polished videos and narratives generated by AI, the Games present the raw reality of human effort, failure, uncertainty and triumph.

Kim's precise board control, refined through years outside the spotlight, and Vonn's willingness to risk injury to push her limits represent qualities that cannot be replicated by machines. They reflect experience shaped by time, hardship and personal conviction.

As AI technology becomes more advanced, it is increasingly capable of producing convincing images, stories and even simulations of human achievement. Yet the emotional weight of genuine struggle and the unpredictability of real competition remain uniquely human.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

SEJONG — U.S. President Donald Trump's threat to raise tariffs on Korean goods to 25 percent will be put on hold once Seoul passes a special trade bill with the United States in early March, Korea's Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan said Monday.

"The central misunderstanding was the idea that Korea acted deliberately to delay its pledged investment while Japan proceeded through project-based arrangements without legislation," Kim said during a briefing at the government complex in Sejong.

"We explained Korea's environment, which requires a formal legal framework, and why it takes so long, and that distinction has now been clarified," Kim said. "President Trump had explicitly cited the delayed process as the rationale for reconsidering higher tariffs, and given that context, we assess that the tariff increase will very likely be deferred once the legislation is enacted."

President Trump on Jan. 26 threatened to reinstate a 25 percent tariff on Korean goods, citing delays in the country's legislative process.

Korea's National Assembly on Monday convened a plenary session and approved the formation of a special parliamentary committee tasked with advancing a bill authorizing $350 billion in strategic investments that Korea pledged to make in the United States in exchange for lowering tariffs from 25 percent to 15 percent.

Passage of the bill is regarded as a prerequisite for fulfilling Seoul's investment commitment.

The newly established committee is scheduled to operate for one month, through March 9, with lawmakers expecting the bill to clear the Assembly within that time frame.

Following the vote, Woo Won-shik, the speaker of the National Assembly, urged lawmakers to address the issue "within February if possible," given its urgency and consequences.

"Publication in the U.S. Federal Register typically takes anywhere from three days to a week, but given that nothing has been published about Korea yet, I think our efforts have been conveyed to the United States," he said.

Kim also firmly dismissed any connection between the tariff and a recent controversy involving Coupang, calling the two matters "entirely separate."

"When issues arise, there is a tendency to bundle unrelated problems together in hopes of resolving them all at once," he said. "At this stage, we are simply raising areas of concern, and the tariff threat was clearly tied to the passage of legislation — nothing more."

When asked about measures in anticipation of the pending U.S. Supreme Court ruling on the legality of Trump's reciprocal tariffs, Kim said he had "activated contingency plans," explaining that Seoul was "preparing for all scenarios" regarding the decision, including fully unconstitutional, partially unconstitutional and constitutional rulings.

The ruling has been delayed several times and is now expected as early as Feb. 23.

Meanwhile, Kim also expressed a sense of responsibility for a controversial press release issued recently by the Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI), which linked Korea's high inheritance taxes to an exodus of wealthy people.

"Because it came from an institution with the authority of the KCCI, many people were likely to accept it as credible," Kim said, adding that he will impose appropriate disciplinary measures pending the results of an internal audit.

President Lee Jae Myung weighed in on social media on Saturday, saying that "deliberate fake news intended to distort the judgment of the people — the sovereign architects of policy — is an enemy of democracy," and called for strict accountability and measures to prevent a recurrence.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Samsung SDI teamed up with Korea East-West Power to jointly develop and invest in global energy storage systems (ESS) and renewable energy projects.

Under the agreement inked on Feb. 6 in Indiana, the two companies will collaborate on both domestic and international energy projects, exploring new business models that combine renewable energy integration with grid stabilization services.

They also plan to jointly advance energy management services at Samsung SDI's Ulsan facility.

The partnership comes as ESS products emerge as a major profit opportunity for battery makers amid slowing EV demand.

Samsung SDI currently offers a broad lineup of ESS products, ranging from auxiliary power solutions such as uninterruptible power supplies and battery backup units to grid-scale energy storage solutions.

This article is by Cho Jung-woo and read by an artificial voice.

A massive steel claw descends into a dim bunker piled high with garbage, sinking into layers of discarded waste before tightly gripping a tangled heap of trash.

