Contents:

1. Introduction

2. RNGOs as an Organizational Field

3. Neo-Institutional Theory

4. Methodology and Sample

5. Findings and Discussion

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article looks at the strategies religious non-governmental organizations (RNGOs) with strong transnational linkages use to maintain a continued presence in mainland China. It does so by utilizing neo-institutional theory as an instrument for analysis, with an emphasis on outlining the coercive, mimetic and normative pressures RNGOs face. One of the key findings of the study is that there is creative circumvention of isomorphic pressures by working with local agents, fostering trust with the local government, and keeping a low profile. Moreover, RNGOs dealt with the uncertain institutional environment in China through staff exchanges, denominational supervision, tapping into global platforms, and undergoing a professionalization process. 

Citation:

Tam, J. and Hasmath, R. (2015) “Navigating Uncertainty: The Survival Strategies of Religious NGOs in China”, Journal of Civil Society 11(3): 283-299.

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Background

3. Methodology and Sample

4. Findings

5. Discussion

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

A community of practice represents an important resource for the sharing of sector-specific knowledge. It is a mechanism for Chinese NGOs to learn from each other, and collaborate. Drawing upon original data elicited from over 100 NGOs, this article examines the organizational capacity for Chinese NGOs to cultivate a mature community of practice. We find that there are inherent headwinds that Chinese NGOs will have to navigate to accomplish this goal. On the one hand, the majority of NGOs in our sample do not see themselves as part of a community of experts, which presents a huge challenge for the possibility of a structured and institutionalized community of practice. On the other hand, in order to survive and prosper in the post-Charity Law regime, Chinese NGOs will have to learn how to adapt – implement best practices and avoid worst ones – to survive. This is best accomplished by developing a mature community of practice to share knowledge with each other.

Citation:

Hasmath, R. and Hsu, J. (2020) “A Community of Practice for Chinese NGOs”, Journal of Chinese Political Science 25(4): 575-589.

Available in Chinese, French, German and Japanese:

中国非政府组织的实践团体

Une Communauté de Pratique pour les ONG Chinoises

Eine Community of Practice für chinesische NGOs

中国のNGOのための実践共同体

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Case Study Selection and Methodology

3. The Role of Chinese NGOs in Development

4. The Case of Ethiopia

5. The Case of Malawi 

6. The Potential Role and Behaviour of Chinese GONGOs

7. Implications and Conclusion

Abstract:

This article examines the overseas behaviour of Chinese non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in two African nations, Ethiopia and Malawi, with varying political regime types. Our findings suggest that, irrespective of regime type, Chinese NGOs have yet to make a substantial impact in either nation. We argue that, despite the strength of the Chinese state and high levels of international development assistance given, domestic politics and regulatory frameworks in host nations still matter a great deal. Our study suggests that the Chinese model of international development will continue to be one in which temporary one-off projects are favoured; and, insofar as social organisations will play a role, they will be in the domain of government-organised NGOs rather than grassroots NGOs.

Citation:

Hsu, J., Hildebrandt, T. and Hasmath, R. (2016) “‘Going Out’ or Staying In? The Expansion of Chinese NGOs in Africa”, Development Policy Review 34(3): 423-439.

Available in Chinese:

‘走出去’还是留在国内--中国非政府组织在非洲的扩张

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Methodology and Sample

3. Neo-Institutional Theory and Isomorphic Pressures

4. The Institutional Environment and Collaborative Measures

5. The Epistemic Awareness of NGOs by the Local State

6. The Growing Epistemic Capacity of NGOs

7. Final Words

Abstract:

This article suggests that a lack of meaningful collaboration between the state and NGOs in China is not solely a result of the state seeking to restrict the development of the sector, or fear of a potential opposing actor to the state. Instead, interviews with NGOs in Beijing and Shanghai suggests that a lack of meaningful engagement between the state and NGOs can be partially attributed to isomorphic pressures within state-NGO relations, and insufficient epistemic awareness of NGO activities on the part of the state. In fact, the evidence suggests that once epistemic awareness is achieved by the state, they will have a stronger desire to interact with NGOs – with the caveat that the state will seek to utilize the material power of NGOs, rather than their symbolic, interpretive or geographical capital. 

Citation:

Hasmath, R. and Hsu, J. (2014) “Isomorphic Pressures, Epistemic Communities and State-NGO Interactions”, The China Quarterly 220: 936-954. 

Available in Chinese:

同构压力，认知群体，政府-NGO 合作在中国

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The Local Corporatist State

3. Developing the Chinese NGO Sector

4. Profile of NGOs Interviewed in Shanghai

5. Local State-NGO Interactions in Shanghai

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article examines the Chinese state’s interactions and influences on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through a corporatist framework. It suggests that not only is the central state actively involved in the development of NGOs, but increasingly the successes of NGOs are determined by their interactions with the local state. We profile NGOs in Shanghai, of varying sizes, budgets, and issue-areas, as a case study to understand the interplay between NGOs and the local state. The article further discusses reasons behind the growing shift from central to local state influences, and the potential future implications for state-NGO relations in China.

Citation:

Hsu, J. and Hasmath, R. (2014) “The Local Corporatist State and NGO Relations in China”, Journal of Contemporary China 23(87): 516-534. 

