This time, we discuss the background and the outcome of Bulgaria’s July 2021 snap parliamentary election that were held after no party was able or willing to form a government following the April election. Musician and TV host Slavi Trifonov’s populist ITN party narrowly won the most seats performing well predominantly among younger generations and in bigger cities. It was the first time since 2006 that a coalition led by the right-wing GERB had not won the most seats. Our guest expert, Mr. Piotr Pietrzak* points out that many citizens have turned to newly established anti-graft parties (like ITN, for instance), accusing the former GERB cabinet of financial fraud and other shortcomings. Mr. Pietrzak emphasizes that ITN’s strategy went against all traditional campaign methods: instead of TV, radio or newspaper promotions, as well as billboard ads, the ex-TV host’s party was primarily active on social media platforms. Our guest analyst believes that the rise of anti-establishment parties may be seen as an indicative of a major change in the political landscape of Bulgaria. In terms of campaign strategies and political slogans, Bulgarian political actors have followed innovative approaches at European levels too, that’s why it’s worth keeping an eye on that country. Our podcast reveals what measures can be expected from a future Trifonov cabinet, as well as how to explain the absence of divisive ethnic or external enemy rhetoric in Bulgarian public life.

 *Dr. PIOTR PIETRZAK (Sofia University "St. Kliment Ohridski") specializes in International Relations, geopolitics, and international law and is the editor-in-chief of In Statu Nascendi Journal of Political Philosophy and International Relations. 

With the help of guest experts and politicians, in the podcast series of MCC’s Centre for Political Science we endeavor to analyze which actors are the real winners of the parliamentary and municipal elections taking place this year in different European countries and what exactly can be considered a real victory after the ballot counts.

This time, we discuss the background and the outcome of Armenia’s June 2021 early parliamentary election. Our guest expert Mikayel Zolyan* considers the debates on the political processes leading to the defeat of Armenians in the 2020 Karabakh-Artsakh warto be the most divisive topic in the campaign. Mr. Zolyan sees this election as a clash of the old and the new political elite that governed the country before and after the 2018 Velvet Revolution. Former acting prime minister Nikol Pashinyan’s centrist-liberal Civil Contract party received 54% of the vote, which provides the anti-corruption new-wave political formation a clear majority the National Assembly. Former head of state and prime minister Robert Kocharyan’s center-right nationalist Armenia Alliance group finished second with a bit more than 21% of the vote, while the right-wing conservative I Have Honor Alliance of Serzh Sargsyan – who previously also served as president and prime minister – achieved around 5%. The opposition claimed there had been electoral fraud, while the OSCE assessed the election as positive. Our guest analyst expects that the new Pashinyan cabinet will be able to transform the existing socio-political tensions into civilized parliamentary debates. We endeavor to understand why the moderate Armenian political forces’ victory is more advantageous for Moscow than that of the unreservedly pro-Russia actors. We try to figure out why this campaign failed to mobilize younger generations and intellectuals who were actively involved in the 2018 demonstrations. In addition, Mr. Zolyan also explains why he thinks that the 44-day Nagorno-Karabakh armed conflict was inevitable.

*Dr. Mikayel Zolyan is a political analyst and historian. He works as Associate Professor at the Yerevan V. Brusov State University of Languages and Social Sciences. From December 2018 to May 2021, Mr. Zolyan has been an Elected Member of the Armenian National Assembly.
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 A Votes & Seats legújabb adásában az örményországi előrehozott parlamenti választás hátteréről beszélgettünk az eredmények ismeretében. Vendégszakértőnk, Mikajel Zoljan* a 2020-as hegyi-karabahi háborúban elszenvedett örmény vereséghez vezető politikai folyamatokról szóló vitákat tekinti a kampány legmeghatározóbb elemének. Zoljan a 2021. júniusi választást az országot a 2018-as bársonyos forradalom előtt irányító régi és az azt követően hatalomra kerülő új politikai elit összecsapásaként értelmezi. Podcast-sorozatunk legújabb adásában többek között arra keressük a választ, miért előnyösebb Moszkvának a mérsékeltek győzelme az elkötelezetten oroszbarát formációkkal szemben. Kiderül, hogy ezúttal miért nem sikerült mozgósítani a három évvel ezelőtti választási kampányban még aktívan résztvevő fiatal és értelmiségi szavazókat. Azt is megtudjuk, vendégszakértőnk miért tartotta elkerülhetetlennek a 44 napos fegyveres konfliktus kirobbanását Azerbajdzsán és a hegyi-karab

With the help of guest experts and politicians, in the podcast series of MCC’s Centre for Political Science we endeavor to analyze which actors are the real winners of the parliamentary and municipal elections taking place this year in different European countries and what exactly can be considered a real victory after the ballot counts.