The claw then rises slowly, its metal jaws clenched around bulging garbage bags, hovering in the air near one of three towering incinerators. The furnace openings remain open and dark, their entrances rimmed with stray debris left from earlier operations.

The entire scene unfolds behind a wide pane of reinforced glass, where an official stands at a control panel, carefully controlling a joystick to guide the claw's movements, almost like an oversize arcade machine.

Most of the waste is sealed in pay-as-you-throw bags, their designs varying by district.

On Wednesday morning, the cycle unfolded as it does nearly every day at the Mapo Resource Recovery Plant in western Seoul.

That routine now lies at the center of mounting concern over how Seoul manages its trash under new rules on the management of household waste, which came into effect this year.

In January, the central government banned the direct landfilling of household waste across the greater Seoul area, including Gyeonggi and Incheon, cutting off a longstanding outlet for garbage that was buried without pretreatment.

Seoul's response and its limits

Since the landfill ban took effect, Seoul has moved to rely more heavily on incineration, framing expanded and modernized facilities as central to managing household waste in the years ahead.

The Mapo Resource Recovery Plant is one of four public incinerators operated by the Seoul Metropolitan Government, processing household waste from five districts in central and western Seoul. From midnight to 8 a.m., Monday through Saturday, garbage trucks cycle through the facility, unloading trash that the city increasingly plans to manage through a mix of reduction, recycling and incineration.

That shift underpins Seoul's longstanding plan to expand capacity at Mapo. In 2022, the city proposed building a new incineration facility next to the existing plant, capable of processing up to 1,000 tons of waste a day, in anticipation of the ban on direct landfilling. The project, however, has been stalled for years amid fierce opposition from Mapo residents and district officials. The ban is set to expand nationwide in 2030.

The Mapo facility was designed to process up to 750 tons of household waste a day and currently handles about 600 tons. On Wednesday, it received 517 tons, according to a source at the plant.

Alongside expansion plans, the city has turned to demand reduction. Seoul recently launched a campaign it dubbed a waste "diet," urging residents to cut back on household waste or trash collected in government-mandated pay-as-you-throw bags. City officials say Seoul residents dispose of an average of about 48 pay-as-you-throw bags a year, arguing that even modest reductions, if spread across the population, could meaningfully ease pressure on the system.

This year, officials estimate that an average of 2,016 tons of household waste a day, about 69.4 percent of the total, will be incinerated at publicly operated facilities. The remaining 889 tons, or 30.6 percent, is expected to be treated through private incineration or recycling. Last year, of roughly 2,905 tons of household waste generated daily, 558 tons were sent directly to landfills.

The city has outlined two main goals: cutting waste by about 206 tons a day through public campaigns and incentives, and increasing public incineration capacity to 2,700 tons a day by 2033 through new facilities and modernization.

Both have run into resistance. The proposed new incinerator in Mapo is tied up in court after the district office won a lower-court ruling overturning the city's site designation. Seoul has appealed, and an appellate ruling is expected Thursday.

Modernization plans elsewhere have also drawn pushback. Last Thursday, Gangnam District objected to...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

After a family visit in the Philippines, Dayan Cardens was finally headed home to Las Vegas — though first came a 12-hour layover in Korea.

Rather than spending half a day sitting on an airport bench and waiting, Cardens decided to sign up for a transit tour that took her, her co-worker and 26 other travelers to The Hyundai Seoul — one of the country's most popular shopping malls — on Thursday morning.

By noon, she was browsing over 600 brands laid out across the mall's eight retail floors in Yeongdeungpo District, western Seoul.

"I bought a pair of sunglasses down there from Gentle Monster," said Cardens. "The service was nice. The saleslady really warmed the frame so that it would fit my face without being loose."

Participants — who signed up online in advance or booked seats through on-site reservations — departed Incheon International Airport by shuttle bus at 10 a.m. and were given four hours to explore the mall before returning to catch the next legs of their flights.

Shopping, however, is only part of this itinerary.

Inside the mall's cultural center on the sixth floor, people traded thick padded jackets for hanbok-style aprons — which look like traditional Korean clothes — to make a classic K-food, gimbap. Inside, kitchen islands were neatly prepared with ingredients including rice, gim (seaweed), sautéed carrots, egg slices, danmuji (pickled radish) and jaeyuk (spicy pork).

