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Hoxie visited New York, and asked Johnson to come to his hotel for the evening. Hoxie "was frightening in his appearance." He told Johnson that he was finished. "I can see now, all my work has been bunk. All my writing, every lecture I have ever given, has been bunk." When asked for the reason, Hoxie continued, "I've come to see through Veblen. How could a man be so great a scientist and such a damn fool?" Hoxie concluded that "Veblen knew his equations didn't solve, but he used them just the same." Johnson closes his narrative by writing "I left him, promising to visit him in Chicago and renew the discussion. But before I could get around to a Chicago trip Hoxie killed himself."

Individuals' time preferences determine the societal rate of interest, which Mises calls the "originary interest" rate. The rate of interest found in the loanable funds market is commonly believed to be the fundamental interest rate. But the loanable funds market only "adjusts the rate of interest on loans to the rate of originary interest." Lower time preferences are expressed through a decrease in consumption spending, an increase in savings and investment, and a decline in the originary interest rate, while higher time preferences cause the opposite.

Mises says, "Life itself is exposed to many risks. At any moment it is endangered by disastrous accidents which cannot be controlled, or at least not sufficiently. Every man banks on good luck. He counts upon not being struck by lightning and not being bitten by a viper." The social engineer attempts to bring about a desired outcome by forcing people to behave in a certain way. Mises sees the engineer and the social engineer as having parallel tasks: one manipulates lumber and iron, the other attempts to manipulate human beings.

All human values are offered for option. All ends and all means, both material and ideal issues, the sublime and the base, the noble and the ignoble, are ranged in a single row and subjected to a decision which picks out one thing and sets aside another. Nothing that men aim at or want to avoid remains outside of this arrangement into a unique scale of gradation and preference. Out of the political economy of the classical school emerges the general theory of human action, praxeology.

Alchian began his seminar by reading a paragraph. It was a paragraph about property, and he asked if anyone in the group could identify it. I was the only one; I recognized immediately that that was from Mises' Human Action. As he developed that first lecture—which became I think one of the most important economic articles of the twentieth century, "Economics of Property Rights"—it was like a light bulb went off in my head, it was incredible. All of a sudden, everything that I had done intellectually for thirteen years came together, with this one idea of Alchian's about the real nature of property rights and the Misesian notion of people making choices.

I thought that before turning to the present-day literature, it would be helpful to take a look at the state of monetary thought at the outset of World War I, in order to appreciate the progress that had been achieved since then. I opened the book at Christmas of 1992 and was in for a great surprise. This old master excelled in clarity of expression, and he had dealt with a subject of immense importance—the nature, causes, and consequences of the subjective value of money. From my previous studies I knew that this topic had not made it into the standard texts in money and banking. Mises demonstrated that this omission had been a grave error.

While he was never mentioned in West German economic textbooks, his name figured prominently in Commie East Germany. In one of these textbooks, you could also find some detailed criticisms of Western, so-called bourgeois economics and economists, among them Friedman and Hayek, but in particular also Mises, who was singled out as the most wrongheaded, dangerous, and detestable of them all.

Keynesian macroeconomics had displaced Austrian business cycle theory and solidly established itself as mainstream macroeconomics. Meanwhile, most of the economics profession sided against the Austrian School in the socialist calculation debate. By the 1940s, the Austrian School was left behind as economic theory developed. Those who were identified as associated with the Austrian School passed away or drifted toward the mainstream. It is not much of an exaggeration to say that by 1950, Mises was the only remaining active member of the old Austrian School.

The Misesian approach starts with the universal, realistic facts of human persons from which the logic of human action can be deduced. In moving from the logic of personal action to the logic of social interaction, praxeology inserts into economic theory the realistic empirical fact of the heterogeneity among (1) human persons; (2) natural resources, including land sites; and (3) capital goods. In contrast, mainstream economists employ a modeling approach. In the name of science, reliance on human judgment is to be expunged from economic analysis. This means formulating theory mathematically to avoid the ambiguities of verbal language, and statistical techniques supplant the human judgments of economists in assessing the relevance of causal factors.

To understand Mises's position on ethics, it is essential to bear in mind that he is a psychological hedonist. He thinks everyone is always motivated by pleasure and pain, a view that comes straight from Epicurus. We seek pleasure and avoid pain. You might object that this is obviously false. Don't we do things very frequently like go on restrictive diets, exercise, study subjects that aren't fun, and so on? Mises's answer is that even though we are motivated by pleasure and pain, it doesn't follow that we are motivated by what will give us the most pleasure, or the least pain, at a given moment. We can be motivated by our wish for the most pleasure, or the least pain, over a long period of time.