This time the Votes & Seats podcast gives a review about the changing landscape of Dutch politics after the parliamentary election in 2021. Our guest, Thierry Baudet has an academic background, and he is a relevant actor of the Dutch politics.

Thierry Baudet was born in 1983, he graduated at Leiden University as a Doctor of Philosophy with a thesis on national and European identity, and multiculturalism. He founded a think tank, the Forum for Democracy (Forum voor Democracy, FvD), which was the basis of his later established party with the same name. He was elected to Dutch MP as the leader of the FvD. The FvD became the largest party in several provinces during the provincial elections in 2019, than got 11 percent on the EP election. Though many politicians defected the party in 2020, the FvD reached 8 seats on the parliamentary election 2021. The central issues of Mr. Baudet and th FvD are the critique of the European integration and the protection of national identity. 

On 2021.03.17 Dutch voters elected a new Parliament and the party system notably changed. The Dutch right transformed: The PVV lost three seats, the FvD received eight seats, up six from the previous election. Two new right-wing actors appeared in the Parliament: the JA21, which split from the FvD, and the Farmer–Citizen Movement which grow up from the agrarian protests in 2019. From the Christian democratic parties, the biggest one, the CDA fall back, while the two smaller, the CU and the SGP gained the same electoral result as in the last general election. The party of prime minister Mark Rutte, the VVD win four parliamentary elections in a row. The left-wing parties could not boost their popularity, but a new party with pan-European programme and identity, the Volt, received 3 seats. A review about this complex and changing political context by our guest, Thierry Baudet.

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A holland parlamenti választásról, politikai helyzetről Hajdú András Thierry Baudet-t, a Fórum a Demokráciáért parlamenti párt elnökét kérdezte.

A Votes & Seats podcast sorozat következő részében a holland pártrendszer átalakulásáról beszélgettünk az egyik érintettel. Thierry Baudet 1983-ban született, 2012-ben a Leideni Egyetemen védte meg doktori disszertációját, amelyet a nemzeti és európai identitás, valamint a multikulturalizmus témakörében készített. 2016-ban Fórum a Demokráciáért (Forum voor Democracy, FvD) néven hozott létre egy think tank-et, amely az alapját jelentette hasonló nevet viselő pártjának. 2017-ben az FvD vezetőjeként parlamenti képviselővé választották. Az FvD a 2019-es regionális választás során a legtöbb szavazatot kapta, majd az EP-választáson 11 százalékot ért el. Bár 2020 őszén a pártot több politikusa is elhagyta, az FvD Baudet vezetésével 8 mandátumot szerzett a 2021-es parlamenti választáson. Baudet és pártja programjának központi elemét az európai integráció kritikája és a nemzeti identitás megőrzése jelenti.

A 2021. március 17-én rendezett választáson jelentős változások történtek a holland pártrendszerben. A jobboldalon belüli erőviszonyok átalakultak: Geert Wilders Szabadságpártja 3 mandátumot veszített, miközben az FvD 6 mandátummal bővült és megjelent két új jobboldali párt is a parlamentben, az FvD-ből kivált JA21 és a 2019-es agrártüntetések követeléseit hirdető mozgalom. A legnagyobb kereszténydemokrata párt, a CDA támogatottsága csökkent, a két kisebb párt pedig ugyanannyi mandátumot szerzett mint az előző választáson. Mark Rutte kormányfő liberális pártja egymás után negyedik alkalommal nyert parlamenti választást. A hagyományos bal

With the help of guest experts and politicians, in the podcast series of MCC’s Centre for Political Science we endeavor to analyze which actors are the real winners of the parliamentary and municipal elections taking place this year in different European countries and what exactly can be considered a real victory after the ballot counts.

This time, the Votes & Seats podcast seeks to understand whether the new formations that gained momentum in the May 2021 local elections can change the balance of power in the Croatian party politics. Our guest analyst, Višeslav Raos* points out that the three largest Croatian cities were acquired by the leftist-liberal camp, while the ballot saw a considerable loss of support for the traditionally influential political forces. After more than two decades, Zagreb elected a new mayor. Tomislav Tomašević’s anti-corruption agenda attracted social democratic, leftist-liberal, Marxist, feminist, Titoist, and green voters as well. Like former U.S. president Barack Obama, Tomašević also campaigned on the slogan ‘Yes we can!’ (Možemo), and became popular especially among intellectuals, local activists, and first-time voters. However, Mr. Raos emphasizes that younger generations have greater expectations, therefore, in contrast to faithful sympathizers, it is more difficult to maintain their enthusiasm. Tomašević’s far-right rival, the singer-winemaker Miroslav Škoro (a former consul to Hungary) accused Možemo of wanting to revive Yugoslavia. Mr. Raos highlights that the negative campaign led to negative mobilization, and Škoro’s candidacy motivated many Zagrebians to vote against his far-right agenda.

