School of Communism 2026

In July 2012, the Kurds living in northeastern Syria, led by the Syrian section of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK), declared their autonomy in what became known as the Rojava Revolution. For the first time in their history the Syrian Kurds became masters over their own lives and destinies, and ruled their own homeland.

The Rojava Revolution at its peak was celebrated by some as a living example of anarchism in practice. It attracted the attention and raised the hopes of many radicalised youth on the left around the world.

Now, tragically, most of the gains of the revolution are being undone, under the blows of the Islamist regime in Syria. Although local councils were elected, and an armed militia composed of both men and women was formed, the revolution never proceeded to expropriate the landlords and capitalists.

Fred Weston will explain how all this unfolded, analysing how the ideas of the leader of the PKK – and its offshoot in Syria – Abdullah Öcalan, contributed to the stalling, and subsequent defeat, of the revolution. We need to learn from this experience and draw out the lessons for revolutionary communists.

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Scientific socialism did not spring from the mind of the young Marx like Athena from the head of Zeus. The development of Marxism – its method and fundamental ideas – was the result of a process driven by a combination of factors.

The major events of the first half of the nineteenth century in Europe; the feverish development of capitalism in Great Britain; the first independent mobilizations of the working class in France (and elsewhere); the influence of the ideas of Hegel, Feuerbach and the “utopian socialists”: these were the main premises Marx’s doctrine.

This talk – given by leading member of the PCR in France, Jerôme Metellus – will focus on his philosophical method, for it is upon this that the entire body of ideas of scientific socialism depends. Marxism marks a profound break in the entire history of philosophy. As Marx emphasized in the 11th of his Theses on Feuerbach, our philosophy seeks not only to interpret the world, but to transform it.

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We are often criticised by Maoists, or those at least sympathetic to Mao, as being nitpickers subjecting real revolutions to unrealistic purity tests. They say that in doing so, we effectively side with western imperialism, and fail to recognise the heroic anti-imperialist work of Mao and the Chinese Communist Party.

If Mao was such an exemplar of anti-imperialism, how do we explain the Sino-Soviet Split, in which the world’s two largest planned economies fought against one another instead of uniting against imperialism? How do we explain Mao’s resulting embrace of Nixon and the precursor to the EU as part of his struggle with the USSR?

Why did these strange events take place, and what do they tell us about ‘Socialism in One Country? Why does Mao have such a strong reputation as an anti-imperialist if he collaborated with imperialist countries? Is China’s rise as an imperialist power a contradiction of Maoism, or a logical consequence? What are the relevant lessons for today’s epoch of imperialist proxy wars and the rise of China as imperialist? This talk by Daniel Morley will answer all these questions and more.

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The 1929 Wall Street crash was a defining moment. It precipitated the slump of 1929-31, the deepest slump ever experienced by capitalism. Of course, the bourgeois economists attempt to cover up the real reasons for the slump. The aim of this talk is to explain not only what happened but its causes in the endemic crisis of capitalist overproduction.

Rob Sewell in this talk will explore the consequences of the slump and how it also ushered in the Great Depression of the 1930s. Above all, we need to learn the lessons for today, which have never been more relevant with many of the symptoms of the crash emerging at this time.

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Marxism is often caricatured as a dull, grey theory, narrowly focused on politics and economics.

In fact the opposite is true.

As revolutionaries we are not only fighting for bread, but to emancipate the enormous cultural treasures of human civilisation which, today, are in the hands of a small minority. As Leon Trotsky put it, “not by politics alone does man thrive”. Communists must take a keen interest in art and culture, which are integral parts of the development of human society.

In this talk Alan Woods, leading theoretician of the Revolutionary Communist International, will examine some of the great revolutions in art and society, and the role of art in the emancipation of mankind.

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The Cuban Revolution is facing its most dangerous period ever. Since the beginning of the year, US imperialism has massively ramped up its decades-long assault by enacting an oil blockade, bullying Latin American countries to expel Cuban doctors and implementing secondary sanctions (forcing hotel operators and mining companies from Spain, Canada, Australia and other countries out of the island), threatening military invasion and indicting Raul Castro.

In this context, the Cuban leadership has approved a series of economic measures which, if implemented, would mean the restoration of capitalism.

What is the history of the Cuban Revolution and what are its accomplishments? Why do we say it is the duty of communists all over the world to defend it? And how can it be saved? Leading comrade Jorge Martin will introduce this vital discussion.

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Decades of ideological struggle inside the revolutionary movement in Russia culminated in the successful revolution of 1917. In the heat of that revolution, Lenin and Trotsky found themselves in full agreement on the tasks facing the movement. Trotsky joined the Bolshevik Party and the two revolutionaries led the October Revolution, which transformed human history.

After Lenin’s death, Trotsky’s past differences with Lenin were dragged up, distorted and put to use in the factional struggle against Trotsky. But the struggle against ‘Trotskyism’ in reality severed the ideas of the Communist movement not just from those of Trotsky, but also those of Lenin and Marxism.

This legacy is one we live with to this day, with continued distortions of not just the ideas of Trotsky, but also those of Lenin. This is why Wellred is this year republishing Lenin & Trotsky – What They Really Stood For to defend the genuine ideas of Lenin and Trotsky against slanders and misconceptions. This will serve a new generation of revolutionaries in the ideas that shook the world.

To introduce this vital topic, we will have Niklas Albin Svensson speaking – a leading member of the Revolutionary Communist International.

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The Epstein scandal exposes the full moral decay of the capitalist class. For the rich and powerful, power comes with a sense of total impunity to exploit the most vulnerable and a rejection of common moral principles. In the face of the rottenness of the Epstein class, ordinary people are beginning to question the very morality of the system in which we live.

This talk by Hélène Bissonnette – leading member of the Revolutionary Communist Party in Canada – will explain how morality develops, its hypocritical nature under class society, and the crisis of bourgeois morality today.

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Classical music may seem a world apart from revolutionary politics — but it isn’t.

The legacy of Dmitri Shostakovich has been the subject of a veritable war of interpretations in the half-century since his death. As an opponent of Stalin’s regime, he is often portrayed as an anti-communist, opposed to everything the USSR stood for. Others, noting his decision to remain in the Soviet Union and compose works that resonated with the needs of society, paint him as a Stalinist stooge — a puppet of the CPSU. Neither of these portrayals is even remotely accurate.

In this talk, Peter Kwasiborski, leading member of the RCP, will explore the life and music of Shostakovich — and his true legacy: that of the musical conscience of the genuine ideals of the October Revolution. A legacy that should be upheld and cherished by the Bolsheviks of today.

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Social Democracy in its early days swore allegiance to Marxism. In many countries it became the main party of the working class. But due to the subjective weaknesses of its leaders – lacking theoretical clarity – and the pressures of the powerful economic boom of the 1890s through to the First World war, Social Democracy abandoned the ideas of revolution and moved towards reformism. They then went on to betray one revolution after another, playing the role of strike-breakers and holding back the working class. This in turn prepared the ground for the rise of fascism.

After the Second World War, on the back of the unprecedented post-war boom, Social Democracy had a new lease of life, becoming once again a dominant force within the labour movement. However, once that boom ended in the 1970s, its leaders were once again called on to put out the fires of the class struggle. They have governed carrying out the policies demanded by the capitalist class, thus losing much of the support they once had.

Fred Weston will explain, from a Marxist point of view, why all this happened and what needs to be built today.

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