Many participants were already familiar with Korean food.

"We always go to Korean restaurants," said Gus Dimaano, who attended the class with his wife, Celia. "We shop at H Mart, and there used to be one selling gimbap near Koreatown."

The couple, both in their 70s, were among the most enthusiastic participants. Celia frequently asked questions, one time even asking whether gimbap was eaten during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910). "I watch K-dramas," she said with a laugh.

After slicing the finished rolls, the couple tried their first successful handmade gimbap. "It's authentic. Very good," Gus said. "Now I can make this better than H Mart," Celia said, laughing.

Cardens, a self-described fan of Korean food, also said she could now possibly make a successful one at home.

"I did try making it on my own back home, but it was hard doing it with nobody coaching us. This time, it was fun and I had a good time, especially with the person who showed us how to do it. When I was doing it at home by myself, it was hard. I cannot roll it completely. It will not stick. But with the way she showed us, it was a success and I was having a great time."

The cooking class's menu changes each week. For the previous week class, participants made mushroom japchae, or stir-fried glass noodles. A future session will feature spring vegetable bibimbap.

The transit tour reflects a growing "time-value" travel trend among global travelers, particularly those in the MZ generation (a Korean term referring to millennials and Generation Z that includes people born anytime from the 1980s to 2010s), who seek to make the most of layovers, according to the Hyundai Department Store. Cities such as Dubai and Singapore have similarly developed shopping-centered tourism programs targeting transit passengers.

Many participants said the brief experience in Seoul left them wanting more. "I don't think 16 hours isn't enough," said Michelle Copon, another participant on the tour.

"I do want that to come back [to Korea] because I haven't done things yet," said Cardans. "Next time it should not be as a transition. It should be as a tourist for at least three days or four days. And I want to do it in October so that it will be the fall season."

Available tours include visits to Gyeongbokgung Palace and Insadong in central Seoul, Hongdae street in western Seoul, DMZ and Aegibong Peace Ecopark in Gyeonggi, Moraenae Traditional Market & Sorae Port or Shinpo Market in Incheon.

The tour to the palace is wildly popular, with its boo...

This article is by Jin Min-ji, Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice.

[MONEY MOVER]

Capital moves in and out of Korea, driven by a range of economic and geopolitical forces. In our "Money Mover" series, we explore key market developments that could shape investment decisions and influence the flow of global funds. — ED.

Korea's semiconductor industry is riding a boom unlike anything in its history. What was once a cyclic business tied to smartphones and PCs has suddenly become the backbone of the global AI race, with Samsung Electronics and SK hynix sitting at the center of a global battle for computing power that is reshaping markets and investment flows worldwide.

The two memory giants, which together accounted for 36.9 percent on Kospi's total weight as of Friday, have driven the country's bourse to some of the world's highest gains this year.

Samsung Electronics historically became the first Korean company to surpass the 1-quadrillion-won market value mark as its shares climbed to a record 169,100 won on Wednesday, while SK hynix recently hit 909,000 won per share, lifting its market capitalization to 661 trillion won — nearly 10 times its peak in the last semiconductor upcycle in 2018.

Many analysts now argue that the current "semiconductor supercycle" is not a temporary surge but a new normal, forcing investors to rethink how they evaluate risk, profitability and long-term growth in the tech sector. Yet questions linger: When will Big Tech's massive AI spending translate into real profits? And what happens to Korean chipmakers if the AI investment wave slows?

Beyond the worldwide scramble to secure supplies of high bandwidth memory (HBM), shortages in conventional dynamic random access memory (DRAM) and NAND flash memory are also pushing prices higher as chipmakers prioritize AI-related products over consumer electronics. Despite bubble fears, both Samsung and SK hynix delivered record-breaking results in 2025, with SK hynix even surpassing Samsung in full-year operating profit for the first time, powered by high-margin products such as next-generation HBM and server DDR5.

In this climate of soaring expectations and lingering doubts, investor sentiment remains split between believers in a lasting AI transformation and skeptics warning of an inevitable correction. To shed light on what lies ahead, the Korea JoongAng Daily spoke with Peter Lee, managing director and head of Korea Research at Citigroup Global Markets Korea Securities, Kim Dong-won, senior managing director and head of research at KB Securities and Roh Geun-chang, executive vice president of Hyundai Motor Securities' research center, about how this AI boom could prove a decisive turning tide for Korea's chipmakers — one that has already surpassed anything seen before.