Available in Chinese:

中国统和主义地方政府与非政府组织关系

Contents:

1. Introduction 

2. Populist Appeal 

3. Wedge Politics

4. A Culture of Control

5. Discussion and Conclusion

Abstract:

This article examines why Australia has taken a tough stance on ‘boat people’, through an analysis of the Malaysian People Swap response. The findings support the view that Australia’s asylum seeker policy agenda is driven by populism, wedge politics and a culture of control. The article further argues that these political pressures, in sum, hold numerous negative implications for the tone of Australia’s political debate, the quality of policy formulation, as well as for asylum seekers and refugees themselves.

Citation:

McKenzie, J. and Hasmath, R. (2013) “Deterring the ‘Boat People’: Explaining the Australian Government's People Swap Response to Asylum Seekers”, Australian Journal of Political Science 48(4): 417-430.

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Framework

3. Methodology

4. Findings and Discussion 

5. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article looks at the construction and performance of gendered identity through a sub-section of Facebook web pages belonging to the Slut Walk movement. Our analysis suggests that gender is constructed through the subjects’ participation in the ‘post-feminist masquerade’ through which their gendered identity is defined in relation to a hegemonic masculine ideal. This situates the web pages within a space characterized through the ambivalent and appropriative treatment of feminism and further, coiled within an acute tension between feminist and post-feminist discourses. Acts of resistance are framed as individual, momentary ruptures of Judith Butler’s heterosexual matrix of ‘cultural intelligibility.’ The online context of these ruptures is found to vest a creative potential, by removing the constraints of time and location, indicating that the impact of these ruptures may extend beyond its immediate environment.

Citation:

Cook, J. and Hasmath, R. (2014) “The Discursive Construction and Performance of Gendered Identity on Social Media”, Current Sociology 62(7): 975-993.

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The Original Conception

3. Conflation with the China Model of Development

4. Future Direction and Implications for China

Abstract:

The Beijing Consensus represents a philosophical movement towards an ultra-pragmatic view of conducting policy deliberation. Contrary to models of development which provide a subset of policy prescriptions for the policymakers’ disposal or a fundamentalist adherence to a particular economic tradition, the Beijing Consensus inherently recognises that each development scenario has a potential set of challenges that may require unique and/or experimental solutions factoring the current political, economic and social environments. This ultra-pragmatism will require the policymaker to engage in greater policy experimentation, and to have a larger risk-elasticity. Further, this philosophy is most aptly demonstrated by looking at the aggregation of practices and lessons learned using the recent policy experiences of China. Ironically, this leads to a potential confusion regarding the analytical distinction between the Beijing Consensus and the Chinese model of development. This article outlines this distinction, and further theorises the potential consequences of employing an ultra-pragmatic view of policy deliberation espoused by the intentionality of the Beijing Consensus.

Citation:

Hasmath, R. (2017) “White Cat, Black Cat or Good Cat? The Beijing Consensus as an Alternative Philosophy for Policy Deliberation”, China’s World 2(1): 12-24. 

Available in Chinese:

白猫，黑猫还是好猫？“北京共识” 作为政策思维的另类哲学

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Context

3. One China, But Varying Regional Disparities

4. Current State of Intellectual Property Enforcement in China

5. Impact of EU Technical Assistance

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article evaluates the effectiveness of two major European Union technical assistance programmes, IPR2 and IP Key, in shaping China’s regional intellectual property (IP) enforcement. It argues that although technical assistance programmes have been effective in influencing the national IP legal framework, it has been less successful in assisting regional policy enforcement. This is primarily the result of divergent economic priorities at the sub-national level. The article further assesses potential priorities for future IP technical assistance.

Citation:

Wyzycka, N. and Hasmath, R. (2017) “The Impact of the European Union’s Policy Towards China’s Intellectual Property Regime”, International Political Science Review 38(5): 549-562. 

Available in Chinese, French and German:

欧盟政策对中国知识产权制度的影响 

L'impact de la politique de l'Union européenne sur le régime de propriété intellectuelle de la Chine

Die Auswirkungen der Politik der Europäischen Union auf Chinas Regime des geistigen Eigentums

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. State Ethnic Management and Rising Ethno-Cultural Consciousness

3. Migration and Settlement Patterns

4. The Division of Labour

5. Marketization and the Rise of Ethno-Cultural Consciousness

6. Discussion and Conclusion

Abstract:

In the past few years there has been a rise of inter-ethnic violence in China. While ethno-cultural repression and ineffective state policies are correctly attributed as key culprits behind this reality, this article suggests that socio-economic factors play a fundamental contributory role as well. Using the Xinjiang case, the article maps ethnic tensions and violence as a manifestation and expression of a growing and heighten ethno-cultural consciousness stemming from ethnic minorities’ low socio-economic status due, in part, to internal Han migration, and a labour market process – involving agency and structure – that has shaped a split and segmented labour market. 

Citation:

Hasmath, R. (2019) “What Explains the Rise of Majority-Minority Tensions and Conflict in Xinjiang?”, Central Asian Survey 38(1): 46-60.

Available in French and German: 

Qu’est-ce qui explique la montée des tensions et des conflits entre majorités et minorités au Xinjiang?

Wie lässt sich die Zunahme von Spannungen und Konflikten zwischen der Mehrheit und der Minderheit in Xinjiang erklären?