An election of paradoxes. Škoro wanted his Homeland Movement to became a right-wing alternative to the ruling conservative HDZ. The irony of fate is that while many years ago Škoro could not win the mayorship in his hometown Osijek with HDZ support, this time, the conservative party acquired the Slavonian city, right against Škoro’s candidate. The May 2021 local elections had another twist in the tale: while the freshly elected Zagrebian mayor Tomašević is an idol for those who want to get rid of the burden of war and nationalism, his father, a renown veteran, was a candidate on the Homeland Movement’s list in another municipality.

Will the new generation challenge the existing historical-cultural pillars of the Croatian society as the old political elite goes in retirement? How can the capital city’s new leader step in the shoes of the unexpectedly deceased former mayor whose popularity was guaranteed by his showman attitude carrying a cross in a pilgrimage on one day and making a speech to partisan veterans with a badge of Tito’s face on the other day? Mr. Raos helps us understand if it will be possible for the leftist-liberal-green local administrations to challenge the Croatian political elite at national level.

*Our guest expert, Dr. Višeslav Raos serves as Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Political Science of the University of Zagreb with specialization in comparative politics, electoral systems, and party competition.

With the help of guest experts and politicians, in the podcast series of MCC’s Centre for Political Science we endeavor to analyze which actors are the real winners of the parliamentary and municipal elections taking place this year in different European countries and what exactly can be considered a real victory after the ballot counts.

Our guest expert, Mr. Piotr Pietrzak from Sofia University points out that the election might have led to the end of what he calls “Borisovcracy”. The governmental term of outgoing prime minister Boyko Borisov was accompanied by protests and allegations of nepotism, and corruption. Our guest analyst specializes in International Relations, Geopolitics, Conflict Resolution Strategies, and International Law. Mr. Pietrzak says Slavi Trifonov may possibly form a government. But can the Bulgarian David Letterman become a successful political leader? Answering the questions of Bálint L. Tóth, international relations analyst and researcher at the MCC’s Centre for Political Science, Mr. Pietrzak helps us understand why the politician-entertainer Trifonov changed his party’s name from “There is no such nation” to “There is such a nation” after one of his musical hits. The podcast explains why it is worth keeping an eye on Bulgaria. The fragile Balkanic constellation is a bit like House of Cards. North Macedonia’s chances for EU accession largely depend on the attitude of its eastern “Big Brother”, where the Turkish influence seems to lose weight. In addition, due to disagreements between the parties, there is a chance for new parliamentary elections to coincide with the presidential ballot in November 2021. If you would like to know which Bulgarian politician can be compared to Julius Caesar, give a listen to the newest Podcast of MCC’s Center for Political Studies.

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Vendégszakértőnk, Piotr Pietrzak, a Szófiai Egyetem munkatársa szerint a választások jó eséllyel a „Boriszovkrácia” végéhez vezettek Bulgáriában. Bojko Boriszov leköszönő miniszterelnök nepotizmussal és korrupcióval vádolt kormánya ellen országszerte számos tömeges megmozdulást szerveztek a tavalyi évben. A nemzetközi kapcsolatok, a geopolitika, a válságkezelés és a nemzetközi jog területén kutató vendégelemzőnk Slavi Trifonovot kormányalakításra esélyes politikai szereplőnek tekinti. De vajon sikeres politikussá érhet-e a bolgár David Letterman? Piotr Pietrzak azt is elmondja, hogy az előadóművész−műsorvezető Trifonov miért változtatta meg pártjának nevét „Nincs ilyen nemzetről” „Van ilyen nemzetre” az egyik népszerű popdala nyomán. Az MCC Politikatudományi Műhelyének kutatója, Tóth Bálint László által készített podcastből kiderül, miért érdemes „vigyázó szemeinket” Szófiára vetni. A törékeny balkáni viszonyrendszer a House of Cards nevű politikai thrillersorozatra emlékezteti a bulgáriai szakértőnket: Észak-Macedónia esélye az EU-csatlakozásra nagyban függ a keleti „nagy testvér” hozzáállásától, ahol mindeközben visszaszorulóban van Törökország és a helyi török kisebbség politikai befolyása. Ezenkívül, a parlamentbe bekerülő pártok közötti nézeteltérések miatt még az sem kizárt, hogy új választásokat írjanak ki a 2021. novemberi elnökválasztással egyidőben. Ha kíváncsi, melyik bolgár politikus hasonlítható Julius Caesarhoz, hallgassa meg az MCC Politikatudományi Műhelyének legújabb podcastjét.

With the help of guest experts and politicians, in the podcast series of MCC’s Centre for Political Science we endeavor to analyze which actors are the real winners of the parliamentary and municipal elections taking place this year in different European countries and what exactly can be considered a real victory after the ballot counts.