Q. How would you characterize the structural differences between the current semiconductor "supercycle" and previous upcycles, particularly in terms of demand drivers, capital intensity, and durability of end-market demand?

A. Lee: The last time semiconductors went through such an upcycle was from 2001 to 2007. Led by NAND, it was triggered by a shift to MP3 players from CD players and digital cameras from analog cameras. Typically, memory cycles fluctuate every one to two years, but if the upturn is to last longer, that is when new, unprecedented demand emerges.

We're currently reexperiencing one such phase, as AI demand transitions from the training stage to inferencing. While HBM was largely used in the training stage, conventional DRAM — on top of HBM and graphics DRAM — is used more extensively in the inferencing stage.

Kim: Looking ahead, the widespread adoption of agentic AI and the full-scale emergence of physical AI are expected to generate new sources of demand for AI semiconductors, making this cycle likely to exhibit prolonged structural growth.

Demand for AI semiconductors appears to reflect a tangible transformation across industries, making a prolonged supply shortage...

Roh Jeong-tae

The author is a writer and senior fellow at the Institute for Social and Economic Research.

"Today, I have in my hand a list of 205 communists in the State Department."

On Feb. 9, 1950, Washington was shaken by a speech from Joseph McCarthy, a first-term Republican senator from Wisconsin. His claim marked the beginning of McCarthyism, a campaign that would dominate American politics for four years and leave lasting scars long afterward.

The political climate favored McCarthy. In 1949, China fell to communism, and the Soviet Union successfully tested a nuclear weapon, heightening American fears of a growing ideological threat. When the Korean War broke out on June 25, 1950, and communist forces continued to gain ground in Eastern Europe and China, many Americans felt deep anxiety and frustration.

Domestic politics also played a role. In 1948, congressional hearings revealed that Alger Hiss, an elite diplomat once favored by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, had acted as a Soviet spy. The revelation provided Republicans with a powerful opportunity to challenge the Democratic establishment that had led the country through the Great Depression and World War II.

McCarthy never identified a single confirmed "registered communist" within the government. Yet as the atmosphere of suspicion spread beyond politics into the cultural and artistic communities, Republican leaders largely stood by. Accusations alone were often enough to damage careers and reputations.

The political usefulness of McCarthy's campaign began to fade after the Republicans won the 1952 presidential election and the Korean War ended the following year. As his influence waned, McCarthy broadened his attacks, accusing President Dwight D. Eisenhower as well as leaders from both parties of communist sympathies.

In 1954, he pushed further by launching congressional hearings alleging that U.S. Army officers and government officials were involved in subversive activities. The televised proceedings, known as the Army-McCarthy hearings, exposed his aggressive tactics to a national audience and marked a turning point in public opinion.

Once his actions crossed a line, support quickly eroded. On Dec. 2, 1954, the Senate voted to censure McCarthy for conduct "contrary to Senate traditions." The resolution effectively ended his political power.

McCarthy's rise and fall illustrated the dangers of fear-driven politics. For years, he had built influence through unverified accusations, intimidation and calls to identify supposed enemies within. His collapse left a cautionary legacy about the political consequences of suspicion without evidence and the lasting damage such campaigns can inflict on democratic institutions.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is an editorial writer and the director of the Unification and Culture Research Institute of the JoongAng Ilbo.

North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has been unusually active since the start of the year. His 15 public appearances in January mark the highest monthly total since he took power. The figure matches his first year in office in 2012, when he traveled widely to assess conditions across the country. Although he logged 20 appearances in 2021, the year of the Eighth Workers' Party Congress, only two were unrelated to preparations for the party congress.

North Korea is expected to convene its Ninth Party Congress soon. In the past, Kim often avoided public appearances ahead of major events such as party congresses, nuclear tests, or summits with Korea, the United States or China. This year's pattern is notably different. Even more unusual, the regime has not issued a New Year's message. In earlier years, policy priorities were announced through a New Year's address by Kim or, under his predecessors, a joint editorial in state media. The silence reflects the leadership's complicated calculations.

After taking power, Kim delivered annual New Year's speeches. In recent years, the Workers' Party Central Committee's year-end plenary meeting has effectively taken on that role. Last year's plenary session concluded unusually early, on Dec. 12, and did not include remarks outlining policy direction for the new year. This likely reflected expectations that the Ninth Party Congress would take place sooner.

However, the congress has been postponed until late February, creating the unusual situation of a year without a New Year policy statement. Instead, Kim has focused on site visits across multiple sectors: economic projects such as the Sinuiju greenhouse complex and the fourth-stage construction of the Hwasong district in Pyongyang; military facilities, including munitions factories and new multiple rocket launch systems; and social events, such as Lunar New Year performances.

He also inspected the launch of a hypersonic missile hours before President Lee Jae Myung visited China, signaling a cautious message toward Beijing. His decision to visit field sites in temperatures below minus 15 degrees Celsius (5 degrees Fahrenheit) rather than concentrate solely on party congress preparations appears aimed at checking progress on the goals set at the Eighth Party Congress in 2021.

Party congresses are the regime's highest political events, reviewing the previous five years and setting plans for the next five. In military development, North Korea has achieved visible progress, including advances in drones, satellites, missiles and the miniaturization of nuclear warheads. Economic indicators have also shown modest improvement. Manufacturing grew 5.9 percent in 2024, and overall economic growth reached 3.7 percent, according to estimates by the Bank of Korea.

Still, the broader economic picture remains below expectations. International sanctions and resource shortages delayed major projects such as the Pyongyang General Hospital and the Wonsan-Kalma coastal tourism zone for years before completion. Large gaps persist between Pyongyang and provincial economies. Kim's recent visits to regional factories nearing completion appear aimed at highlighting achievements that can be presented at the upcoming party congress.

North Korea often emphasizes independence and self-reliance, leading to perceptions that it is insulated from global change. While ordinary citizens remain largely cut off from the outside world, the leadership closely monitors international developments. Senior party and government officials are required to review daily reports summarizing foreign media and global trends, and authorized officials can track outside information through approved digital devices.

Recent developments abroad have likely added to Pyongyang's concerns. The United States' detention and transfer of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and signs...

Lee Ha-kyung

The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The United States has effectively declared a strategic battle for independence in rare earth minerals. Confronting China's dominance over more than 90 percent of the global refining market and its growing use of supply as geopolitical leverage, Washington has moved to counter Beijing, joined by 55 countries. The message from a ministerial meeting on critical minerals held at the State Department on Feb. 4 was clear: even if Chinese oversupply drives prices sharply lower, a price floor will be maintained so allied companies do not collapse.

The urgency reflects a painful lesson from last April. Chinese President Xi Jinping retaliated against President Donald Trump's 145 percent tariff increase by tightening export controls on rare earths. U.S. industries ranging from defense and semiconductors to automobiles and batteries were immediately affected. Trump ultimately backed down, agreeing with Xi to lower reciprocal tariffs to 115 percent and declaring a 90-day truce.

Known for his competitive instincts, Trump moved quickly to avoid a repeat. On Feb. 2, he personally announced "Project Vault," a $12 billion initiative to build strategic stockpiles of critical minerals. He remarked that he did not want to experience what happened a year earlier again. The Wall Street Journal noted that the U.S. strategy increasingly resembles China's state-led capitalism. In practice, the administration is providing financial support to private mining firms such as USA Rare Earth while taking equity stakes. The approach reflects Washington's determination, and anxiety, to narrow the gap with Beijing.

Until the 1980s, the United States was the world's leading producer of rare earths. The balance began to shift in the 1990s under the strategic vision of Deng Xiaoping. In 1992, Deng declared, "The Middle East has oil, and China has rare earths," elevating them from industrial inputs to national strategic assets. From that point, technological development in the sector became a state priority.

Even earlier, the Chinese government had tasked Xu Guangxian (1920–2015), a chemistry professor at Peking University, with advancing rare earth refining. Xu developed a solvent extraction method capable of separating all 17 rare earth elements at high purity, the world's first mass-scale refining technology. In the 1990s, China flooded global markets with low-priced, high-purity products. Competitors outside China collapsed one after another. Today, if Beijing were to shut off supply, key American industries would face immediate disruption. Rare earths have become a powerful strategic weapon.

Washington now acknowledges past misjudgments. At the ministerial meeting, Vice President JD Vance stressed that while advanced technologies and data centers are important, the economy still depends on physical resources, and nothing is more tangible than critical minerals. Secretary of State Marco Rubio admitted that the United States had become fascinated with new and glamorous sectors while outsourcing older industries that appeared outdated. Facilities such as the Mountain Pass mine and much of the domestic mineral base were allowed to decline, he said, only for the country to realize later that it had outsourced its economic security and future.

Despite the renewed push, prospects remain uncertain. The ecosystem of technology and skilled labor has eroded. Rebuilding refining facilities and stabilizing production yields will take five to seven years, far longer than the administration's goal of 18 to 24 months. Discovery Alert, an Australian mining analysis firm, warned that the U.S. strategy focuses too heavily on extraction while underestimating the refining technology gap. Energy law firm Baker Botts also noted that China retains the ability to drive emerging U.S. refiners out of business through predatory pricing.

The decline of the U.S. rare earth industry reflects earlier policy choices. Whil...

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Netflix's hit dating show "Single's Inferno" (2021-) has always drawn attention, but at the center of this season's buzz is Choi Mina Sue, whose indecisive behaviors and attitudes have become a central topic of discussion among viewers.

Reaction videos to her unexpected remarks and choices have quickly gone viral, with the 26-year-old becoming a target of mounting hate and malicious comments.

Even the show's panel — Hanhae, Dex, Hong Jin-kyung, Lee Da-hee and Super Junior's Kyuhyun — have openly expressed disapproval of her behavior.

And as the show's finale quickly approaches, viewer sentiment toward Choi has shown little sign of softening.

First debuting in 2021, the show's fifth season continues with its signature format, following attractive single men and women as they search for love on a deserted island dubbed "Inferno." On the island, the cast members have to cook their own meals and find water. Participants can leave the island only by matching with a partner, earning a night at a luxurious hotel called "Paradise."

Against this backdrop, what did Choi do to spark such backlash, and were her actions truly deserving of this level of criticism?

Breaking social taboos

When Choi first appeared, she quickly emerged as one of the most sought-after participants, receiving the most votes on her first night. Her down-to-earth personality and natural look were praised by the panel.

In the beginning, she formed a connection with participant Lim Su-been and chose him for a trip to "Paradise." There, the two appeared to develop mutual interest, establishing an early connection on the show. However, the dynamic shifted dramatically during the truth-or-dare game in episode four.

Near the end of the game, when asked who her top choice was at that moment, Choi selected Song Seung-il, who had been building a connection with another female participant, Kim Min-gee. The choice came as a surprise, as Choi and Song had not previously had much interaction. That was when viewer sentiment toward Choi started to change. Frustration mounted as she was shown immediately moving from one man to another — a behavior frequently and severely criticized in reality dating shows.

That was only the beginning. She appeared to also show interest in multiple male participants — not only Lim and Song, but also Lee Sung-hun and Shin Hyeon-woo. Her perceived indecisiveness frustrated many viewers and panelists, particularly Hong Jin-kyung.

Talking behind the backs of other female participants was also a point that garnered criticism. In episode six, during a conversation with Lee, she described other female cast members as being inconsiderate and selfish, and emphasized that she had been kind to everyone. She also said that the cast members had made her feel like the "villain."

She was also seen as lacking an integral requirement for social interaction in Korea: nunchi, or the ability to read the room. In one of the episodes, Choi is seen sitting in her room with her roommate Kim Min-gee when she is called out for a private conversation by Song — her roommate's love interest. In response to being invited out, she twirls in excitement and leaves the room. According to viewer reactions, Choi should've shown more consideration to Kim, perhaps reluctantly making her way out of the conversation.

What backlash did she receive?

Three weeks into the season, Choi's social media accounts were flooded with criticism. While some messages offered support, many were openly harsh.

"Fix your attitude. You think you're the most popular one, but you're not even that pretty," a comment said in one of her posts. The statement received over 9,700 likes as of Saturday.

Others wrote, "Men are hitting on you because you are easy to get. Don't feel special," and, "I usually don't curse at reality show contestants, but every time you appear, I can't help it."

Her name has also been widely discussed on online communities...